Intro to the New Testament 2

Must have 1200 word count for all total questions with 3 schorlay sources in APA format.

 
1.

Define the term pseudonymity and explain its practice among Hellenistic-Jewish and early Christian writers. 

 
2.

In what specific ways concerning Jesus’ return does II Thessalonians differ from Paul’s first letter to the Thessalonians? Why do some scholars think that it was written after Paul’s death? 

 
3.

Summarize the arguments for and against Paul’s authorship of Colossians. 

 
4.

What is the relationship that Paul seems to think best describes the union between the Church and Christ in the book of Ephesians? What are the implications for Christians in this union? 

 
5.

Why do scholars think that the pastoral letters were written by a later churchman? Why do these letters emphasize tradition so much and spend so much time combating heresy.

 
6.

Hebrews chapter 11 is often called the “Hall of Faith”. Who are some of the more recognizable figures in this chapter and how do they exhibit faith? 

 
7.

 What first century heresy might the book of I John be a response to? What language/images does the author use to indicate that he is opposing this heresy? 

 
8.

Define the term apocalypse as a literary genre, and explain how the Book of Revelation unveils realities of the unseen spirit world and previews future events. 

 
9.

Identify and explain some of the myths of cosmic conflict that John incorporates into his vision of the universal struggle between good and evil. 

386

Six canonical letters in which the author explicitly

identifi es himself as Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles,
contain discrepancies that cause scholars to
question their Pauline authorship. Two of the
letters—2 Thessalonians and Colossians—are
still vigorously disputed, with a large minority

championing their authenticity. But an over-
whelming scholarly majority deny that Paul wrote
the four others—Ephesians, 1 and 2 Timothy, and
Titus. The latter three are called the pastoral epis-
tles because the writer—as a pastor or shepherd—
offers guidance and advice to his fl ock, the church.

c h a p t e r 1 7

Continuing the Pauline Tradition
2 Thessalonians, Colossians, Ephesians, and the Pastoral Epistles

Stand fi rm . . . and hold fast to the traditions which you have
learned from us by word or letter. 2 Thessalonians 2:15

Keep before you an outline of the sound teaching which you heard from me. . . .
Guard the treasure [apostolic tradition] put into our charge. 2 Timothy 1:13–14

Key Topics/Themes Paul’s continuing infl uence
on the church was so great after his death that
various Pauline disciples composed letters in his
name and spirit, claiming his authority to settle
new issues besetting the Christian community.
Whereas a minority of scholars defend Pauline
authorship of 2 Thessalonians and Colossians, a
large majority are certain that he did not write
Ephesians, 1 or 2 Timothy, or Titus.
Repeating themes from Paul’s genuine
letter to the Thessalonians, 2 Thessalonians
reinterprets Paul’s original eschatology,
asserting that a number of traditional
apocalyptic “signs” must precede the eschaton .
In Colossians, a close Pauline disciple
emphasizes Jesus’ identifi cation with the cosmic

power and wisdom by and for which the
universe was created. The divine “secret” is
revealed as Christ’s Spirit dwelling in the
believer. A deutero – Pauline composition,
Ephesians contains ideas similar to those in
Colossians, revising and updating Pauline
concepts about God’s universal plan of salvation
for both Jews and Gentiles and about believers’
spiritual warfare with supernatural evil.
Writing to Timothy and Titus as symbols of
a new generation of Christians, an anonymous
disciple (known as the Pastor) warns his
readers against false teachings (heresy). He
urges them to adhere strictly to the original
apostolic traditions, supported by the Hebrew
Bible and the church.

