religion
Chapter 11
I) “Death and Dying” by Stephen Hunt Ch.12
For this assignment you will need to write in-depth minimum 200 word reaction to the reading, this is a summary of what you read. It will need to be written double space and include your name, date, and chapter number (this is not included in the 200 word minimum). It will also need to include 3 provocative questions triggered by your reading at the end of the summary. Each section is worth 10 points, so make sure to include all three sections.
II) For this assignment make sure to answer each question thoroughly. I am looking for well thought out answers so you can get full credit. Please do not just copy and paste the answers from the book I want to see it in your own words. There are 3 questions, and each worth 10 points
1. According to the textbook, explain Freud’s two central desires of “Thanatos” and “Eros” and what are the main points of these desires.
2. According to the textbook, how is death perceived in the western societies in comparison to poorer and less developed countries?
3. According to the textbook, explain the afterlife views of:
– Seventh-day Adventist
– Catholic
– Hindu religion
III) Do you or have you ever considered yourself an athlete? What role did sports play as you were growing up or in your family life? Your answer must have a minimum of 50 substantive words
12
DEATH AND DYING
Stephen Hunt
Max Weber (1854-1920), the renowned
There is n
o
contradiction in stating that death
lisa part of life. Nor is it a contradic
tion
to sociologist, regarded religion, whatever its
say that death is
a “lived experience for those
about to depart this world and their “significant which he meant a belief system addressing many
others”-relatives, friends and loved ones-left
behind after they die. Whatever the cause
of
death and at whatever age it occurs, the way
in
which individuals and entire societies perceive
and come to terms with the final episode of life
varies as much as it differs with other major life
events. In short, there are countless variations by adjust to their loss. Death may be a painful expe-
which death has been attributed meaning and
expressions, as a “theodicy of suffering,” by
of the negative experiences of the human condi
tion. Weber speculated that suffering may be at
the very root of religious belief and practice o,
at the very least, an integral part of it. Suffering
includes death not only for those who are at
the
end of life but also for those left to mourn and
rience for the dying, yet it is generally a negative
Coped with throughout history, and those differ- event for those associated with the process. So
e ul diverge considerably between cultures. often death seems unfair,
often untimely, and
Xisted and continue to exist, indicating that to why it should occur at all. It is not surpris-
Nevertheless, cultural commonalities have also leaves the human mind asking the question as
human beings display the similar psychological ing that, as with all aspects ot sutering. death
and social need to adjust to a very human event,
inevitability of the end of life. Whether
Apressing cultural similarities or divergence, Egion has, as this chapter attempts to show,Central and erstwhile role to play in aiding indi- iduals and communities in coming to terms n the natural process of death.
has a deeply religious dimension
for the social
collective. The natural phenomenon
of death
sets the mind to think profoundly of
the mean-
ing of lite,
matters that perhaps only religion
can address. For example, it is
no coincidence
that the highest philosophy in
Indian Hindu-
ism commences with the subject
of death and is
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Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space
of
Ethics
As part of the
cross-cultural
a common theme in the important scriptures of
Bhagavad Gita, Kathopanishad, and Chandogy
a
Upanishad. In this respect, however, Hinduism
is not unique. Other major religions also make
the topic of death central to their holy writings.
Religion has, throughout the millennia of
human history, both forged and reflected per-
ural themesembraced by this chapter, we explore c ing attitudes to death in Western societi how the experience of ath has been affecte
and
Tected
percep-
by such factors as distinctive cultural perc with medicaliza tions, processes associated
ion, and the institutionalization of the later stages ception of death and how it is dealt with in a life and death itself. Adding to the rich variety
of
of death is perceiv. and dealt with are the cultural changes evident in West.
the ways in which multitude of societies. Across a wide variety of
cultures, whatever the precise belief system, reli-
gion can explain the causes of death and embel-
lish it with meaning and significance. Religion death-related procedures and rituals, includino can provide the backdrop to funeral and mourn-
ing processes and, perhaps most obviously, give
expression to faith in the afterlife; shaping the contemporary West views death, as well as the worldview accompanying the final rites of pas-
sage from earthly life to the “hereafter” (however
that is perceived) with the hope that existence
ern societies that give distinct expressions to
mourning and funeral arrangements. PerhapDsabove all, the cultural prism through which the
social processes around it, is, in many respects, quite unique compared to previous historical cultures, as well as those in the majority wold today, where death remains an everyday famil
continues in another realm and another form.
Despite the infinite variety of belief systems that iarity and, in short, is a part of the stark reality can be found and that deal with the subject of of life. In the majority world, where life expecdeath, there remains, to reiterate, considerable tancy is low and infant mortality is high, death is commonality.
This chapter embraces a comparative when resources are scarce and poverty rife. By
a common aspect of routine existence, especially
approach to the subject of death and dimen- contrast, in Western societies, death is typically sions of religiosity that call upon anthropology, given a very different meaning; it is related to history, psychology, sociology, and other disci- long life expectancy and associated with old age plines to tease out both variation and common
concerns. In this regard, the chapter includes the
following interrelated themes. First, cultural per-
ception of death: its understood nature, “causes, and the relevance of accompanying afterlifebeliefs. Second, the chapter explores death ritu- als and mourning processes that help individu-als and social collectives express grief and come to terms with death. In that sense, such rituals
are richly engraved with symbolic relevance: course, is a profoundly personal experience
as a result of relatively high levels of health and
economic prosperity and where death tends to
be hidden from public view.
THE SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE OF DEATH
Human beings, by nature or necessity, are sOcll
animals. Their experiences of life are shared
literally from the cradle to the grave. Death, or
it is the final life event that comes to all. Inc
thought of death may increase in a persons la
giving expression to community sentiments and
desires. Third, this chapter overviews the social
significance of death, which entails probing the years as he or she grows older and experiene everyday experience of death-not just for the inevitable physical decline. It may well he dying, but for those left behind, the bereaved. ever, that the matter of death preoccupies
the
232
Hunt, Death and Dying
was
certainly the
conclusion reached by the psy-
desires, a
themetthat was explo most cogently
individua individual
subconsciously
throughout life. This certain times: situations of individual emotional
stress that threatened collective solidarity and
sentiment that was necessary for the effective
functioning of the social order. Contexts
that
produced these emotions included “crises, such
as birth, puberty, marriage, and death, with all
the uncertainties that they generate. Malinowski
noticed that, in all preindustrial societies, life
choa
hoanalyst Sigmund Freu eud. Freud believed that
two conflicting central
humans
are
iven by
desires
are the life drive, or “libido” (such as
survival, hunger,
thirst, reproduction, and sex),
the Pleasure Principle. These
in his
work Beyond
and the death
drive, or what Freud referred to crises are surrounded with religious ritual.
as
“Thanatos.” His description of “cathexis,” the
energy of
which constitutes the libido, includes
all creative, life-producing drives.
The death
drive (or death instinct), whose energy Freud
designated as “anticathexis, represents an urge
that is inherent in all living things-to return to
a state of calm without danger: in other words, associated with death is probably the main source
an inorganic or dead state-a place of safety as of religious belief and rituals. Thus, through
protective as the womb from which life origi-
nally emerged.
In a sense, Freud was aware of the social denying the finality of death itself and subse-
implications of death. In one of his most con- quently comforting the bereaved. Indeed, the
troversial conjectures associated with his death
instinct theory, he postulated that all living process signifies a particular type of discontinu-
creatures are involved in an ongoing struggle
between competing impulses for activity and
Survival, on the one hand, and withdrawal and
death, on the other. From this theory, Freud
contentiously argued that it was human destruc-
tive impulses that could eventually annihilate
Cvilization itself, unless they were rechanneled
by improved child rearing, psychoanalysis, and
more effective societal patterns. Freud also iden-
tihed these “immature” impulses as the source
O what he saw as the delusion of religious beliet. The subject of the social significance ot death has also been addressed more directly by
Death was the most disruptive of these events
because it severed strong personal attachments
and thwarted human designs-often occurring
in a seemingly arbitrary and unpredictable way.
