The focus of this paper is to explore how residential patterns affect intergroup relations. You will use research approaches such as observation and secondary data analysis to further understand your community. Remember, you should conduct the observation (Step 2 below) on the same locale for which you completed the demographic report in your Week Three assignment (Step 1 below). If you are currently overseas or have other barriers that prevent you from physically accessing a location in the U.S., please contact your instructor for alternative assignment instructions.
Step 1: Using Secondary Data Use the data gathered on your chosen locality in the Week Three assignment, “Demographic Report,” and implement any feedback from your instructor into your paper. If more data is needed, use demographic data from the latest census (available online using the US Census
American FactFinder (Links to an external site.)
) and identify the various social and economic characteristics (i.e., education, population, housing, race, class, etc.) of this locale. You can also check government websites for your state, county or city for data. Present your findings in two to three pages of the paper.Step 2: Using an Observational StudyNext, spend 30 to 60 minutes observing your community. Go to a central place in your town such as the center of the city, a major landmark, or you can drive or walk to different areas and observe for a few minutes. Take notes of what you observe, including the types of people you see, the economic conditions, as well as the businesses or other institutions that are present. Based on your observations, what can you tell about the economic condition of the majority of people? Is the locale integrated or segregated? In this step, consider the information you have gathered in Step 1 regarding social and economic characteristics, and identify whether it matches what you have recorded from your observation. Be sure to compare the data you gathered from your observations to what was found in the census data and make note if there are differences. Present your findings in one to two pages of the paper.Step 3: Analysis and Reporting of Research Analyze your data and present your responses in two to three pages in the paper:
Here are some examples of aspects to consider: Historically, has there always been racial segregation or not? Was it traditionally an area of immigration from a certain ethnic region? Is there an LGBT community? Was it an industrial area that had a strong working class community, or is it a technology area with highly educated citizens? Have there been efforts to desegregate or plans in the future?
1
An Introduction to Sociology
Stockbyte/Thinkstock
Chapter Outline
1.1 Sociology and the Sociological Approach
1.2 The Development of Sociology
1.3 Theoretical Perspectives
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Learning Objectives
After completing this chapter, you should be able to:
•
Describe what the discipline of sociology is and why it is necessary.
•
Discuss the work of early sociological theorists and their contributions to understanding modern society.
•
•
Understand the sociological imagination and to see the relationship between social
issues and personal troubles.
Explain each of the theoretical perspectives in sociology with an eye toward using
each to analyze elements of social life throughout the text.
In the 2013 documentary American Winter, eight families from the Portland, Oregon, area
are followed for several months as they struggle in the wake of the economic downtown that
started in the United States in late 2006. The film’s families are confronted with unemployment, with some temporarily laid off and others facing long-term joblessness. They face a host
of economic challenges caused by the lack of regular work, mounting medical bills, and unexpected deaths. Each family faces wrenching decisions: Pay the utility bills or the mortgage?
Where do we go after our home has been foreclosed on—live in a car or turn to extended family for shelter? How will the kids be affected as they continue to attend school?
Although economists declared the recession technically over in 2009, thousands of individuals and families of all stripes have continued to struggle long after that. Many families had
done what American culture asked of them. They pursued higher education. They found
work. They started families and stayed together. They bought houses and took care of one
another. Somehow they still ended up struggling to simply survive.
The Great Recession of 2007–2009
was the result of serious crises in the
housing and banking sectors of the
U.S. economy. In the previous decade,
the housing market had seen unprecedented growth with a substantial
increase in both the price of and
demand for residential housing. During the height of the real estate boom,
financial firms started to engage in a
variety of high-risk lending practices
(e.g., subprime mortgages). These highrisk mortgages were then pooled and
sold as “mortgage-backed securities.”
Investment banks saw these mortgagebacked securities as highly profitable
investments and they often acquired
them on credit. This increased demand
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Magnus Johansson/iStock/Thinkstock
During the financial crisis of 2007–2009, many
homeowners could not afford to keep their homes.
Millions lost their homes to foreclosure.
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encouraged underwriters to fund even more risky mortgages. These loans often had exotic
terms with little or no down payment, interest-only payments for the first several years, and
an adjustable interest rate.
In 2006, the real estate bubble burst. Home values rapidly declined and interest rates
increased. Some home owners were now unable (or unwilling) to pay their mortgages. Overextended investment banks were now holding “toxic assets,” and many were no longer financially viable. In 2008, the colossal investment bank Lehman Brothers declared bankruptcy
(the largest in U.S. history). The federal government had to use tax money to “bail out” a number of other financial institutions. In turn, many businesses closed or laid off workers; others
shelved plans for expansion. The entire economy slowed, consumers decreased spending,
and oil prices began to rise. The Great Recession had a catastrophic impact on the American
people. The unemployment rate peaked at over 10% and there were more than 4 million
home foreclosures.
This was an example of a historical event, something occurring in the context of the larger
society, that can have a dramatic influence of the life of an individual. The Pew Research Center (2010) conducted an insightful study of approximately 3,000 Americans regarding their
personal experiences with the recession. The results illustrate several ways in which forces in
the larger society impacted the lives of individual Americans:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Unemployment was a widespread concern. Among American workers, nearly one
third (32%) had experienced unemployment during the recession. The average
worker had been unemployed for a period of six months.
Basic personal finances were a concern for many. Just over one quarter of adults
(27%) reported only having money to cover the necessities, while another 11%
claimed they lacked sufficient funds to cover their needed expenses. One out of
every five adults reported having problems paying their mortgage or rent.
Many employed adults experienced significant changes at their job. More than one
quarter (28%) of employees reported that their hours had been reduced, and 23%
had received a pay cut. On the other hand, approximately one third of employees had
to take extra hours or overtime shifts to cover their bills.
The wealth of the average American household was negatively affected. In fact, in
2008, it shrank 20%, the greatest drop since World War II. Almost half of the homeowners (48%) reported a decrease in the value of their property. In fact, 21% of the
homeowners were “underwater.” This means that the mortgage holder owes more in
loans than the current market value of the home.
The recession impacted individual retirement planning. Nearly one third (32%) of
adults age 62 or older reported they were delaying retirement because of the recession. Out of those adults who had retirement accounts (e.g., 401K), 41% reported
taking withdrawals to pay their bills.
The economic crisis has even affected living arrangements. About one tenth (9%) of
adults who had previously lived independently returned home to live with their
parents. However, this increased to nearly one out of every four (24%) of the adults
in the 18–29 age group.
Source: Based on Pew Research Center. (2010). A balance sheet at 30 months: How the great recession has changed life in America.
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Sociology and the Sociological Approach
Section 1.1
1.1 Sociology and the Sociological Approach
First and foremost, human beings are social beings. For ages, people have been faced with
common problems, such as adapting to their physical environment, acquiring food and shelter, and caring for their offspring. Over the course of time, humans have developed various
strategies for coordinating their efforts to collectively respond to these shared challenges.
Successful group living requires cooperation, communication, and specialization. As a result
of this collective organization, human behavior tends to occur in relatively stable and predictable patterns.
At birth, we enter a society with preexisting social arrangements. We are placed into social
positions such as nationality, gender, race, social class, and religion. Over the course of our
lives, we find ourselves positioned as members of various groups and organizations, such as
the family, school, community, and workplace. As a result, each person is confronted with a
variety of socially defined expectations. Social forces have a tremendous impact on us as individuals. They influence how we think and behave. They impact how we see other people, as
well as how other people see us. In large part, the social environment determines our overall
quality of life, for better or worse.