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c h a p t e r 1 7 c o n t i n u i n g t h e p a u l i n e t r a d i t i o n 387

Most scholars today view several books in
the New Testament as pseudonymous, the
productions of unknown Christians who ad-
opted the Jewish literary convention of writing
under an assumed identity. Scholars question
the authenticity of not only six of the Pauline
letters but also of the seven catholic epistles,
documents ascribed to the “pillars” of the
Jerusalem church whom Paul mentions in
Galatians: James, John, and Peter, as well as
the letter of Jude, James’s putative brother
(Gal. 2:9; see Chapter 18). In wrestling with
the problem of pseudonymity in the early
church, many scholars assume that pseudony-
mous authors wrote not to deceive but to per-
petuate the thoughts of an apostle, to address
later situations in the Christian community as
they believed Peter or Paul would have if he
were still alive. According to a common view,
twenty-fi rst century principles about the integ-
rity of authorship were irrelevant in the Jewish
and Greco-Roman worlds. In this view, ancient
society tended to tolerate the practice of
pseudonymity , a custom in which disciples of
great thinkers were free to compose works in
their respective masters’ names.
Other scholars strongly disagree, pointing
out that what little evidence we have of the early
church’s recorded attitude toward pseudony-
mous writing does not support the notion that it
was tolerated. When a short missive purporting
to be Paul’s third letter to the Corinthians ap-
peared, probably in the latter half of the second
century ce , a few Christian groups apparently

According to tradition, Paul wrote 2 Thessa-
lonians shortly after his fi rst letter to believers
at Thessalonica, and Ephesians and Colossians
while imprisoned in Rome. After being re-
leased, he traveled to Crete, only to be thrown
again in prison a second time (2 Tim.). During
this second and fi nal incarceration, the apostle
supposedly composed these farewell letters
to  his trusted associates, Timothy and Titus,
young men who represent a new generation of
Christian leadership.
Since the eighteenth century, however,
scholars have increasingly doubted Paul’s
responsibility for either Ephesians or the pasto-
rals. More recently, they have also suspected
that both 2 Thessalonians and Colossians are
the work of later authors who adopted Paul’s
persona. Detailed analyses of four of the six
documents—Ephesians and the pastorals—
strongly indicate that they were composed
signifi cantly after Paul’s time.

The Problem
of  Pseudonymity

The author of 2 Thessalonians tells his readers
not to become overly excited if they receive a let-
ter falsely bearing Paul’s name, indicating that
the practice of circulating forged documents
purportedly by apostolic writers had already be-
gun (2 Thess . 2:1–3). Known as pseudonymity ,
the practice of creating new works in the name of
a famous deceased author was widespread in
both Hellenistic Judaism and early Christianity.
From about 200 bce to 200 ce , Jewish writers
produced a host of books ascribed to such re-
vered biblical fi gures as Daniel, Enoch, Noah,
David, Solomon, Isaiah, Ezra, and Moses. Some
pseudonymous works, such as the Book of
Daniel, were accepted into the Hebrew Bible
canon; others, such as 1 Enoch (quoted as scrip-
ture in the canonical letter of Jude), were not.
Still others, including the Wisdom of Solomon,
Baruch, and the apocalyptic 2 Esdras , were re-
garded as deuterocanonical , part of the Old
Testament’s “second canon.”

Disputed and Pseudonymous Letters

Authorship, date, and place of composition of
the disputed and pseudonymous letters are
unknown. If 2 Thessalonians and Colossians
are by Paul, the former was written about 50 ce
and the latter perhaps a decade later. Ephesians,
which incorporates ideas from some genuine
Pauline letters, may have originated about
90  ce. The pastoral epistles were probably
composed during the early decades of the
second century ce by a Pauline disciple eager
to use the apostle’s legacy to enforce church
tradition and organizational structure.

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388 p a r t f i v e p a u l a n d t h e p a u l i n e t r a d i t i o n