From this observation, Malinowski con
cluded that the ability to deal with the problems
funeral ceremonies, mourning is expressed and
belief in immortality articulated-in a sense
significance of religiosity in the bereavement
ity. Death means the cessation of someone’s lite
and the end of the relationship that the deceased
shared with others. Moreover, it brings a unique
form of psychological challenge because death
is final. From his study of the Trobrianders,
Malinowski was able to deduce that the high
level of religious activity surrounding death was
a common feature of all societies and pertormed
many of the same tunctions.
Death, in Malinowskis account, is not just
a personal experience: it is a social and shared
event. This was a thenme also developed by
Halbwachs,’ a student of one of the so-called
pOgIsts. A good number have explored
tne relationship between death and aspects of religiosity in the social context. For example, Malinowski, in his seminal account of the tribal
founding fathers of sociology, Emile Durkheim
(1858-1917). For Durkheim, individuals are
undoubtelly attected by biological and psycho-
logical drives, but human lite is overwhelmingly
shaped by social phenomena. And, according to
Durkheim, social phenomena can be regarded
people of the Trobriand Islands, indicated that
gion was particularly significant during
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Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics
as “social facts” that display distinctive social buried as soon as possible. This represent characteristics and determinants that are not cal death. A few days later, the body is exhumed
Physiamenable to explanations on the biological or and a funeral ceremony takes place,in ume whi psychological level.’ Social facts are external to friends and relatives say a hnal goodbye-r the individual as a biological entity. They endure in its religious significance-to the dead Derse
physi
-frich
over time, despite the fact that particular indi
viduals die and are replaced by others.
If, for Durkheim, social characteristics and
erson who was once integral to their lives, More
a profound way, the deceased is still part ofo n con tinuing social relations for an appreciable peri determinants shaped individual experiences of after death. This is why most cultures have elah.life in the human collective, Halbwachs insisted orate funeral ceremonies and an accompanvine ying period of mourning that symbolizes the fact that
that the same went for the social implications
of death. Death is a biological process, but the society slowly withdraws from the dead over a way that it is culturally understood is, in a sense, time of transition, until the memory of that per. external to the individual who shares its social son diminishes and the implications of his or her significance, and it was its social significance that loss gradually recedes.
shaped psychological needs. Irrespective of the In all cultures, the social significance of the considerable cultural variations of how death deceased is exemplified by the eulogy often spo- is perceived and understood, it has a profound ken at a funeral-an oration given in tribute to social relevance. Halbwachs stressed the fact that a person or people who have recently died. In death must be comprehended and appraised traditional cultures, the eulogy is of particular
importance in highlighting past social relation
within the environment of wider community
relationships. This was certainly so in traditional, ships. Here, religion plays its erstwhile role.
For instance, the eulogy (Hesped) in Orthodox
Judaism is a brief and simple yet vital part of
the funeral service and intended primarily for
the honor and dignity of the deceased (yekara
d’schichba). The worthy values that the deceased
lived by, the good deeds they performed, the
preindustrial societies, where the broader social
context and extended kinship networks are so
evidently relevant to the everyday life of the
individual.
To illustrate the importance of the social
collective at the time of death, Halbwachs dis-
tinguished between “physical death” and “social noble aspects of their character, how they per death” The former refers to what is now under
stood as the medical definition of death: simply,
the human body ceases to function biologically.
The latter denotes the social consequences of
death. The “live” person may have gone, but his highlighting the good and the beneficial in the
or her social significance remains, and the impli-
cations are immeasurable, including those of a tion for the mourners. Because the eulogy not religious nature. This is starkly seen in the exam- only praises the deceased but also confronts all
ple of traditional culture in Malaysia, where
death is a “process-a series of religious cer-
emonies marking the slow transition from the fulfill their obligations, and live the correct way
“living world” to the afterlife as it is understood. according to the Judaic faith. Moreover, ror
Because it is a very hot climate, the deceased is Orthodox Judaism, and many o
ther
faiths To
formed their social and religious duties and par
took of communal relationships are eulogized.
The principal function of the eulogy, how
ever, is not to comfort the bereaved, although by
a
ite of the departed it affords an implicitconsola
who attend with the fact of their own morta
ty-to take stock and live their lives to
the ful
234
Hunt, Death and Dying
and continuity of the family lineage. Veneration that matter, death.
, deau
n the Jewish tradition,
where implies a continuation of filial piety–to be good
eath also
brings a leveling process.
This
is
ecognized
in
God. Judaism
therefore demands that
| in the same type
of garment.
to ones parents, to take care of them, and to
engage in good conduct-not just toward par ents but also outside the home-so as to bring a
good name to ones parents and ancestors.
Ancestor worship is, by way of example,
one of the most unifying aspects of Vietnamese
culture: practically all Vietnamese, regardless
ressed
that, wealthy
or poor, all are equal
Death
shrouds
have no pockets.
The deceased,
nce, the clothes to be worn should be of religious expression (Buddhist or Christian),
hetore God.
all
ews
be
buriedi
rial wealth into
hereforefore,
can carry
no materia
Because it is not a person pos
the next world
sexsvons ians but
his or her
soul that is of ultimate
relevance, the
one who is shortly to stand in 4ppropriate for
judgmentbefore God.
have an ancestor altar set up in their home or
workplace. In Vietnam, people do not tradition-
A universal cultural fact is that the dead are ally celebrate birthdays; instead, the death anni
not immediately
forgotten, despite
the funeral
rite and accompanying
eulogy; they remain, for
versary of a loved one is always an important
social occasion. The event constitutes an essen-
short period at least, a primary element of the tial gathering of family members for a banquet
ives of those significant
others who have been
lef behind. At the same time,
wider society has burned and great platters of fruit and food are
lost one of its members-an
individual who may
have once performed important social roles. In usually displays pictures of the deceased. These
this way, the death of an
individual constitutes
a societal loss. Frequently, this means that rela-
tives and, in the case of small-scale preindustrial ebrations, the starting ofa new business, or even
societies, entire communities have to deal with
psychological and emotional challenges, as well sel, and they are a hallmark of the emphasis that
as new practical arrangements, arising in the
wake of the death of a social member.
in memory of the deceased: incense sticks are
made as offerings on the ancestor altar, which
offerings and practices are conducted frequently
during important traditional or religious cel
when a family member needs guidance or coun-
Vietnamese culture places on filial duty.
Whatever the precise belief system, religious
beliefs often dictate that the deceased should
en as profoundly involved in earthly matters. leave this world on good terms with those left
In some cultural systems, the dead are
Although this may be expressed in a diversity of
Telngious systems, it is perhaps most obvious in will depart this life forgiven and having for
ancestral worship. Ancestor worship is a practice based on the belief that deceased family mem- Dkrs have a continued existence, take an inter-
s in the affairs of the world, and/or possessne ability to influence the fortune of the livingThe goal of ancestor
behind. In Judaism, it is hoped that the dying
given others: ensuring that social
relations are
left sound and that life continues with a
measure
of peace, once old
wounds are healed. If there is
anyone the person
feels they have wronged, the
dying should seek the forgiveness
of the offended
party. The Talmud,
the record pertaining to Jew
ish law, ethics, and customs,
relates that God
veneration is to ancesto continued well-being and positive dis- osition toward the living:
ensure the
dfor special favors or assistance. The social o nonrelig function of ncestor venera-on is to enhance kinship values, family loyalty.
sometimes they are can forgive trespasses against
others only after
they have forgiven.