Sociology is the scientific study of society and the various aspects of social life, such as the
interplay between the individual and society and the patterns of behavior that emerge. Specifically, sociologists study social structure or the preexisting patterns of expected behavior that
organize society into predictable relationships. Structure emerges from interactions between
social actors and can potentially be changed through these interactions. Sociologists also
assume that the existing structure has an effect on the way actors think, act, and perceive their
world. Therefore, sociologists have quite a task; we must understand these structural patterns
(as they are likely influencing our behavior). We also need to understand the sources of these
patterns (as any change that emerges in society will likely come from the same sources). Since
the source of structure is human interaction, we need to understand the communication of
meaning and, ultimately, the way these structures and meaning systems cause us to perceive
things in our environment.
s-c-s/iStock Editorial/Thinkstock
Our social environment influences the way we think,
behave, interact with one another, and perceive the
world.
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Sociology provides a unique and important perspective on human behavior by
examining the role that broader social
forces play in shaping human behavior.
As an academic discipline, sociology
is interested in topics such as social
inequality based on race, ethnicity,
gender, social class, sexuality, physical ability, and a number of other variables. We study culture, socialization,
and interaction. We try to understand
how social control works to encourage pro-social behaviors, and why we
get crime when these attempts fail. By
understanding how the larger society
affects the lives of its individual members, we achieve a greater understanding of the human experience. Sociology
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Sociology and the Sociological Approach
Section 1.1
can prepare students in every career track by helping them to better understand and deal with
those they come into contact with on a daily basis, including co-workers, clients, patients, and
customers. Sociology provides practical skills that are needed to identify the underlying social
issues and solve “real world” problems.
There are two major levels of social reality, macroscopic and microscopic (Ritzer, 1988). As a
result, there are two levels of sociological analysis. Macrosociology focuses on broader social
forces, patterns, and trends. Macrosociology examines things such as unemployment rates
and trends in the housing market. Microsociology examines the smaller-scale aspects of the
social world: the individual and groups. This includes topics such as the individual’s experience of losing a job or the family’s experience of losing their home to foreclosure.
The Sociological Approach
Sociology provides a unique and important perspective on human behavior. The influential sociologist C. Wright Mills (1959) emphasized the sociological imagination, which he
defined as the ability to see the relationship between a person’s experiences and the society in which he or she lives. An individual’s biography is largely a product of history and
social structure. Personal problems are often rooted in social issues. As Peter Berger (1963)
observed, things are rarely, if ever, as simple as they seem on the surface. Social forces beyond
the individuals’ control, such as war, recession, and discrimination, can shape the course of
their lives. If we can gain a better understanding of society and social forces, we can gain a
better understanding of human behavior. This type of analysis helps us to uncover the underlying relationships among events and to place them in an understandable framework.
However, the sociological approach is often contrary to “conventional wisdom.” For example, in the United States a tremendous amount of emphasis is placed on individualism. Many
Americans believe that each person makes decisions and actions that determine that person’s
station in life (income, status in the community, and so on). Joel R. Feagin (2014) conducted
an insightful study of Americans’ attitudes toward the poor. The results indicated that people
are more likely to attribute poverty to individual causes rather than social causes. Factors
such as inadequate morals, alcoholism, and a lack of effort were cited more commonly than
discrimination or systematic failures of industry or education.
However, seemingly personal experiences, such as work, housing, and food shopping, are
products of the employment, stock, and housing markets. The Great Recession of 2007–2009
is a recent illustration of how trends in the broader society intersect to influence reality for
the individual. People lost their jobs and homes. Among the employed, millions endured cuts
in hours and pay. Many people struggled just to pay the bills. Nest eggs were raided and retirements postponed. The values of the most common assets of many middle-class Americans,
their homes and investment accounts (e.g., 401K, IRA), were devastated.
While it may be tempting for some to view many of these issues solely as “personal troubles,” such
an approach ignores important elements of the story. It was certainly a mistake each time home
buyers signed a mortgage they couldn’t afford, or workers failed to save money for emergency
situations, or families lived above their means through credit cards. The value of Mills’ approach
in the sociological imagination is to encourage the examination of all factors: structural, historical, and individual. The widespread and common outcomes of the Great Recession strongly suggest that these outcomes resulted from something beyond millions of people all making the same
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The Development of Sociology
Section 1.2
poor financial decisions. For example, banks were aggressively pursuing mortgage candidates—
hence the term “predatory lending.” The government had decreased its regulation of the lending
industry so there was little oversight to notice the risky loans being approved.
Even the “bail out” that was needed to save some failing institutions requires a structural
understanding. For example, two of the “big three” automakers required government assistance to stay afloat during the economic downturn. Some may see the failure of a car maker
as an institutional level “personal issue” and think it best to simply let that car company fail.
Such an approach fails to recognize the ripple effect such a failure would cause. Thousands of
employees from these companies would be out of work, and so would all the employees of the
companies that make parts for these cars. Additionally, employees in any company producing raw materials (i.e., iron, steel, rubber) used to make these cars would be hurt, as would
the car dealers and the gas and oil companies that supply fuel. Had these companies simply
failed, the impact to the overall economy would have been catastrophic. Mills directs us to
understand that the outcomes are driven by personal choices but are equally effected by the
historical time frame and existing patterns of behavior that are enveloped by society.
Norbert Elias wrote in his book What is Sociology? (1978) that the job of the sociologist is to
be the destroyer of myths. The sociologist questions common sense instead of simply accepting cultural ideas or standards at face value. It is the task of sociology to ask questions that
typically do not get asked and to look for connections that people are typically not willing or
not able to see. Most importantly, it is the job of the sociologist to look for facts that support
or refute common-sense claims, moving past “hope” or “idea” or “belief” to draw conclusions
based on empirical fact and evidence. In short, we must be able to understand the personal
issue, the historical era, and the social patterns to be able to ascertain and explain how those
elements interact and cause the observed outcome.
1.2 The Development of Sociology
The historical and social setting of 18thand 19th-century Western Europe
dramatically influenced the development of sociology. While a number of
factors influenced the development
of sociology as an academic discipline
(see Ritzer, 1988), the Industrial Revolution was an especially noteworthy
influence. In a relatively short period of
time, Western Europe was transformed
from an agricultural society to an
industrial society. Rather than working in a farm setting, most people now
worked manufacturing jobs in a factory setting. Most worked long hours
in an unsafe environment and received
relatively little pay. Urbanization was
a second important factor. Since the
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Album/Prisma/Album/Superstock
The rapid social changes of the 17th and 18th centuries, including the Industrial Revolution, were driving forces behind the development of sociology.
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The Development of Sociology
Section 1.2
manufacturing jobs were located in urban areas, workers and their families had to pull up their
rural roots and relocate to rapidly growing cities. These urban areas were plagued by a variety
of problems, including overcrowding, poverty, crime, and pollution.
In addition, during the Enlightenment, there was an increasing emphasis on logical and
rational inquiry via the scientific method. The scientific method does not refer to a singular
research technique, but rather to a systematic approach to studying a given subject matter.
Because scholars took a more systematic approach and shared their methods and results,
great advances were made in the fields of biology, chemistry, and physics. Consequently, some
researchers became interested in applying the scientific method to the study of society and
social problems.