hearing for their views that only a letter by Paul,
Peter, or James could command. Some Pauline
disciples, perhaps even some who were listed as
coauthors in the genuine letters, may have wished,
after Paul’s death, to address problems as they
believed Paul would have. The fact that the histor-
ical Paul usually employed a secretary or amanu-
ensis to whom he dictated his thoughts—and that
in the ancient world an amanuensis supposedly
rephrased dictation in his own style—further
complicates the problem of authorship. Scholars
defending the authenticity of disputed letters,
such as 2 Thessalonians, Colossians, or 1 Peter,
tend to emphasize the roles that different secre-
taries played in shaping these documents. Other
critics suggest that pseudonymous authors may
have incorporated fragments of otherwise un-
known letters that Paul or P eter actually com-
posed. As the readings for this chapter and the
next indicate, scholarly speculation about plausi-
ble theories of authorship, genuine and pseu-
donymous, abounds. In studying the literature
dubiously attributed to Paul or fellow leaders of
the early church, readers will exercise their own
judgments about authenticity. Whatever their
degree of skepticism, they may conclude that
Colossians is worthy of the apostle or that, if Paul
wrote the Pastorals, they are a disappointing end
to a brilliant writing career.

Second Letter
to the Thessalonians

An increasing number of scholars are skeptical
about the genuineness of 2 Thessalonians. If
Paul actually composed it, why does he repeat—
almost verbatim—so much of what he had
already just written to the same recipients? More
seriously, why does the author present an escha-
tology so different from that presented in the
fi rst letter? In 1 Thessalonians, the Parousia will
occur stealthily, “like a thief in the night.” In 2
Thessalonians, a number of apocalyptic “signs”
will fi rst advertise its arrival. The interposing of

accepted it. By insisting that the resurrection
was  a bodily phenomenon, 3 Corinthians was
useful in combating the Gnostics, who deni-
grated all forms of material existence. The
church as a whole, however, denounced the work
as a forgery and removed from office the
bishop who confessed to writing it. Tertullian , a
church leader of the late second and early third
centuries ce, claimed that the author of the spu-
rious Acts of Paul and Thecla , when discovered,
was similarly stripped of his position. (See the
discussion of the Paul and Thecla narrative in
Chapter 20 .) Whereas some scholars believe
that no work suspected of being pseudonymous
would have been admitted to the canon, others
argue that in the late fi rst century and early de-
cades of the second, documents attributed to
Paul or other apostles— provided that they were
theologically consistent with a celebrated lead-
er’s known ideas—could be assimilated into
Christian Scripture.
How believers react to the claim that a
number of books in the New Testament were
written by someone other than their ostensible
authors typically depends on a reader’s concept
of bib lical authority. For some people, the pro-
posal that unknown Christians falsely assumed
Paul’s identity is ethically unacceptable on the
grounds that such forgeries could not become
part of the Bible. Other believers may ask if the
value of a disputed or pseudonymous book is
based on its traditional link to the “apostolic”
generation. Is it “apostolic” authorship only
that justifi es a document’s place in the New
Testament canon? Or is it a book’s ethical and
theological content that makes it valuable, re-
gardless of who wrote it? Perhaps most import-
ant, if a particular writing is a forgery—a work
falsely claiming Paul, Peter, or James as its
author—does that authorial deception invali-
date its message, especially if its contents are
useful to the Christian life? (See Bart Ehrman
in “Recommended Reading.”)
We can only speculate about the motives that
inspired pseudonymous Christian writers, but
some may have wished to obtain a respectful

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c h a p t e r 1 7 c o n t i n u i n g t h e p a u l i n e t r a d i t i o n 389

must take place before the Second Coming can
occur. The writer achieves this delicate balance
partly  by insisting on a rational and practical
approach to life during the unknown interim
between his writing and the Parousia .
In introducing his apocalyptic theme, the au-
thor invokes a vivid image of the Final Judgment
to imprint its imminent reality on his readers’
consciousness. He paraphrases images from the
Hebrew prophets to imply that persons now per-
secuting Christians will soon suffer God’s wrath.
Christ will be revealed from heaven amid blazing
fire, overthrowing those who disobey Jesus’
gospel or fail to honor the one God (1:1–12).
Having assured the Thessalonians that their
present opponents will be punished at Jesus’ re-
turn, Paul (or a disciple) now admonishes them
not to assume that the punishment will happen
immediately. Believers are not to run wild over
some visionary’s claim that the End is already
here. Individual prophetic revelations declaring
that Jesus is now invisibly present were appar-
ently strengthened when a letter—supposedly
from Paul—conveyed the same or a similar mes-
sage. (This pseudo-Pauline letter reveals that the
practice of composing letters in Paul’s name be-
gan very early in Christian history.) Speculations
founded on private revelations or forged letters,
the apostle points out, are doomed to disappoint
those who fall for them (2:1–3).