Teshuvah means, according
to Jewish tradition, that the
faithful can repair,
enhance, and put to rights any aspect
of life, as
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Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics
long as they still live. Through deep regret and
firm resolve, the dying have the power, literally,
to return in time to past iniquities and failings.
In a single moment of teshuvah, they can repair
the damage and fill the spiritual inadequacies of
their lives.
pressure to perform them are strong. This may vary from one culture to another. For ple, as part of the traditional Chinese fu
exam
arrangement, on the
the eldest son becomes the
heral passing away of the fat head of the
fam ily, reflecting the deeply embedded
patriarchal structures. If the eldest son passes away his sec
Other religious systems also seek to ensure
that the dying leave the social world in good
terms with those left behind. A particular fea-
ture of the Hindu funeral ritual is the prepa-
ond brother does not assume leadership of the family. Leadership passes to the eldest Son or the grandson of the father. He must assume the ration of rice balls (pinda) that are offered to responsibilities and duties, including religiosthe spirit of the dead person during memorial
services. In part, these ceremonies are seen as
contributing to the merit of the deceased, but
they also pacify the departed soul so that it will
not linger in this world as a ghost but will pass
through the realm of Yama, the god of death.
Hindus who perceive what they witness asa
“bad” death may be very anxious about the ghost
of the deceased. This is especially so with the
premature death of an infant. Hindu belief dic-
tates that if an infant leaves the “earthly realm,
it departs into an intermediate zone in readiness
for its journey to the “divine realm. “Thus, it has
not quite departed this world nor yet reached
the next. An elaborate funeral, which nonethe-
less has many of the elements provided to adults,
is therefore necessary to ensure that the transi-
tion takes place. As a baby approaches death, the
family chants Ram Ramor Om and recites from
the Bhagavad Gita. A thread with a religious sig-
nificance may be tied around the wrist or neck
of the baby. A leaf from a tulsi shrub (basil leaf)
is placed in the baby’s mouth, occasionally with
a gold coin. After a ritual wash, new clothes are or estate that a woman brings to her husband
ones, to the ancestors on behalf of the family The loss of a close relative in many cultures
may also include a change of life that entails social exclusion: the nonsocial. This may most
obviously be expressed, as explored in the fol-
lowing, by retreating from wider society duringthe immediate period of bereavement and some
times for much longer. Social exclusion may
also have more dire consequences. For example,
according to Hindu mythology, Sati, the wife of
the god Dakhsha, was so overcome at the demise ***
of her husband that she immolated herself on his
funeral pyre and burned herself to ashes. Since
then, the name Sati has come to be symptomatic
of self-immolation by a widow, even to the point
17
of throwing herself on her husbands funeral
Pyre. Today the practice of sati is illegal in India,
although it is believed to continue in the remote
rural corners of the country.
Despite the mythological origins of sati, it is
not entirely clear why the practice initially came
into being. One explanation sees it as connected
to the origins of the dowry: the money, goo
put on the infant, who is subsequently wrapped marriage in traditional India. Immolation er martialwas
always more prevalent among the higher
martial
Caste. Among the lower castes, it is nearly absen
Among the higher castes, a bride
was
looke
upon as a burden, because she
represented
a
drain on the family’s income,
while not
contrib-
uting anything toward it. She thus becamean
in a white shroud.
Death almost certainly changes existing
social obligations and roles and generates new
ones. This is particularly so in preindustrial
societies, where such roles and obligations are
unchanging across the generations and the
n ill
A
236
Hunt, Death and Dying
o all
those around
her. If this was her sta
a bride, it is not surprising that, if she had ily. Moreover, the death of the individual is of
social supports that provide meaning-the fam-
omen
less and less social significance, in the sense that
was despised. Other reasons for the it is institutionalized and largely anonymous.
Death, as the last rites of passage, is not a pub-
tus
as a
bride,it ;
the
misfortu
to become a widow, her presence
dbility of widow remarriage-arising from the lic event; hence its social relevance declines.
within the Hindu tradition-or the take place within the institutional context of the
in family was
despised.
been offered: the near impos-racticehave also
prejudices that nctified virginity Rather, it is a private experience and is likely to taboos and prejudices
of a bride
nonrecognition of the individuality of a woman, hospital, hospice, or home for the elderly. In that
wcho was considered part
and parcel of her hus-
band, without
whom her life became irrelevant.
sense, society begins to isolate the dying, with-
drawing from them even before they depart this
world. Neither is death central to everyday life,
and there are few reminders of the departed.
In
many parts of Europe, the church and its sur-
DEATH IN WESTERN SOCIETIES
The function of religion at the time of death rounding graveyard were physically located at
in many societies ranges further than dealing
with the matter of social roles. Another dimen- the names of the departed and the years in which
sion is religion’s utility in offering consolation. they lived. Today, the common disposal of the
In pre-modern societies, the acceptance of the dead is by way of cremation, taking place in cre
inevitability of death as a natural cosmic pro- matoriums that are largely located on the remote
ces, informed by religious belief systems, often outskirts of towns and cities-rendering death
shapes the consolation of the dying (as well as that “out of sight and out of mind” Although the
of those closely associated by blood or friend- cremation may include a short religious service,
ship), preparing them for the next world. In the for many of the bereaved attending. they may be
more secular West, this has become more prob
lematic. The picture, however, remains complex, departure of a loved one.
given that it is something of an underresearched
area, even in the United States, where religious by contrast to premodern societies, profoundly
atftudes to life appear to be more prevalent than
in many Western European countries. Nonetheless, in Western societies in general, the social
the center of village life. Graves typically declare
impersonal and inadequate ways of marking the
Perceptions of death in Western cultures,
reflect social change-not least of all as a result of
increasing secularity: religious belief is reduced,
and there is declining communal context in
Significance of death has observably declined in which religiosity is embedded.” At the same
esal the sense previously discussed. This is partly as a time, Western culture is age- and death-denying
Tesult of the fact that, in such nations, extended
1amily and community relations have become ess significant, where individualism has become
Where there is an emphasis on prolonging life,
of consuming strategies to retain youth, there
is an inability to tolerate death in a culture that
prime cultural idiom, and where religious belief is orientated toward perpetual life.° In short, it
nas
observably experienced a decline. There are becomes a subject of profound taboo, perhaps AUmerous implications for all of these develop- ments that can now be detailed.
even more so than for preindustrial societies.
As a result, the Western mind finds it difficult to
ypically segregate from one of the foremost
in the Western setting, the dying person is come to terms with death, particularly the death
of a child, in a society where infant mortality is
237
Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics
that constitute something approachinga reviewof the person’s lite. Such a review allows older
people to come to terms with the past. In this
way, religion, once again, may enhance psycho-
logical and social well-being. There is evidence
that this function of religion is observable even
in the more secular West. Consistent with the
previously described observations with respect
to Orthodox Judaism, the findings of nation-
low and life expectancy is high. The reality of
death is particularly hidden from children, who
are generally protected from death as a reality
of life. Whereas in traditional societies, such as
rural Hindu India most funeral rites are fulfilled
by the family, all of whom participate, including
the children, who need not be shielded from the
reality of death.
There exists, moreover, a contradiction and
dilemma generated by the death-denying cul-
ture of Western societies-one that displays pro-
found difficulty in accepting the reality of death,
on the one hand, while sustaining a familiarity
with real death through media images and the
celluloid death” of fictional literature, films
wide research in the United States by Krause and
Ellison disclosed the tendency of older people,
coming to a realization of their own mortality
to be concerned with distressing events in ear
lier life and to see such events in religious terms.