Auguste Comte
Auguste Comte (1794–1859) was a French philosopher who is widely considered to be the
ideological founder of sociology. Comte believed that his “social physics” could use observable
facts to locate the existence of abstract social laws, much like Isaac Newton did in identifying
the laws of gravity. Comte was concerned with two issues that that had plagued social philosophers for years—what holds society together (which he termed “social statics”) and what
causes social change (“social dynamics”). Comte believed that these had been incorrectly
regarded as contradictory forces because revolutionary groups had generally supported social
dynamics, while those who were more conservative
hoped to maintain the status quo. He wished to
resolve this dispute.
Album/Documenta/Album/Superstock
Auguste Comte introduced the term
sociology and is generally considered
to be the “father” of sociology.
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Comte argued that all societies progress through
three stages of history. First, in the theological
phase, humanity is understood with reference to
an almighty god. Eventually the society moves away
from a strictly religious understanding and relies
more on logical speculation and abstract thought.
Finally, society shifts into a positivist stage in which
knowledge comes from scientific empiricism and all
social behavior is governed by facts. Comte maintained that modern society must stop the constant
negativity and criticism that had plagued much of
Europe during his lifetime and instead build a body
of common knowledge using proof and facts. Comte
believed this body of knowledge would result in
a unity of ideas and beliefs under the umbrella of
scientific empiricism that he called “positivism.”
Scientific knowledge, as the moral force that unites
society, would become both the engine for change
and the cause of consistency.
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The Development of Sociology
Section 1.2
Emile Durkheim
Emile Durkheim (1858–1916) was a pioneering French sociologist. Although he descended
from a long line of rabbis, his interest in religion was purely academic. He was troubled by what
he perceived as a moral disintegration in French society and he was interested in the notion
of moral education. Durkheim was largely responsible for the idea of a “science” of social
life and the social world (Ritzer, 1988). His work focused on actual research and scientific
investigation, rather than solely abstract theorizing. Durkheim was particularly interested in
the impact of large-scale social structures on the thoughts and actions of the individual. He
rejected any attempts to explain human behavior that were based solely on individual factors
such as psychology and biology (Coser, 1977).
Fundamental to Durkheim’s sociology was the concept of social facts. Social facts are social
forces and cultural factors that are outside of and coercive to the individual. Examples include
laws, customs, collective morality, public opinion, and cultural norms. Durkheim believed that
social facts exert a real influence on individuals that is independent of any personal, psychological, and biological characteristics. These forces and factors are objectively real and exert
a constraint over the individual; that is, they influence and can even control the individual’s
conduct. Durkheim argued that humans were moral beings to the extent that they were social
beings, and he believed a connection to society would provide a collective consciousness—
a set of moral attitudes and shared beliefs that give direction and purpose to the life of the
individual and assure interconnection to all in society. However, he asserted, when there are
problems in the social structure, the regulations that govern an individual’s actions can break
down, making it hard for people to behave morally. Durkheim’s most famous contribution to
sociology, his study of suicide rates in Western Europe, is featured in the box titled, “Sociology
in Action: Durkheim’s Suicide Study.”
Sociology in Action: Durkheim’s Suicide Study
Emile Durkheim is perhaps best known for his comprehensive study of suicide rates in
Western Europe. Drawing on data from government sources, he examined suicide rates for
the latter half of the 19th century. To start his argument that suicide is a social act, Durkheim
preemptively refuted competing explanations that attributed suicide to biology, psychology,
heredity, race, and climate. He found that the rates of suicide varied by region, and the high
rates of this behavior tended to cluster in certain geographical spaces. Even within certain
societies, there were systematic variations in the rates of this behavior. If, indeed, suicide was
an individual act, there should be no systematic differences between group rates—suicide
should be randomly distributed across groups.
Durkheim (1897/1951) found several differences in the patterns of suicide rates that included:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
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Protestants had a higher suicide rate than Catholics.
Single people had higher suicide rates than married people.
Individuals who did not have children had a higher rate than people who were parents.
Suicide rates were higher during times of war than in times of peace.
Economic upheaval (e.g., recession, economic expansion) results in an increase in
suicide rates.
(continued)
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The Development of Sociology
Section 1.2
Sociology in Action: Durkheim’s Suicide Study (continued)
Durkheim concluded that these differences in suicide
rates were a function of social relations among groups.
He argued that social integration, or the connection
of an individual to a group, was key to understanding
suicide rates. The greater the level of social integration
for any particular group, the less likely its members will
be to commit suicide. For example, Catholics had a very
strong communal base to their religion and a higher
level of social integration. Married people are generally
JGI/Jamie Gill/Getty Images
more socially integrated than single people. Individuals
According to Durkheim, all types
who have children are typically more socially integrated of personal problems, including
than people who do not have children. However,
suicide, are more common among
isolated individuals who have low
those who lack adequate integration (the unchurched,
levels of social integration.
unmarried, and childless, among others) are less
likely to feel the normal pressure of society. Durkheim
referred to this condition as egoism, as the individual is left to make decisions on his or her
own without the influence of the collective consciousness that guides normal moral behavior.
When we are left to make decisions on our own, we are more likely to take radical options,
such as choosing to end our lives.
War is a significant event for a society and it typically creates disruption in the integrations
of that society. Similarly, any economic upheaval, such as a recession, will have an adverse
impact on social integration. In these situations, the suicide rate increases not simply
because of a lack of integration but because of rapid changes to the social structures.
Suddenly, what people had experienced as normal disappears and individuals are forced
to make sense of a world with which they are unfamiliar. Durkheim termed this anomie,
or normlessness. Consider college students away from home for the first time. They are
suddenly able to make their own rules and choices, away from their parents’ prying eyes.
However, they also have left the familiarity of home behind, as well as most of their friends.
They are now in a place where the social dangers that they have been warned about their
entire lives (i.e., drinking, drugs, sex) may be taking place in the bunk above them on a
nightly basis. The norms of home are not always replaced by new ones at school, which
leaves students feeling adrift. Durkheim’s work helps explain why suicide has been shown to
be the leading cause of mortality among college students, far outpacing traffic-related deaths
(Turner, Leno, & Keller 2013).
Durkheim concluded that suicide is not solely an individual act and it is not solely the result
of individual characteristics. Although suicide is an act done by one person, that act has its
roots in social forces. The suicide rate for any group or society is a social fact that reflects the
level of social integration within a group or society. A change in the level of social integration
translates into a change in the suicide rate. Increased social integration increases the bonds
among members of a society. In turn, these bonds serve to regulate an individual’s behavior
and provide constraints against self-destructive behaviors such as suicide.
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The Development of Sociology
Section 1.2
Karl Marx
Karl Marx (1818–1883) slightly predated sociology, but his ideas on power and domination
have been influential in informing our understanding of stratification and inequality in society. Marx’s work must be read as an analysis of economic factors as nearly all of his work
focused entirely on social class, which he believed to be the fundamental challenge of the
capitalist era. Marx believed that economic capitalism was a flawed system that could only
end one way—with the dominant economic class (termed the “bourgeoisie”) using their everincreasing power to dominate the economic, social, and ideological elements of society. He
predicted that eventually there would be a point where a small number of people controlled
nearly all the resources available in society while the masses, or working class (termed the
“proletariat”), fought over the leftovers. He further explained that the exploited classes would
not recognize their true class location because of the “false consciousness” created by the
bourgeoisie to distract them from recognizing their misery. Marx cites organized religion as
one form of false consciousness because many of the major religions encourage sacrifice and
forbid coveting your neighbors’ goods. The religions promise that if people live a pure, industrious, non-violent life they will be rewarded in the afterlife. (Consider sayings about how it is
easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a rich man to enter the kingdom of heaven and about how the meek shall inherit the earth.) By believing in this promise,
even if they recognize how much the existing system is taking advantage of them, the proletarians are unlikely to jeopardize their heavenly rewards by attempting reforms. Some Marxists see other variables that divide and
distract the proletariat from their true
class locations as false consciousnesses, and these include race, nationality, sexuality, and gender. Essentially,
they believe class is the source of all
inequality.
Marx believed that eventually the false
consciousness would fail to work and
the masses would become united, recognize their similarities and common
interests (termed “class consciousness”), and overthrow the capitalist system. A new economic system
David McNew/Stringer/Getty Images
would rise that would avoid capitalThis Occupy Wall Street protest is an expression of
ism’s class inequality; it would instead
the working class’s frustrations with capitalism that be a communist system that restricts
Karl Marx wrote about.
private ownership and encourages
all to work together for the common
good. While the inevitable global, communist revolution that Marx believed was imminent
in the 1870s has yet to occur, the focus on class inequality, power dynamics, and domination
and oppression continue to inform sociological understanding of inequality and social justice. Even today, many Marxists will argue that global indicators all continue to move in the
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The Development of Sociology
Section 1.2
direction that Marx predicted and the fall of capitalism may be just around the corner. Later
discussions in this text will highlight other Marxist concepts, such as the alienation of the
worker in capitalism. The economics chapter (Chapter 10) will also highlight the differences
between capitalism and socialism and communism, as well as the misuse of these terms in
the modern world.
Max Weber
Max Weber (1864–1920) was a German sociologist who wrote in the early 1900s. Weber has
a diverse legacy in sociology that includes some of the earliest microsociological work as well
as influential works on religion, the nature of power, and social organizations. Weber’s work
notes an increasing reliance on rationality in western societies that Weber was concerned
would be detrimental to society in the long run. For generations, those studying society had
argued that society would be best served moving toward evidence-based understandings of
the world. Weber noted that in modern societies, people pursued goals almost exclusively
using rules and regulations that would lead to achieving those goals in the most efficient way
possible. He feared that the increase in rationality would lead to a decrease in valuing traditions, emotions, and beliefs, which could leave humans lacking creativity.
As evidence, Weber pointed to the increased use of bureaucracy as the organizing principle
of any large group of people. The bureaucracy is a set of formal rules and regulations designed
to create an organization that operates at maximum efficiency. For Weber, the rise of bureaucracies was necessary because traditional ways of organizing people had fallen out of favor.
It was no longer acceptable to structure society based on caste, bloodlines, race, ethnicity, or
gender in modern society. Instead, decisions were made solely on skills and technical qualifications that could improve the efficiency of the group (Gerth & Mills,
1946). While all of this sounds appropriate and acceptable to those in modern society, the heavy reliance on rules
and regulations threatens individual
decision making and makes us increasingly reliant on the bureaucracy.
Weber feared it could ultimately lock
us in an “iron cage of rationality”
where our entire purpose is to follow
the rules placed in front of us (Gerth &
Mills, 1946). In later discussions in
this text, Weber’s work on bureaucracy will resurface, as will his discusFuse/Thinkstock
sions of the source of power in society, Max Weber believed that although bureaucracies
and his role in the development of are highly efficient, they can be an “iron cage” that
sociological research methods.
traps the human spirit.
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The Development of Sociology
Section 1.2
Early Contributors to Sociology in the United States
Sociology as a discipline has its roots in the Enlightenment and the subsequent philosophical
debates about the nature of man that followed. Questions about the role of industry, the influence of government, and the rights of individuals drove early sociological thought in Europe.
On the other side of the Atlantic Ocean, the United States was experiencing the same type
of industrial growth and social change. Inevitably, sociological thought and practice found a
home in America.
Harriet Martineau
Visual & Written/Visual & Written/Superstock
Harriet Martineau was an early
feminist and social critic who made a
number of important contributions to
sociology in early America.
Harriet Martineau (1802–1876) was an early
British social critic and feminist. Martineau translated and interpreted Auguste Comte’s Positive
Philosophy into English in 1851. She traveled to
the United States in 1835 and, after her travels,
wrote Society in America in 1837, a work that was
highly critical of inequality in the United States.
Martineau found American claims of being a practicing democracy questionable because the country maintained slavery, engaged in the oppression
of women, and actively denied both groups education. Martineau was responsible for devising
measures and field protocols to determine the
progress of society, including measuring the condition of the less powerful groups, cultural attitudes toward authority and autonomy, and the
extent to which individuals are able to be independent in the society.
Jane Addams
Jane Addams (1860–1935) was among the earliest practitioners of applied sociology working
with the University of Chicago’s school of sociology and criminology. At the time, the Chicago
School included many of the preeminent early American sociologists and social philosophers,
including George Herbert Mead, W. I. Thomas, Robert Park, and Edwin Sutherland and Florian
Znaniecki—many of whose work will be covered later in the text. The Chicago School is best
known for their work on urban sociology and for laying the framework for symbolic interactionism, the preeminent microsociological theory of the 20th century. Addams is best known
for establishing Hull House in Chicago, a prototype of a community center where needy
people could go to get basic services, food, social support, and education. At Hull House, the
microsociological ideas of the Chicago School were put into practice. Addams was well published in areas of community studies and dealt regularly with needs of women, the poor, and
children. She is also seen as an early proponent of using social science to study public health
and is recognized as a pioneer in the discipline of social work. Addams fought often for social
justice causes, including women’s suffrage and world peace. Her efforts were rewarded with
the Nobel Peace Prize in 1931. Despite her accomplishments, she was rarely recognized as a
full member of the Chicago School because of the sexism of the time.
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The Development of Sociology
Section 1.2
W. E. B. Dubois
W. E. B. DuBois was among the first African Americans to receive a Ph.D. from Harvard and
quickly started a career using social science to understand the questions of race in the United
States. DuBois completed The Philadelphia Negro in 1899, which was one of the first ethnographies of a Black community in the United States. In The Souls of Black Folks (1903), DuBois
pointed out that Blacks (and ultimately all other minorities as well) maintain a double
consciousness. This phenomenon meant that a person in a minority group performs two
scripts, so to speak. One script is typical of anyone in a given culture. The second script is
specific to the minority group. This second script takes into account the external opinions of
others who might view the person with pity, prejudice, or contempt simply because of skin
color (or other markers of difference). For example, while most Americans would enter a
store with a list of items to purchase and credit cards to buy these goods, a minority group
member may face other challenges while undertaking this shopping trip. Trayon Christian, a
19-year-old engineering student, purchased a $349 belt at Barney’s, a high-end store in New
York City. After paying with his debit card and showing identification to the cashier, he left the
store. One block later store security stopped him. They questioned how he could afford such
a purchase, told Christian his card had been reported
stolen, handcuffed him, and took him to the police
station. He was released 42 minutes later with an
apology from police (Burke, Morales, Ross, & Otis,
2013). Christian believed he was being watched
closely by security because he was a young, Black
male shopping for expensive clothes, which led to
the assumption that a person “like him” should be
viewed as “suspicious.”