Among other considerations, those who forgive
others in later life tend to enjoy a greater sense
of psychological well-being than older people
who are less willing to forgive transgressors for
negative things that they had inflicted upon
them
Perhaps more obviously, religious belief pre-
pares those who are growing older for their own
death and includes not only engendering rec-
onciliation with those left behind but also gen-
erating conciliation with God (however God is
perceived). One of the most commoninterpreta
tions of the implications of aging for religiosityis
premised on the awareness of finitude-that the
proximity to death heightens a focus on “mak-
ing peace with one’s maker For this reason.
belief in an afterlife may be especially evident n
later stages in the life course, in so far as olaet
people typically display higher levels
of beliet
in a life atter death. However, as Finney notes
1n his survey in the United States, Finding
Faith
and television, and video games, on the other.
Whereas, in the majority world, where there is
a familiarity of death and where death is truly
part of life, death in Western societies becomes
distant, remote, and unreal. These cultural dis-
tortions of real death have had an impact in ways
that change the meaning of death, the social sig-
nificance of death, and even mourning processes
and beliefs in the afterlife. These matters are now
considered by way of a comparative analysis.
AFTERLIFE BELIEFS
If Weber was correct and religion is a “theo-
dicy of suffering, this can be affirmed in the
evidence provided by many cultures as death
approaches and eventually occurs. In a psycho-
logical vein, a comparative study by von Franz,’
developing the psychoanalytic theories of Carl
Jung (1875-1961), a student of Freud, stressed
that the unconscious beliefs in a life after death Today, bereavement and ffering, often
associ-
ated with old age, are among the factors reportedbecome more significant from middle age
onward but are especially important as death
approaches. Unconscious religious impulses,
especially expressed as dreams, prepare individ-
uals for the hereafter-often pointing to imbal
in finding faith at any time in the life course i
Western societies. Moreover, although it may
well be that the aging process and bereavene
of family and peers are accentuated in In
old
that ances in attitudes that need to be corrected and they could equally lead to a loss of faith.” In ta
238
Hunt, Death and Dying
holy works, for example, death constitutes a time
for those left behind to reflect and to seek the
vince older people
that the seemingly arbitrary
sense,
periences
of suffering and loss may con-
goal of “truth” and the nature of God, the eter-
nal Brahman. For the Hindu, death is nothing
but the transformation of the body as part of a
cosmic process. The eternal soul throws off its
physical shroud like a used garment. Human life
is purged and perfected to attain the final bliss.
This takes place through myriad rebirths; life is
one continuous, never-ending process. The soul
is immortal. It takes one form after another,
do not
exist and that “this is all there is”
nature
of life suggests
that God and the afterlife
In the West,
where we may not live in fear
of death in everyday
life, the fear is more likely
to stalk us
in later years. How we respond and
whether we make
the decision to take a recourse
to religious solace vary
in the pluralist context,
where the pressures of society to defer to a single
religious worldview decline. It follows that dif-
fering degrees and types of religious commit-
ment remain strongly evident on the approach
of death and that, if they do, they may ease
anxieties about its inevitability. For instance,
Kalish and Reynolds found that, in the United
States, strong religious believers were rated low
est on death anxiety, but those with “confused”
religious beliefs were rated higher than agnos
tics or atheists.” In other words, they were not
convinced one way or another that God and the
afterlife exist. These researchers also found that
on account of its own actions. Death is only a
necessary and passing phenomenon. Just as an
individual moves from one house to another,
the soul passes from one body to another to gain
spiritual enlightenment.
Similarly, for Buddhists, although they do
not believe in a supreme deity, death is an inevi-
table part of the cycle of life and the transmigra-
tion of souls (reincarnation). Old age and death
are merely preparation for the next life. When
someone is approaching death in a Buddhist
Burmese home, monks come to offer comfortolder people differed from other age groups in
the opinions expressed concerning preparation
for their own death. VWhen asked to imagine that
their deaths would occur within thirty days and
to report what changes would be made in their
ves as a result, older people were more likely to
say that they would not change their lifestyle, but
they would, nonetheless, concentrate on aspects
of the contemplative “inner life” or spiritual con
cerns in preparation for the end of their lives.
Without doubt, religious belief systems give Succor to the dying and their significant oth- ers. The majority of religious systems providearticulation to the nature of life and death-to beliefs in the afterlife that can comfort the dying and those left behind, the bereaved. This may De socially and psychologically beneficial in aining the “causes” of death. Religious beliels
Quently advance the view that death is in the
and chant verses such as the following.
Even the gorgeous royal chariots wear out; and
indeed this body too wears out. But the teach-
ing of goodness does not age; and so goodness
makes that known to the good ones. (Dham-
mapada 5.151)
This is a basic teaching of Buddhism that
highlights the idea that existence is suffering.
whether via birth, daily living. old age, or dying.
Such teaching is never more profound than
when death itself approaches.
Many religious systems stipulate that death
does not have to be viewed negatively. The
Islamic understanding of death is, in a very real
sense, a positive one. Muslims, on the whole, are
encouraged to be ever mindful of the mortality
of the self, because death is divinely willed, and,
when it arrives, it should be readily accepted.
will and design of God. Throughout the Hindu
239
Part 2
Religion
and
Culture
in the
Space
of Ethics
be
rewarded in heaven (al-Jannah), a place of
The Quran
states:
“Every
one
shall have
to die”
(3:185). Although
a
traumatic
time, at
death,
Muslims
are
encouraged
to
remember
that
Allah is the
one who gives
life and
takes it away.
The Prophet
Muhammad taught
that “to
Allah
belongs
what He took,
and to Him
belongs
what
He gave” All
human life is
recorded with
him for
the appointed
time of death.
There should there
fore be no reasoning
by the
bereaved as to why
they have
lost their
loved one.
Islam requests
the faithful to
reflect constantly
on the fact
that
death can
arrive at any
moment. Only God
knows when his
servants and
unbelievers alike
-Jahan tional account
of what happens in hell (ai
beauty and joy.
But: there is also hell. One tradi
nam) is given by al-Ghazali, an Islamic holar
ahan.
in his book The membrance of Death ana
Afterlife. He presents a graphic description ofs the
the
tortures and
torments that the unbeliever
the sinner are subjected
to in hell, the real m of
the horrible pit, full oft horrors and tortures
In the West, the nature of afterlife beliefs in
mainstream culture, despite secularization pro-
these cesses, aPpears to be fairly buoyant, but
ideas are observably changing.
For many people.
this belief is a tentative one,
and the content of
the afterlife remains vague. Certainly, traditional
Christian beliefs are being eroded and are being
replaced by a plurality
of beliets. For a sizeable
number of young adults, in particular, there may
be a refusal to rule out
an afterlife, even though
they would not go so
far as to say that they posi-
tively believe one actually
exists. This is a gener
ation that finds itself in the
culture of relativism
will die: it is not
for the faithful to
question his
wisdom. However,
there is a caveat
that death
should not be wished for,
even by the faithful.
Islam, like other
world faiths, insists
that
another life begins after death and,
as with other
faiths, advances the
view of a day of judgment
for deeds performed in
this life. Indeed, the
brief and temporary life is
but a preparation for
Akhirah, which is never-ending.
Islam teaches
that, after death, at a particular
time, there will
be a momentous
occasion of God’s judgment
(Yawmul Akhir or Yawmuddln).
God, who
makes human beings out of nothing,
can raise
them again after death. The Quran
asks: “Does
man think that we shall not
assemble his bones?
that is associated with postmodernity,
one that
does not trust religion but that also
no longer
has faith in science. It is a culture
where one per-
son’s view of the possibility of the
afterlife and
what it might entail is as good as
anothers. In
short, it is an age group of
individuals who keep
an open mind on the subject of life
after death.
The precise range of beliefs regarding
the
afterlife, held by the populations of
Western
societies, has proved to have
been of consid-
erable interest to sociologists of religion
over
The realms of paradise and hell are vividly several decades. Recent surveys
suggest
tnat
Yes, surely, yes, we are able to
restore the very
shape of his fingers” (75:3, 4). On
this great day,
all human beings will be brought to life again,
and God will present to each of them a record of
how they conducted their lives.
described throughout the Quran, and, as such,
these realms are not metaphorical to many Mus- they are supplemented by a range of
alternatives.
orthodox Christian beliefs remain
evident, Dut
lims but will become concrete realities, when In his research in Britain, Douglas Davies den
Allah determines it to be (for instance, Quran
7:718; 4:59; 46:40, 55). If the deceased is pious,
the angels will treat him or her with exceptional
tifhed five options of a possible
afterlife betwee
In
his sample of 1,603
individuals, Davies
found
courtesy, and the intermediate realm will be one that 29 percent believed that
nothing happ
which respondents discerned fairly easily” d
of peace and blissfulness. The pious Muslim will
on
240
alter death; 43 percent that
the soul pasSEs
Hunt, Death and Dying
sercent that the body awaits who believed in an afterlife tended to be reli
12 percent
that reincarnation as
else exists; and 22 per
world;8 percent
that
gious, according to other measurements. How
ever, these surveys also contained more specific
questions about what the afterlife was actually
supposed to entail. For instance, it showed that,
whereas belief in heaven remained fairly buoyant
(at around 30-50 percent across Western Euro-
pean countries), belief in hell had definitely gone
out of fashion. Lambert, interpreting the 1999
EVS data, nonetheless suggests an increasing
esurrection;
hing or someone
at what precisely
occurs after death “is in
o anothe.
Western
culture. Earlier research
pen
in
the
United. States, by
a Gallup opinion poll,
Gods
hands”
The striking figure
relates to rein-
mation
beliefs, a
notion that had traditionally
been aliento
d tablished such
belief as high as 20 percent
yes to the ques- when responde. answered
Do you
believe in reincarnation?” In this belief in the afterlife in terms of death, heaven.
with the option of
replying”yes” “no’, or “don’t
tion
esearch, the
pollsters presented
those asked and reincarnation among young people.
know” to the possibility of
reincarnation.4
Walter and Waterhouse
discovered in their
THE MOMENT OF DEATH
Survey that
those in Britain who answered yes
to whether they believed
in reincarnation far
In many cultures, religion has great significance
at the very moment of death. According to Bud-
Outnumbered those who belonged to minority dhist tradition, when a person is dying, every
group religions such as Hinduism,
Sikhism, and effort should be made to fix the mind upon the
Buddhism, which formally teach reincarnation Scriptures or to ask the individual to repeat one
or rebirth. Reincarnation is not part of a well-
established and communally held folk-religion (Enlightened One). The name may be whispered
in most Western societies. This means that
belief in reincarnation is not something that has in the dying process. Sometimes, four syllables
formally codifñed by the culture and con
ventional religion of the indigenous population.
Indeed, the notions involved are underdevel-
of the names of Buddha, such as Phra Arahant
in his or her ear if the person is far advanced
that are considered to be the heart of the Abhid-
harma-third-century-BcE and later Buddhist
works; that is, ci, ce, ru, and ni, representing the
heart, mental concepts, form, and nirvana (the oped and rarely seem to originate distinctly in
any particular world religion. Walter and Water state of being free from both suffering and the
house also argue that afterlife beliefs are becom-
idetached from other religious beliefs and put in the mouth of the dying person. It is
and almost entirely detached from morality;
Dence there is no overriding fear of future retri-
bution for actions in this life.
cycle of rebirth)-are written on a piece of paper
hoped that, if the last thoughts of the dying are
directed to Buddha and the precepts, the truit
of this meritorious act will bring good to the
deceased in their new existence. A number of Walter and Waterhouse’s
ndings were reflected in the European Values Durveys (EVS) of 1981 and 1990. The surveys knowing the merits of dying among loved ones. Ideally,
the Hindu devotee dies at home,
Ked respondents whether they believed in life ater death and found that those answering yes
When death is imminent, kindred are
notitied.
5ruted around 40 percent of the sample.nis figure had changed little over the decades.DeOVer, the EVS data indicated that those
The person is placed in his or her room or
in the
entryway of the house, with
the head facing east.
A lamp is lit near the head of the dying,
whois
urged to concentrate on a
mantra. Kindred keep
241
Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics
vigil until the great departure, singing hymns,
praying. and reading Scripture. If the dying per-
son is unconscious at the time of death, a fam-
Soul of Christ, sanctify
me.
Body of Christ, save me.
Blood of Christ, refresh me.
Water from the side of Christ, wash
ily member chants the mantra softly in the right
ear. If none is known, the mantras of Aum Namo
Narayana or Aum Nama Sivaya are intoned (this
is also conducted for sudden-death victims).
Holy ash or sandal paste is applied to the fore-
head, Vedic verses are chanted, and a few drops
of milk, Ganga (water from the holy Ganges
River), or other liquids of religious importance
may be offered to the dying person.
A widespread practice throughout the
Islamic world is to adjust the position of the
dying person so that the head is at the east and
the feet at the west, enabling the face to turn to
toward the Qiblah (the Kabaa in Mecca). In all
Islamic traditions, when a Muslim is near death,
me.
Passion of Christ, strengthen me.
o good Jesus, hear me.
Within your wounds hide me.
Let me never be separated from you.
From the power of darkness defend
me.
In the hour of my death, call me
and bid me come to you,
that with your saintsI may praise you
for ever and ever.
Amen.
The Anglican Prayers for the Death
and the Dying
those around him or her are called upon to give
comfort and reminders of God’s mercy and for-
giveness. They typically recite verses from the
Quran, give physical comfort, and encourage
the dying one to recite words of remembrance
and prayer. As death draws closer, someone belief and faith in God and his oneness. If there
near to him or her gently recites the shahada, to is a single sentence that encapsulates the faith
ensure that the last thing a person hears is the
declaration of faith (nyebut) (and other affirma-
tions of faith): “There is no god but God and
Muhammad is the Messenger of God” (Laa
ilaaha illa-Allah). Hence, the last words that a
Muslim hears are ideally those heard on enter-
ing the world on birth. It is hoped that Allah
will be in the last mortal thoughts of the dying, at lifes culmination. If the dying person s
and thus, upon awakening in the grave, God unconscious, those present should recite those
and life mission of the Jew, it is the words Shema
yisrael, Ado-nai E-loheinu, Ado-nai echad-
“Hear O Israel, the Lord is our God, the Lord is
one Ideally, Jews say these words every morn-
ing and evening and thus depart life as they
lived it, with the words of the Shema on thet
lips. These are the words that the Jew proclaims
will be first and foremost in the mind of the verses for him or her. In the closing mome
deceased. of life, a person should repent,
with all his or
Orthodox Judaism similarly prescribes her heart, for all wrongdoing committed in the
observances and customs for life’s closing
moments. As death nears, the faithful, along
with all who are present at the time, should
recite the Shema and other verses affirming
course of life.
Religious belief systems
articulate the ater
life, particularly for those who subscribe t
them. This is true in the case of the
Christan
242
Hunt, Death and Dying
nuch as it is for
other major faiths. FUNERALS
adition
as
much as
it i
In
the
Christian
Anglica formula,
the funeral is
the
ather
Anglican
in a
priest opens the
service with the of the major religions prescribe procedures in
held
about a
week after death. It
can take place When death occurs, precisely how the dead are
either
in a
church or at a
crematorium. 1ypically, disposed of is of great social significance. Many
disposing of the body on death, and they often
display some remarkable similarities. Several reading
from the
scriptures:
Lord: “he that
believeth in me, though he were death and funeral ceremonies show, in their
am the
resurrection and the life,” saith the examples may be given. With respect to Islam,
dead, yet shall he live: and whosoever liveth essence, the most consistent features throughout
the Muslim world, more so than for any other
rites of passage. This is evident in the prepara-
tions of the body for burial and constitutess a
Fard Kifaayah-a communal obligation for
Muslims that follows a fairly universal set of
rituals and share some comparable aspects with
other major faiths. There are, however, some
and believeth in
me shal never die”
In the medicalized setting of
death in West-
ern societies, the religious significance
of death
is minimal. The specialized
roles of those tend-
ing the dying seldom
include the provision of the
meaning of death and dying, religious
or other-
wise. Unlike traditional meaning systems, mod
em medical systems do not consider as part of
the role of staff that of helping the patient assign in West Java, preparing the
dead for the funeral
meaning to illness and death, especially a reli-
grous meaning. In the institutional setting of the
bowls or containers, covered with handker-
hospital, as Ariès points out, the priest has been chiefs, to the
home of the deceased. The bowls
replaced by the doctor at the closing moments of are filled with rice,
and some money is conveyed
Ite.”The problem of the social meaning of death, to the dead person’s family
as a contribution I for
from which religious significance is at least par-
localized variations.