DuBois hoped to use social science to address the
prejudice and discrimination that surrounded race
in America. Later in his career he became increasingly convinced that agitation was the only way
to solve the problems of race. He was critical of
the ideas of Booker T. Washington, the head of the
Tuskegee Institute and an early civil rights leader,
regarding how African Americans should work to
integrate. Washington believed short-term acceptance of discrimination would lead to increased
opportunities in the long run. DuBois argued that
only demanding equality and full acceptance would
change how Caucasian Americans treated African
Americans. To this end, DuBois helped found the
NAACP in 1909 and used his editorship of the organization’s magazine, The Crisis, to combat racism in
all forms.
dur82087_01_c01_001-026.indd 13
Underwood Photo Archives/Superstock
Sociologist and NAACP founder
W. E. B. Dubois argued that the only
way to end poor treatment of African
Americans is to demand social change
and equality outright, rather than to
accept discrimination in hopes of longterm opportunities.
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Theoretical Perspectives
Section 1.3
1.3 Theoretical Perspectives
The work of these theorists laid the groundwork for the evolution of various theoretical perspectives. In sociology, a theory is the framework for analysis that outlines what to focus on
and provides predictions about logical outcomes within the framework. Many sociologists
have attempted to undercover a single, universal theory to explain human social behavior.
Instead of finding a unified “metatheory,” in most cases these works have simply caused further debate about how society should best be understood. Today, rather than searching for
a single paradigm where there are taken-for-granted ideas and assumptions not debated
by members within a scientific discipline, sociology is multiparadigmatic (see Sociology in
action: Veblen’s Conspicuous Consumption). In the following section, several of the sociological
paradigms will be outlined. These paradigms will be used throughout the text to analyze any
and all social phenomena we encounter.
Functionalism
Functionalism is a theoretical perspective that draws from some of the earliest ideas of sociology. Comte argued that society must be considered a cohesive unit in which all parts work
together. Durkheim built off Comte’s work and argued that society is only possible with solidarity and integration among all parts (Durkheim, 1895/1982). The functionalist perspective
argues that society is best understood as an ordered, stable, interconnected system of parts,
each of which helps meet the needs of the system. The system itself will be 1) organized to
maintain stability and consistency, which should 2) prevent radical or unexpected change
and 3) allow all parts of the system to serve some purpose. Under this model, functionalist
analysis focuses attention on the existing social structure. Structure should guide the organization of the system and define all parts of the system, allowing the function of each part to
be understood.
Durkheim’s work highlights the importance of structure to functionalism. As society is forced
to change due to modernization and industrialization, which leads to the increased need for
unique skills and knowledge, the organization of society changes as well. Traditional societies were organized around a mechanical solidarity where it could be assumed that most
people in that society would live lives similar to one another; they would have attended the
same schools, worshipped at the same churches, had similar ethnical backgrounds, and held
one of a small number of jobs available in a typical small town (farmer, shop owner, teacher,
clergy, etc.). This level of similarity would naturally connect everyone to the social system,
and there would be little variation among people’s experiences and skills. Society would then
work like a simple machine with a few moving parts, each of which could be easily replaced
were it to fail.
Later, as patterns of behavior changed, often around industrialization, it was no longer
safe to assume that integration would happen due to similarity. As factories were built and
jobs became available in those factories, residents of these traditional, small communities
now had a new option; they could work in the industrial sector. This would often require
moving to an area closer to the factory; suddenly, cities would grow in these areas. The
cities were populated by people who were often different in many social ways: religion,
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Theoretical Perspectives
Section 1.3
language, ethnicity, food preferences—essentially everything about an individual that could
be assumed to be similar in the traditional communities now had the possibility of being
different in the city. Individuals began to have different, and very specific, skills because new
technology and industry required it. Workers in a steel mill couldn’t just work in an auto factory the next day because the skills needed were different. Sometimes even skills in different
parts of a single factory were specific to that one area. This change presented a problem to
Durkheim; how can we explain solidarity when all parts of the system are specific, unique,
and diverse? Durkheim argued that the parts of the system were now connected through
this complexity. Each part would develop a specialized function that benefited the whole but
completed specific tasks. Durkheim compared modern society to the human body, using the
term organic solidarity. Just as the brain, lungs, kidneys, and skin are all organs that help
keep a human alive by serving specific tasks, the family, religion, economic system, and individuals all serve a unique purpose to help keep the social system alive and healthy. In each of
these examples, if the system is working effectively and the structures are being maintained,
the system should work well and require little maintenance (Durkheim, 1893/1964). If the
system develops too rapidly or changes unexpectedly, the structures can destabilize and
leave the system out of order. When the structure fails to work the way it should, individuals
are left to make decisions on their own, without feeling the influence of the social structure.
As we saw earlier in the discussion of suicide, since we are used to relying on social structure, this feeling of normlessness, or anomie, can result in our making inappropriate decisions (Durkheim, 1897/1951).
Later works in functionalism began to focus attention the functions within the system. Robert
Merton (1910–2003) drew a distinction between manifest functions, which are the obvious or intended purposes of some part of the system, and latent functions, which are the
unintended consequences of that same part. Merton argued that as the latent functions were
far more plentiful than manifest functions, and often went unconsidered, failing to recognize
the latent functions could result in a poor understanding of the social system (Merton, 1968).
For example, the manifest function of higher education is to provide increased knowledge
and specific skill sets to those who attend college. However, if we ignore the networking
opportunities, friendships, and personal growth that typically occur while students attend
college, we are left with an incomplete picture of the function of college in society. Merton
also wrote of the possibility of dysfunction arising, which could challenge the existing order
and disturb the equilibrium of the system. Within the latent functions of higher education,
there is an emergent culture of binge drinking (Durkin, Wolfe, & Clark, 2005) and a growing
amount of student debt resulting from college attendance. If students are attending college
and, instead of leaving with relevant skills and knowledge, they are leaving with drinking
problems and crippling amounts of debt, higher education could become dysfunctional to
the social system.
Much of the early work in sociology emerged from the functionalist perspective in order to
understand patterns in society and the parameters of sociological analysis. Critiques of the
functionalist perspectives began to emerge in two directions; one critiquing the functionalist
assumption that the existing system was effective and a second finding fault with the exclusive focus on the structures of society, ignoring the influence of the individual. These critiques
led to the development of conflict theories and symbolic interaction theories.
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Theoretical Perspectives
Section 1.3
Conflict
Conflict theory emerges from the functionalist assumption that the consistency and stability
of the social system are, by definition, positive. Instead of seeing the social system as the home
of strong, voluntary moral consensus, conflict theorists argue that society is best understood
as a constant struggle over power and scarce resources. Whichever group is able to maximize
their resources can use their control to establish structures that will benefit their own group.
Interestingly, as both are macro-level perspectives, conflict theorists and functionalists often
arrive similar conclusions. However, functionalists believe these outcomes are good for the
whole society; conflict theorists tend to see the outcomes as the result of domination by the
more powerful group.
Most conflict analysis revolves around the concept of power, which is the ability of a man,
or group of men, to make their wishes happen despite the opposition of others (Weber &
Maximilian, 1947). Power is an element of any social relationship and always has the potential to be abused by those who hold it. The conflict perspective, perhaps not surprisingly, has
a history of conflict within it. Two traditions have developed around two classic theorists to
debate how power should be understood.