Muhaimin shows how, in Moslem Cirebon,
is very much a communal event. Women bring
ther
aly derived, becomes especially acute, because people working together
to care for and bury the
the value system assigns comparatively great corpse. A divan for bathing the body is put near a
the funeral. This visit (called the nglayat) entails
MOTth to individual lives. Moreover, in Western
ieties, dying and death have become particu-
arly vulnerable to loss of meaning. This partly
thed
from the undermining of the traditional tree trunk at the nape,
waist, and legs. The bath-
well, where a tank full of
water containing herbs
and flowers is ready. The corpse
is then laid on
the divan, pillowed on three
sections ofa banana
heodicies that Weber spoke of, the belief systems ing is led by
a specialist, or lebe,
and involves
ndividuals
that forge explanations of death and that help the dead persons close
relatives, especially older
ndividuals come children. After the bathing is finished, the corpse
is taken and put on
mats in the front
room of
the house, with the
head at north and
the feet
to terms with it. In the West, ohlh this may leave the dying and those close to them
confused. This has, by way of illustra-
given rise to gestions that the funeral
process has been rendered psychologically inad-
at south. All bodily
orifices are closed
with cot
ton, and the
whole body is perfumed,
embalmed
with herbs, and wrapped
in seamless
clothes of
white sheets tied
around its feet, waist,
and top
dless meaning and that the mourning
quate. It is to these themes that we now turn.
243
Part 2 Religion and Culture
in the Space of Ethics
and face. In the Hindu tradition cremated, although many groups
of the head. The next procedure after washing is
the obligatory act of shrouding the entire body
in clean, ideally white cloth (kafan), wrapped
with one or two sheets. The preferable number is
generally considered to be three, given that the
Prophet was shrouded in three at his death.
Hindu death rituals in all their expressions
follow a fairly uniform pattern that is drawn
from the Vedas, with variations according to
sect, region, caste, and family tradition. Certain
rites are traditionally performed by a priest but
may also be performed by the family if no priest
ndividuals ate are buried and special actice buriul
instead; infants
ducted to ensure a good afterlife. At the funera closest relative of the deceased (usually the
tes con- site, in the presence of the male male mourners,
ers, the
son; the youngest son in the case of the of the mothersdeath) takes charge of the final rite and, i cremation, lights the aneral pyre. The mourner then performs arati, passing an oil
if itis
nie
over the remains, before flowers are offered. Afte
o
a cremation, ashes and fragments of bone aree is available. After the death of a family member, lected and eventually immersed in a holy tive river. In many religious traditions, the funenalpreparation of the body and a procession to the process may span a long period, as in the time honored Chinese funeral arrangement,. The funeral ceremony conventionally lasts over
the relatives become involved in ceremonies for
burning or burial ground. Typically, after death,
in the Hindu convention, the body is laid in the
home’s entryway, with the head facing south, on
a cot or on the ground-reflecting a return to
the lap of Mother Earth. (Hindus often prefer
to die lying on the ground.) The lamp is kept lit
near the head, and incense is burned. A cloth is
forty-nine days, the first seven days being the most important. Prayers are said every seven of these forty-nine days if the family can affordi If the family is in poor circumstances, the period
may be shortened to three to seven days. Usu
ally, it is the responsibility of the daughters to
bear the funeral expenses. The head of the fam
ily should ideally be present for, at least, the irst
and possibly the second prayer ceremony. The
number of ceremonies conducted depends on
the financial situation of the family. The head ot
the family should also be present for the burial
tied under the chin and over the top of the head.
The thumbs are tied together, as are the big toes.
Religious pictures are turned to the wall, and, in
some traditions, mirrors are covered. Relatives
are beckoned to bid farewell and sing sacred
songs at the side of the body.
Depending on the gender of the deceased,
relatives carry the body to the back porch,
remove the clothes, and drape it with a white
cloth. (If there is no porch, the body can be
sponge-bathed and prepared where it is.) The
body of the departed is bathed with water from
the nine water pots (kumbhas) and dressed in
fresh clothes. Each relative applies sesame oil to
the head before placing the deceased in a coffin
(or on a palanquin) and carrying it to the homa
shelter. Fragrant sandalwood paste is applied to the corpse, which is then decorated with flow-
ers and garlands, followed by a small amount of
or the cremation. In an alternative tradition,
the prayer ceremony is held every ten days.
Ihe
initial ceremony is held, followed by three sue*
ceeding periods of ten days, until
the final buril
or cremation. After one hundred days,
a hnal
prayer ceremony is conducted,
but such a cer
emony is optional and not
as
nportant
as the
initial ceremonies.
GRIEF AND MOURNING
gold dust sprinkled on different parts of the head theories of Freud on the bject of
death,
one
of
Although few people may
take seriousl
244
Hunt, Death and Dying
A Hindu funeral pyre on the Ganges River in India. Rich Hindus can afford a cremation on the shore of the holy river; otherwise, the body is thrown into the water to be eaten by scavengers. For Indian Hindus,the body is an empty shell after the soul departs.
the more impressive aspects of his writings was
the view of the repercussions of loss and grief.
This was borne out of his own experiences. At
the time that he wrote, mass death had occurred
8 a result of the catastrophe of World War I.
Atfecting Freud more directly was his observa-
tion that his own family members and friends
were suffering from depression, agitation, physi- Cal anlments, and suicidal thoughts and behavior. his he attributed to the fact that many people
grief and detaching emotionally from the
deceased in order to recover full personal func-
tion. Many of the major religions deal with grietf
and mourning and, once more, display remark
able similarities, suggesting practical, time-hon
ored rites that deal adequately with the social
and psychological problems that frequently arise
at the time of death.
Anger is one of the essential components
of mourning. Comparing Western societies to
hved in grief for deaths that were not related to others, Geoffrey Gorer notes that, although our
lor
us
the various emotional and physical problems
culture gives no symbolic expression to anger, a
considerable number of others have done so.”
ue Contlict and that these losses might account
om which they suffered. Freud’s grief-work neory suggested the importance
This is seen in such rituals as the
destruction
of expressing of the dead person’s property
or ssions
245
Part 2Religion and
Culture in the Space of
Ethics
The world was created with humanity as
burial.
or, more indirectly, by the
various mutilations
that mourners feel compelled
to inflict upon
for
its focus.
God to
This
create
took
the
a full
worid
cycle
and
of time
rest from his
six
themselves as a sign of the pain
of experiencing
bereavement brought upon them by the
dead.
According to some psychoanalysts,
this anger
is a component of all mourning,
and one of the
main functions of the mourning process
is to
days
work on the final day. .When creation is rev
too is marked with a weeks cycle: the
and the human soul returns toits source,
that
shivah, seven days when the closest relatives devote work through and dissipate this anger in a sym exclusively to mourning the soul’s departure
when the extended tamily, friends, and
Com
and
bolic and, to a great extent,
unconscious fashion.