Marxist conflict theory emerges from the work of Karl Marx, the economist and political
activist discussed earlier in this chapter. Marx was unconcerned with a scientific analysis of
power and social patterns surrounding it. Instead, his work focused on the almost-certain
abuse of economic power in a capitalist economy. For Marx, you either owned the means of
production and benefited from the wealth, power, and control that position provided or you
were the means of production and were consistently taken advantage of within the corrupt
system organized by capitalists to protect their wealth. While modern Marxist analysis has
strayed from the strictly economic model, it has maintained a simplistic understanding of
power; you are either a “have” or a “have-not.” Marxists also point to the establishment of
dominant ideologies, which are shared ideas or beliefs that serve to justify and legitimize
the power that the dominant group holds. If our culture believes “you get what you deserve,”
then we need not question why the rich are rich and the poor are poor: The rich deserve
to be wealthy and the poor have some fundamental flaw that prevents them from succeeding. While Marx’s work has come under much scrutiny, it does provide an important basis to
understand inequality and domination. Marx also provides a solid platform for those who
wish to pursue social justice.
Competing with Marx’s understanding of power is Max Weber’s. Weber was trained as a sociologist and as a result had a desire to understand power as fully as possible. Rather than
understanding power only in its most corrupt state, Weber seeks to understand the myriad
ways power can be gained and used. Weber argues that power must be seen as multifaceted
and available in a wide variety of ways. While power can certainly be economic, it can also
be derived from social networks, skills, qualifications, physical strength, cultural traditions,
and even personality. What clearly sets Weber’s understanding of power apart from Marx
is his assertion that, in order to be legitimate, power must involve some degree of compliance from those the power is held over (Weber, 1904/1958). Weber discusses traditional
authority, which arises from a devotion to a cultural idea that certain people inherit power
through their social position or bloodlines (i.e., monarchies, feudal systems). Legal-rational
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Theoretical Perspectives
Section 1.3
authority distributes power to various positions created in society. Once the powerful positions have been created, any person possessing certain credentials can be placed into that
position and be given the power associated with that position (i.e., doctor, judge, chief of
police). Finally, one can gain power through the strength of one’s personality. Charismatic
authority is power that emerges not due to any tradition or qualifications but because people
see the leader as heroic or magical (Weber, 1904/1958).
Each type of power is important to the Weberian understanding of power for two reasons.
First, none of these types is based on, or even requires, money. Charismatic authority, especially, is power that emerges from no previous social arrangement; many famous examples of
charismatic people (Bill Clinton, Charles Manson, Martin Luther King, Jr., Adolph Hitler, etc.)
have little in common except for humble beginnings and the ability to convince numbers of
people to listen to what they have to say. While it is certainly possible, and even likely, that
wealthy people can have charismatic authority, it is the one source of power that can arise
from any social arrangement. It is potentially a significant source of social change.
Second, the power can be removed by the masses. For example, if the people of Great Britain
suddenly decided that they no longer cared about the House of Windsor, then the importance
of Prince William, Princess Kate, and their child, Prince George, disappears as their traditional authority is removed. Similarly, if a person were to complete years of education, pass
state medical exams, and be licensed by the state as an M.D., but no patients trusted the doctor to practice medicine on them, the power of that legal position would be minimized.
Consider Weber’s work The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904/1958). Here
Weber analyzes Protestants’ higher rates of academic success in European countries with
diverse religious populations. Weber points to several Protestant beliefs that lead members
of these religious groups to work hard, spend little, and invest wisely, all with the intended
purpose of giving glory to God. Ultimately, these same practices make Protestants ideal capitalists (hard work, extra capital to invest, and a plan of action for success) so they become
wealthy. Weber’s analysis indicates that the motivation for all the labor and sacrifice undertaken by Protestants and the cause of their success in the economic realm is the desire to be
close to God and to fulfill His calling for them. A Marxist analysis of this same data would consider Weber’s conclusion to be part of the ideology—simply a story created by the rich to justify their oppressive economic behavior . . . which it may be. The value of Weber’s approach
is the attempt to understand the drives, desires, emotions, and beliefs of individuals. His call
to do such analysis opens the door for microsociology and has repercussions for the methods
used in sociology.
The conflict perspective, whether Marxist or Weberian, focuses attention on the unequal
distribution of power and the result of this inequality in the structures of society. However,
since the power inequality ends up being built into the structures of society, the inequality is
unlikely to be resolved. It must be understood as a defining factor in the system.
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Theoretical Perspectives
Section 1.3
Sociology in Action: Veblen’s Conspicuous Consumption
Thorsten Veblen is an American sociologist of the late 1800s best known for his work
The Theory of the Leisure Class (Veblen & Almy, 1899). Veblen points out that in modern
capitalism the most common way to indicate status is through a variety of conspicuous
displays: taking long vacations (termed “conspicuous leisure”), going on big-game hunting
trips in which the animal is killed only as a trophy and the rest of the meat and usable parts
are simply discarded (termed “conspicuous waste”), purchasing multiple or expensive
cars for the purpose of displaying to others your disposable income (termed “conspicuous
consumption”). These actions all serve to indicate to others your relative status.
Veblen’s concepts are particularly interesting in that he made his observations over
100 years ago, and they seem to be even more valuable today than they were then. Veblen’s
ideas tend to read very differently, depending on which of the main theoretical perspectives
is being applied. For example, when analyzing conspicuous consumption, Merton’s manifest
and latent functions are useful concepts. Simply recognizing a classic Rolls Royce or a new
edition sports car as “transportation,” its manifest function, misses a key element. While the
car is a mode of transportation, so is a used Chevy pickup truck, or a golf cart, or a Segway
scooter. The expensive car is intended to display status, not just to move you from place to
place. In this way, the latent function of the car is far more important to its owner than is
the manifest.
In Max Weber’s discussions of status he indicated that those in a status group live similar
lifestyles and engage in similar patterns of behavior as others in that same group (Coser,
1977). Under Weber’s version of conflict, people should make purchases appropriate to their
given status groups. If someone’s lifestyle indicates they should drive a high performance
sports car (or a pickup truck, or an environmentally friendly hybrid), they likely will acquire
that type of vehicle to show they belong to the group with whom they regularly interact. A
young man living in a rural community and driving a small, economy car would have trouble
going camping and hunting with his peers who are driving trucks.
Colin Sinclair/age fotostock/
Superstock
This Bentley, parked on
Rodeo Drive in Los Angeles,
California, is an example of
what sociologists call conspicuous consumption.
dur82087_01_c01_001-026.indd 18
In addition, people may use their purchases to indicate
a level of status they do not actually have. Using Erving
Goffman’s dramaturgy (described in this chapter’s text),
all people are actors, playing various roles and using props
to make their performances more believable. Because of
the availability of credit, people are now able to live above
their means, make elaborate purchases that they cannot
afford, and in this way display a higher level of status or
social class than their incomes warrant. As outlined in the
introduction to this chapter, during the housing boom in the
early 2000s many people purchased expensive houses on
which they could not afford the mortgage payments. This
was a costly mistake in the long run, but while they were
playing the role of an upper-middle-class homeowner, those
around them likely accepted their performances and treated
them like other members of that group. In short, they gave a
believable performance using conspicuous consumption and
manipulated others’ views of them . . . exactly as Goffman
argues we all do every day.
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Theoretical Perspectives
Section 1.3
Symbolic Interaction
Microsociology grew out of the critique that both functionalism and conflict theory ignore
the impact of the individual on social behavior. Symbolic interaction is a micro-theoretical
perspective that argues that society is best understood as being created by individuals constructing their social world and then communicating their constructed meanings to others.
Herbert Blumer (1969b) outlined the three principles of symbolic interaction:
1. Humans act toward things on the basis of the meanings they ascribe to those things.
2. The meanings of these things are derived from, or arise out of, the social interaction
that one has with others and the society.
3. These meanings are handled in, and modified through, the interpretative process one
uses to deal with the things encountered.
The key elements of this perspective are contained in its title. Individuals make sense of their
world and then share their interpretations through interaction, which increases the chance
that many individuals will understand the world in a similar way. However, since all communication is symbolic and open to interpretation, interactions can be misunderstood, leading to
variation. Interactions should result in patterned behavior and shared meanings. Yet because
the perspective attempts to account for the ability of an individual to act independently and
control his or her own environment, a concept known as agency, the structure is much less
influential than in either macro perspective.
The framework of symbolic interaction was created by George Herbert Mead (1934) and
is highlighted in his work on the genesis of the self, which is covered in Chapter 4. Mead
and several of his colleagues laid the groundwork for what would become the core works
of microsociology. Charles Horton Cooley developed the concept of the looking-glass self
(Cooley, 1902), which contends that our self-concept is created by our mental image of how
we appear to others and others’ likely reactions to our appearance. Cooley’s work is a precursor to Mead’s concept of reflexivity. Reflexivity is the ability to place yourself in the position
of another, or group of others, and view yourself through their eyes (Mead, 1934). These two
terms lead to the same conclusion; we develop an idea of who we are based on our perception
of our interactions with others. If you believe others see you as overweight, you are likely to
view yourself that way, regardless of your actual body weight.
In this way, symbolic interaction argues that perception is more important than factual reality. W. I. Thomas developed what we now know as the Thomas theorem. According to this
theorem, if an individual believes something to be real, then for them, that thing is real in
its consequences (Thomas & Thomas, 1928). Therefore, the fear felt by a child who believes
there to be a monster in his or her closet is the same fear he would feel if there were, in fact, a
monster in the closet. The perception is just as important as the reality.
Drawing from symbolic interaction, Erving Goffman developed the idea of dramaturgy. Dramaturgy encourages the analysis of social behavior as acts performed by actors on a stage
(Goffman, 1959). Goffman believed that humans are constantly working to give a believable performance to whichever audience happens to be observing the act. The actors reflexively imagine what performance their audience wants and then work to align their actions,
wardrobes, and props toward that performance. A student in a college classroom gives a
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Theoretical Perspectives
Section 1.3
performance as a “good student” to her professor by listening attentively and taking notes.
That same student could also spend most of her time in a drunken stupor and be known to
her friends as a “party girl.” Yet, as long as both performances are adequately played, and
she is never forced to give both performances at the same time, she can be known as both a
good student and a party girl by the separate audiences. For Goffman, the actor’s perception
of the situation and of the audience drives the performance—which harkens back to the
Thomas theorem.
Symbolic interaction provides a fluid and changeable version of society. Rather than the
existing cultural norms and structural patterns of society demanding consistent behavior,
symbolic interaction allows for modification and interpretation of society. Later versions of
symbolic interaction (see Sheldon Stryker’s work in Chapter 3) have reintroduced elements
of social structure, specifically using roles and identity, to create a “meso” (or middle) level
perspective that recognizes the structural expectations of macrosociology while maintaining
the creativity and agency of microsociology.
Modern Perspectives
As will be shown throughout this text, society has, and will continue to, evolve and change.
As a result, we our explanations of human societies evolve and change as well. While there
are still many sociologists who consider themselves Marxists, Weberians, Functionalists, and
Symbolic Interactionists, there are several perspectives that have emerged, primarily because
of perceived errors in previous work or because of changes in society that have rendered the
classical theories obsolete.
Feminism
Feminism has developed as a modern theoretical perspective in sociology because the early
works of the discipline lacked attention to gender. Feminist theory approaches sociological
inquiry from the vantage point of women while assuming that gender is the central element
in understanding society.
Sociological feminism can be approached from a broad range of perspectives, but all share a
desire to explain gender and gender inequalities. Because of its traditional focus on power
difference, feminism is often linked strongly with Marxist conflict theory. Since gender is typically defined along the lines of “male” and “female,” the Marxist approach to understanding
power as being delineated by the groups of “haves” and “have-nots” seems a likely match.
However, there is a strong tradition of microsociological work that has analyzed the differences between men and women in their understanding of meaning, interaction rules, and
daily life.
In recent years, third wave feminism has called attention to differences among women based
on other socially important variables, such as race, class, and sexuality, that were often overlooked in earlier feminist work. Third wave feminists (1990–present) point out that the first
wave of feminism (late 1800s–1950s) had to call attention to the existence of gender inequality, and the second wave (1960s–1980s) attempted to motivate people to work to change
gender inequalities. It is only now that we are able to contemplate relative differences among
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Theoretical Perspectives
Section 1.3
women and recognize that no one categorical variable is able to capture the experience of
that entire group. Therefore, all the socially important, ascribed variables must be seen as
cross-cutting and affecting the lives of women (Collins, 2000). Later in this text, the work of
sociological feminists Patricia Hill Collins, Arlie Russell-Hochschild, and Dorothy Smith will
refocus the attention of sociologists on the lives of women, which have often been overlooked,
under-studied, and often simply ignored in the history of the discipline.
Postmodernism
Postmodernism is less a cohesive theory and more a critique of modernist assumptions of
fact, objectivity, and knowledge appearing the same to any observer. Postmodernists argue
that scientific knowledge was a narrative that we assumed was superior to all other stories.
However, today information is readily available through a variety of sources, which leaves us
free to create our own stories, or have them created for us, through the media. In short, postmodernists argue that primarily because of technology, our lives are fundamentally different
than they were just a few decades ago. Therefore, it is a mistake to assume that all the “old”
theories and assumptions are still valid.
The postmodernist critique could be seen as dangerous for sociology because it calls into
question the patterns we study and the scientific approach we use to study them. However, if
postmodernity is used as a form of critical analysis, it can hold great value in understanding
today’s media-saturated world. Jean Baudrillard (1929–present) coined the term hyperreality
to refer to a situation in which a symbol or model has become “more real” than the thing the
symbol was supposed to represent (Baudrillard, 1994). So a child who has been raised playing football games on an Xbox® may find a live football game boring because it only provides
one view of the field, no ability to control the players, and no instant replay to relive the action.
Chapter 12 will discuss postmodernism in some detail.
Social Construction
Social constructionism has become a generic term for a variety of microsociological
approaches, most of which share their roots with symbolic interactionism. Constructionists
argue that all meaning is socially created and therefore should be questioned to understand its
source and intention. Peter Berger (1929–present) and Thomas Luckmann (1927–present)
wrote the Social Construction of Reality in 1966, outlining a three-stage model through which
any “reality” could be created. Basically, through interaction and sharing of information, any
idea could be spread, separated from its source, and come to be seen as commonly accepted
fact. The key element to this process is the separation of the idea from its source. A person or
a media outlet can be identified as having a point of view or motivation to make a point. The
source can be then be considered or attacked when considering the relative truth of a statement. However, if the information is seen as part of common knowledge (“you know what
they say . . .”) or if the source of the information is omitted (“guess what I heard . . .”) then the
information is more believable. Some scholars argue that the idea of race is a social construction that has been used to assure the continuation of the existing power structure. Regardless
of whether or not there are biological differences among groups of people, race has been constructed to be an important variable in many societies and will remain so until the meaning
surrounding race changes (Omi & Winant, 1986).