The emotion of anger is intimately tied up with munity comfort them with their presence, m the
empathy, and their words of consolation. Withinthat of grief.
Mourning processes in
Orthodox Judaism
are extensive. Ritualized mourning has several
purposes: it shows respect for the dead,
comforts
those left behind, helps prevent excessive lament,
and eventually helps the bereaved return to nor-
mal life. There are five stages to the mourning
process that correspond with the stages of
the
soul’s “ascent,’ as it gradually disengages from
the material world and assumes a less palpa-
ble, although no less real, presence in the lives
of those led behind. First, there is aninut, pre-
burial mourning. Upon initially hearing of the engage in sex, put on fresh clothing, or stud
death of a close relative (parent, child, sibling, or the Torah (except parts of the Torah related to
spouse), grief is traditionally expressed by tear-
ing (keriyah) one’s clothing. The Torah records they tore when they learned of the
death or at
many instances of rending the clothes after the
news of death. The tearing of garments allows
the mourner to give vent to pent-up anguish and relatives making up the minyan.
by means of a controlled, religiously sanctioned
act of destruction. The bereaved wears the torn
the shivah, the first three days are naracterized
by a more intense degree of mourning. After the
burial, a relative or friend prepares the “meal
of condolence, which traditionally consistis a
eggs (symbolizing lite) and bread. This meal is
for family only, although visitors may come to
offer condolences afterward. The family then
enters a seven-day period of intense mourning
Mourners sit on low stools or the floor instead of
on chairs; they do not wear leather shoes, shave
or cut their hair, wear cosmetics, work, bathe,
mourning and grief ). They wear the clothes that
the funeral. Mirrors in the house are covered
Prayer services are held with friends, neighbors
Next, there is a thirty-day mourning period
(shloshim). The laws of mourning are incumbent
clothing through the first seven days of mourn- upon seven first-degree relatives
of the decease
son or daughter, brother or sister, tather o
ing God as the true Judge. During the period mother, and spouse. The other
relatives ”
and ing.
The relative then recites a blessing, describ-
between death and burial, the primary respon-
sibility of mourners is to care for the dead and ing, and they offer support and
comfort to the
prepare the body for burial. This duty takes Pprimary mourners. During
this period,
tne
friends form the more outer circle
ot mou
precedence over all other commandments. The
family is left alone to grieve during aninut; calls
or visits are not to be made during this time.
The second and third stages, the shivah,
constitute a seven-day period following the
bereaved do not attend parties
or celebralieis
do not shave or cut their hair,
and do not
liscu
to music. This isolation from
others constlt
itute
the nonsocial element of
bereavenment,
in sn
withdrawing from social engagement
246
Hunt, Death and Dying
cose
to
the
deceased i
ject of taboo
this void, or what van Gennep called pass the night in her own home until her term
sed become themselves a sub- house for necessities and social visits to relatives
and undertake their own rites of and friends, a widow during her ‘iddah should
passage. In lapses; that is, she is not to sleep outside of her
Timinality”
‘those close to
the dead go through a
before returning to normal house.
Peri
social
life and
its duties,
2
Judaism, regular
eriodof exclusion,i
Offering condolences to the relatives and
friends of the deceased is an important act of
remembrances are per
period formed of u mourning (avelut) takes place in the Muhammad. It is not uncommon in the evening
formed in the years following the death. The fifth kindness, which was displayed by the Prophet
death and is observed only by the after burial for people gather at the dead person’s
hirst year after
children of the deceased. IDuring
avelut,
mourn-
es do not go
to parties, the theater, or concerts.
The son of
the deceased recites the Kaddish
prayer every day
for eleven months. Tradition-
lIl: the soul must purify itself before going to fellow Muslim, it is important in the faith to
the world to come,
which takes up to twelve
months for the most evil. After the first year, the
family’s house (ta’ziyah) to cheer the surviving
family and pray for them and for the deceased’s
well-being, reciting the Quran, especially sura
36 (Yasin) and then tahlil. When consoling a
remind the bereaved of the triviality of this life:
that everything belongs to Allah and that one
anniversary of death (yahrzeit) is remembered should submit patiently to his decrees. It is also
annually at the synagogue. The son recites the deemed beneficent to make them hopeful of
Mourner’s Kaddish and performs the aliyah, and
a candle is lit that burns for twenty-four hours.
In Islam, loved ones and
relatives of the
deceased are to observe a three-day mourn-
ing period. Mourning (hidaad) for more than
three days is not permitted, except in the case long as it is required. A very common practice is
of a widow on the occasion of her husband’s gathering to offer condolences to the deceased’s
death. Mourning is observed by increased devo- family and relatives in the graveyard, house,
tion, receivingg visitors and condolences, as well or mosque. Although the sharia specifies that
as avoiding decorative clothing and ostenta mourning of the dead be limited to three days,
ious jewelry. A widow observes an extended the practice of extending memorial feasts for the
mourning period (iddah), four months and ten dead is known across the Muslim world. Some
ays long, in accordance with the Quran 2:234.
During this time, she observes the “waiting
Allah’s mercy toward the beloved one that is lost
and that, by the will of Allah, he or she will be
united with the deceased on a day after which
there is no parting. Offering condolences is not
limited to three days and can be extended for as
Muslims also commemorate the first, third,
seventh, twentieth, or fortieth day following
period (lddah), in which she is prohibited from someone’s death, although there is no basis for it
Temarrying. She is not to wear jewelry, kohl (eye from the Quran or Sunnah. Memorial feasts in
hands and e feet. During her ‘iddah, she is not to eth, and sometimes the hundredth day after the
makeup), silk, perfume, or henna dye on her most Muslim societies are on the seventh, forti-
move from her home; she is only permitted to EaVe in order to fulfill her economic and social
eds. If, for example, she works to sustain her
death of a family member.
amly, she may continue to leave her home daily ishment and remembering the hereafter. It is,
It is recommended in the Islamic tradition
to visit the graves for the purpose of admon-
Or the period of work. Apart from leaving the however, forbidden to associate the visit with
247
Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics
anything that would anger Allah, such as sup-
plicating to the dead, invoking their assistance,
wailing, or other types of sinful actions. Differ
ence of opinion exists among Muslim scholars
concerning the permissibility of women visiting
graves. Although it is allowed for women to visit
graves, it is not recommended that they visit fre-
cloth draping all icons. During thes
ritual impurity, family and close relatives a
visit the homes of others, alth
neighbors
do
days o ives do not and relatives bring daily mealsheighb
eve the
burdens of preparing food dueieve during ourning Neither do they attend festivals and r nor take part in marriage arrangements. ” Hindus observe this period up to one yea
templ quently. Muslims are allowed to visit the graves
of disbelievers for reflection; however, they are
not permitted to participate in the funeral rites
Some the death of friends, neighbors, or asso observances are optional. Although
mourn
ear. For
ning is
never suppressed or denied, Scriptures admo
is For Hindus, after returning home after a ish against excessive lamentation and dmon age joyous release. The departed soul is ac
of non-Muslims.
r funeral, family members bathe and share in
cleaning the house. A lamp and water pot are set encour
acutelyconscious of emotional forces directed at himo
near where the body earlier lay at rest. The water her. Prolonged grieving can hold him or her in
to the heaven worlds. In Hindu Bali, it is shame
earthly consciousness, inhibiting full transition
is changed daily, and pictures remain turned to
the wall. The shrine room is closed, with white
ful to cry for the dead.