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Summary & Resources
Modern constructionist works are often centered on the idea of claims-making and the framing of various issues as social problems. Only a few years ago, concussions among athletes
would not have been listed among important social problems facing our culture. However,
because of the work of several neurobiologists and the activism of one Harvard-educated former football player and professional wrestler (Chris Nowinski of the Sports Legacy Institute
[http://www.sportslegacy.org/]), concussions are now viewed as a public health issue and
have led to a rethinking of the safety of popular sports such as football, soccer, and hockey at
all levels of participation (from youth leagues to professional). Constructionists would point
out that the danger of these sports did not change, nor did the level of knowledge about the
danger. What changed is that some compelling figures made a strong argument about the
dangers of head injuries, captured the attention of the public, and caused a reconsideration
of the sports that have the most risk of concussions. Today the dangers of concussions are
widely accepted and are understood as risk factors in any sport, especially those like football,
hockey, and soccer, where the head may be involved in collisions.
Summary & Resources
Chapter Summary
Sociology is the scientific study of society and the various aspects of social life. It provides a
unique and important perspective on human behavior by examining the role that broader social
forces play in shaping human behavior. The influential sociologist C. Wright Mills spoke of the
sociological imagination, which he defined as the ability to see the relationship between a person’s experiences and the society in which they live. Sociologists view an individual’s biography
as largely a product of history and social structure. Sociology seeks to uncover the underlying
relationships among events and to place them in an understandable framework.
The academic discipline of sociology has its roots in 18th- and 19th-century Western Europe
and was influenced by the social change of the Industrial Revolution as well as the adoption
of the scientific method during the Enlightenment. French scholar Auguste Comte is considered the founder of sociology. Comte advocated the application of the scientific method to
the study of society and social problems. Emile Durkheim was a pioneering French sociologist who demonstrated the importance of social forces in shaping individual behavior. This
was illustrated by his famous study of suicide, where he demonstrated that this seemingly
individualistic act is actually profoundly impacted by social forces. The early German scholar
Max Weber was responsible for groundbreaking work on topics such as religion, the nature of
power, and social organizations. Lastly, the work of Karl Marx, especially in the area of power
and domination, had a significant impact on early sociology.
Traditionally, there have been three major perspectives in sociology. Functionalism views
society as a system of interrelated parts, much like the human body. Functionalism is particularly interested in factors that hold society together and the interrelationships between
the various structures of society. Conflict theory asserts that society is in a state of constant struggle over things such as power and scarce resources. It considers the importance
of belief systems in the establishment and maintenance of power. Symbolic interaction is
a perspective that argues that society is best understood as being created by individuals
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Summary & Resources
constructing their social world and then communicating their constructed meanings to others. New perspectives in modern sociology include feminism, postmodernism, and social
construction.
Web Resources
The American Sociological Association
www.asanet.org
The American Sociological Association is the main professional organization for the field of
sociology.
SocioWeb
http://www.socioweb.com/
A general sociology resource.
Facts on Jobs and Careers
http://www.asanet.org/employment/factsoncareers.cfm
Information in careers in sociology provided by the ASA.
Discussion Questions
1. Define sociology. Explain the concepts of “social structure” and “agency” and tell why
both are necessary to fully understand the workings of society.
2. What is the sociological imagination? Name and explain at least three (3) examples
of social issues leading to personal troubles. In one of your examples, explain
what the Great Recession was, why it happened, and what individual life events it
precipitated.
3. Define reflexivity. Explain how reflexivity is necessary to understand Goffman’s idea
of dramaturgy.
4. What are the three waves of feminism? Tell what happened during each wave.
Explain why some argue feminism is simply a version of conflict theory. Then
explain why many feminists would disagree with the contention.
5. What is anomie? How does it relate to Durkheim’s discussion of suicide? What does
anomie have to do with social integration? Explain why Durkheim’s work on suicide
is considered to be functionalist.
6. Explain both Karl Marx’s and Max Weber’s versions of power. How are they similar? How are they different? How would each theorist view religion? Explain your
answer.
7. Define manifest and latent functions. Explain how Veblen’s “conspicuous consumption” shows the importance of a latent function.
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Key Terms
agency The ability of an individual to act
independently and control his or her own
environment.
anomie A feeling of normlessness or moral
confusion.
charismatic authority Power that emerges
because people see a leader as heroic or
magical.
collective consciousness A set of moral
attitudes and shared beliefs that give direction and purpose to the life of the individual
and assure interconnection to all in society.
conflict theory Argues that society is best
understood as a constant struggle over
power and scarce resources. Whichever
group is able to maximize its resources can
use them to establish structures that will
benefit its members.
dominant ideologies Shared ideas or
beliefs that serve to justify and legitimize the
power that the dominant group holds.
double consciousness The experience of a
person in a minority group who must follow
one script that is typical of anyone in a given
culture and a second script, specific to the
minority group, that must take into account
the external opinions of others.
dramaturgy The analysis of social behavior
using the analogies of actors performing on
a stage.
dysfunction Things that challenge the
existing order and disturb the equilibrium of
the system.
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functionalism Argues that society is best
understood as an ordered, stable, interconnected system of parts that helps meet the
needs of the system. The system itself will
be 1) organized to maintain stability and
consistency, which should 2) prevent radical
or unexpected change and 3) allow all parts
of the system to serve some purpose.
hyperreality A situation where a symbol or
model has become more real than the thing
the symbol was supposed to represent.
latent functions The unintended consequences of a part of a system.
legal-rational authority Distributes power
to various positions created in society.
looking-glass self Theory that contends
that our self-concept is created by our mental image of how we appear to others and
others’ likely reactions to our appearance.
macrosociology Focuses on broader social
forces, patterns, and trends.
manifest functions The obvious or
intended purposes of some part of a system.
mechanical solidarity Durkheim’s theory
that in traditional societies it was assumed
that people in that society would live lives
similar to one another; they would have
attended the same schools, worshipped at
the same churches, had similar ethnic backgrounds, and held one of a small number of
jobs available in a typical small town.
microsociology Examines the smaller-scale
aspects of the social world, the individual,
and groups.
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organic solidarity Durkheim’s theory that
all parts of a society (such as family, religion,
economic system, and individuals) each serve
a unique role in keeping the social system
alive and healthy. While each part differs from
other parts, all work to keep the organism
alive, much like the organs of a human body.
sociology The scientific study of society
and the various aspects of social life.
reflexivity The ability to place yourself in
the position of another (or a group of others) and view yourself through their eyes.
symbolic interaction perspective
A micro-theoretical perspective that argues
that society is best understood as being
created by individuals constructing their
social world and then communicating their
constructed meanings to others. The three
principles of symbolic interaction are:
1) Humans act toward things on the basis of
the meanings they ascribe to those things.
2) The meanings of these things is derived
from, or arises out of, the social interaction
that one has with others and the society.
3) These meanings are handled in, and
modified through, the person’s interpretative
process in dealing with the things he or she
encounters.
social integration The process by which
an individual becomes connected to a group
and the group’s values become part of the
individual.
Thomas theorem If an individual believes
something to be real, then for them, that
thing is real in its consequences.
paradigm Taken-for-granted ideas and
assumptions not debated by members of a
scientific discipline.
power The ability of a person or a group of
people to make their wishes happen despite
the opposition of others.
social facts Social forces and cultural factors that are outside of and coercive to the
individual.
social structure The preexisting patterns
of expected behavior that organize society
into predictable relationships.
sociological imagination The ability to
see the relationship between a person’s
experiences and the society in which that
person lives.
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theory The framework for analysis that
outlines what to focus on and provides predictions about logical outcomes within the
framework.
traditional authority Arises from a devotion to a cultural idea that certain people
inherit power through their social position or
bloodlines (i.e., monarchies, feudal systems).
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