In Buddhist northern Thailand, it is not unusual for the bodies of prominent or wealthypersons to be kept for a year or more in a specialbuilding at a temple. Cremations are deferred this long to show love and respect for the
deceased and to perform religious rites that
benefit the departed. In such cases, a series of
IS
Ire
In Sikhism, death is considered a
natural process and God’s will. Any
public displays of grief at the funeral,
such as wailing or crying out loud,
are discouraged. Cremation is the
preferred method of disposal. The
body is usually bathed and clothed by
family members and taken to the cre-
mation grounds. There, hymns that
induce feelings of detachment are
recited by the congregation. As the
body is being cremated, Kirtan Sohila,
the nighttime prayer, is recited, and
Ardas is offered. The ashes are dis
SOC
e
dist
memorial services are held on the seventh, fifti-
eth, and hundredth days after the death. As long
as the body is present, the spirit can benefit from
the gifts presented, the sermons preached, and
the chants uttered before it.
dict
Wit
the All these religious traditions-Judaic,
Islamic, Hindu, and Buddhist-attempt to deal
adequately with the human need for mourn:
ing. The secular West offers a different picture
Let us return to Gorer’s prior statement that,
in comparison with other cultures,
funerals
sev
dut
he
er’n
dnd mourning processes of
Western cultures
are inadequate. Recent studies have tended o
emphasize the failure of
traditional funerls
posed of by immersing them in the
ngl
nearest river. A noncontinuous read-
ing of the entire Sri Guru Granth Sahib
is undertaken and timed to conclude
of th
o prey
on the tenth day. This marks the end
of the mourning period. stressing
that orthodox
Christian belietsor
the c afterlife are not always congruent
with those
the general population in
increasin8y >
248
Hunt, Death and Dying
hort. they
fail to provide
the funeral
hort. they e a5$0ciated with while the body is cremated. The god of death
cremation grounds, and recites specific prayers
the same time, con- is called upon to give the deceased an honored
tified as void of place among the ancestors, and other deities
ning
functions
that are
associated with
strialsocieties. At
culture
is often
identifi.
ning and
deals with the
mourn-
andmourning func
are also invoked to intercede on behalf of the
emporay’culure
sufhcient
guidelines in these
areas. This
br
explains
the ise of
“alternative” fune
the ashes and bones of the deceased are either poces.
insuficiently
because it is unable to departed. Once the body has been cremated
committed to a holy river or buried. After the
funeral, the family members, being in a state of
ritual impurity, proceed to a brook or river to
purify themselves with ritual baths. Because of
the difficulties in performing many such rituals
associated with the traditional Hindu funeral,
modifications may be observable within the
Western context.24
ab
that
are t
underscored by the value of
choice.”
religious
element,
apart
from
relatives of the
that concocted Increasin,
the alternative
means little or no
deceased from a pick ‘n’ mix
pirituality 2
Enduring perceptions
of death and pro-
ses of
mourning, alongside
prescribed forms
of funeral
arrangements, are
nevertheless evi-
dent among
ethnic minorities in the Western
gting, For
various faith communities, ways of
dsposing of the
dead provide a means for root-
SUMMARY
This chapter has presented a comparative over-
ing their identity in Western soil, and these have view of death in everyday life. It has necessarily
frequendy becomepartof legal and political con been brief, and, as a result, the vast complexities
troversies Furthermore, in pluralist Western of death and dying and the various expressions
societies, there are numerous difficulties facing
ethnic communities in observing preparations given justice. However, certain core themes have
regarding funerals.” The only acceptable way of presented themselves. We began our overview
disposing of a body in the eyes of the majority of the subject of religion and death by observ-
of Muslims is through burial underground with ing that death is a part of life. Yet to what extent
the head facing Mecca. Religious doctrine also
dicates that, ideally, a person is to be buried of lived experiences in the social setting var-
within a day of his or her death. In practice, in ies considerably. It remains true that death is a ae Western context, burials are often delayed by “ived experience” for those about to depart this
eral days. There are other limitations. Joining
Aaprocession is considered a collective to them by family ties or friendship, who are let
diuty: if there are sufficient people accompanying
of religiosity that surround it have scarcely been
death is an integral part of everyday life in terms
world and for their significant others, those close
De Dody to the cemetery, individual Muslims erstwhile role in articulating afterlite beliefs and
ciies, the observance of this rule is increas- the moment of death itselt. However, in Western
behind. Here, as we have seen, religion plays its
ar
Ouy-bound to join in. In the streets of mod- in shaping funeral and mourning processes and
ingy rare.
d cOntrast, cremation is the ideal disposal the corpse for Hindus. At death, as exploredpreviously, the family the deceased,car
societies, death is compartmentalized and mar
disposal ginalized. Its religious significance has become
less important. In a rationalized and secularized
context, however, it adds to the rich variety of
meaning given to death throughout history.
prepares the body of
carries it in a procession to the
249
Part 2 Religion and Culture in the Space of Ethics
While acknowledging the variety of ways Aging: A physical process, generally describing
that different cultures deal with death, common-
alities also exist, indicating that human beings
display the similar psychological and social
need to deal with a very human event. Whether
expressing cultural similarities or divergence,
religion has a central role to play in the natural
process of death. Death is a communal as well as
deterioration of the mind and body. In mar tures, but by no means all, it is a negative ter cu. term.Ceremonies: An annual, seasonal, or rec ecurring ccasion, celebrated by individuals groups. entire societies.
Death: A natural physical event that marks the individual experience and affects wider circles of end of a living organism. In human societies,j is often given a social and religious signifcan
social life, even in the West. It is the community
that is left to deal with the implications of losing ncance. Dying: A term denoting the process of death of a living organism, resulting from natural or
one of its members before the wounds can even-
tually be healed. At the same time, the taboo
surrounding death ensures that those associ-
ated with it withdraw from society, at least for
unnatural causes.
Funerals: A ceremony in the form of rites of
passage, marking the death of an individual and
possible transition to an afterlife (see entry).
a period.
We concluded our comparative survey by
noticing the difficulties that minority-faith com-
munities have in disposing of their dead in West-
ern societies, as well as the mourning processes
involved. It would be too simplistic to see this
problematic area as a result of cultural disparities
of living ina “host” culture that often fails to give
solace to those who mourn and where funeral
Mourning: A term often connected with grief,
expressing emotions on the death of someone
loved or admired.
Rites of Passage: A set of rituals that mark the
transition of one stage of life to another, in either
a social or a biological sense.
processes are often found wanting. However, the
matter is really that of the disjuncture between
religious communities and a secular context in
which the final life event is, in many respects,
dealt with inadequately. It is a context in wnicnBrooks-Gordon, Belinda. Death Rites and Rights.the business and busyness of everyday life leave
little room to deal adequately with the declining
social significance of death and to ponder the
religious significance of life’s closing event, the
final frontier” of a very real human experience.
FOR FURTHER READING
New York: Hart, 2007.
Davies, John. Death, Burial and Rebirth in the
Religions of Antiquity. London: Routledge.
1999.
Freud, Sigmund. Beyond the Pleasure Prinaiple
1913. New York: Norton, 1960.
Howarth, Glynnys. Death and Dying: A Socw
ogical Introduction. London: Polity, 200
Howarth, Glynnys, and Oliver Leaman, c
ds.
Encyclopedia of Death and Dying.
Londor
Routledge, 2001.
GLOSSARY
Afterlife: A conception, common to most reli-
gious systems, to articulate belief in the continu-
ation of the spirit or soul after death.
250
Hunt, Death and Dying
Changing
Face of Death:
Historical Accounts
of Death and
Disposal. Basingstoke,
UK;:
Walter, Tony. Funerals: And How to Improve
Peter,
and Glynnys
Howarth, eds. The
Jupp.
Them. London: Hodder, 1990.
. “Modern Death: Taboo or not Taboo?”
Macmillan, 1997. Sociology 25, no. 2 (1991): 293-310
Kastenbaum,
Robert.Eneyclopedia of
Death and
-. The Eclipse of Eternity: A Sociology of the
Afterlife. London: Macmillan, 1996.
Dying.
Phoenix: Oryx, 1989.
251
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