Traditional (Non-Pauline?)
Signs of the End

As mentioned previously, one of the strongest
arguments against Paul’s authorship of 2
Thessalonians is the letter’s presentation of
eschatological events that presage the End.
Although the writer argues for the Parousia’s
imminence (1:6–10), he also insists that the fi nal
day cannot arrive until certain developments
characteristic of Jewish apocalyptic thought
have  occurred. At this point, 2 Thessalonians
reverts to the cryptic and veiled language of
apocalyptic discourse, referring to mysterious
personages and events that may have been

these mysterious events between the writer’s time
and that of the Parousia has the effect of placing
the eschaton further into the future—unlike in 1
Thessalonians, where the End is extremely close.
Scholars defending Pauline authorship
advance several theories to explain the writer’s
apparent change of attitude toward the Parousia .
In the fi rst letter, Paul underscores the tension
between the shortness of time the world has left
and the necessity of believers’ vigilance and eth-
ical purity as they await the Second Coming. In
the second missive, Paul writes to correct the
Thessalonians’ misconceptions about or mis-
uses of his earlier emphasis on the nearness of
End time.
If Paul is in fact the author, he probably
wrote 2 Thessalonians within a few months of his
earlier letter. Some converts, claiming that “the
Day of the Lord is already here” (2:2), were
upsetting others with their otherworldly enthu-
siasms. In their state of apocalyptic fervor, some
even scorned everyday occupations and refused
to work or support themselves. It is possible
that  the visionary Spirit of prophecy that Paul
encouraged the Thessalonians to cultivate
(1  Thess . 5:19–22) had come back to haunt him.
Empowered by private revelations, a few
Christian prophets may have interpreted the
Spirit’s presence—made possible by Jesus’ resur-
rection and ascension to heaven—as a mystical
fulfillment of the Parousia . According to this
belief in presently realized eschatology, the
Lord’s Day is now. Paul, however, consistently
emphasizes that Jesus’ resurrection and the
Spirit’s coming are only the fi rst stage in God’s
plan of cosmic renewal. God’s purpose can be
completed only at the apocalyptic End of history.

Placing the Second Coming
in Perspective

In 2 Thessalonians, Paul (or some other writer
building on his thought) takes on the diffi cult
task of urging Christians to be ever alert and
prepared for the Lord’s return and at the
same  time to remember that certain events

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the Messiah, the unnamed satanic dupe func-
tions as an anti-Christ (2:3–12).
The writer’s language is specifi c enough to
arouse speculation about the identities of the
enigmatic “wicked man” and the “Restrainer”
who at the time of writing kept the anti-Christ in
check. It is also vague enough to preclude con-
necting any known historical fi gures with these
eschatological roles. In typical apocalyptic fash-
ion, the fi gures are mythic archetypes that be-
long to a realm beyond the reach of historical
investigation.

A Disputed Letter
to the Colossians

If Paul is the author of Colossians, as a large
minority of scholars believe, he had not yet vis-
ited the city when he wrote this theologically
important letter. A small town in the Roman
province of Asia, Colossae was located about
100 miles east of Ephesus, the provincial capital
(see Figure 16.1). Epaphras , one of Paul’s mis-
sionary associates, had apparently founded the
church a short time prior to Paul’s writing (1:7).
If genuine, Colossians was probably com-
posed at about the same time as Philemon, to
which it is closely related. In both letters, Paul
writes from prison, including his friend Timothy
in the salutation (1:1) and adding greetings
from many of the same persons—such as
Onesimus , Archippus , Aristarchus , Epaphras ,
Mark, and Luke—cited in the earlier missive
(4:9–18). If Philemon’s was the house church at
Colossae , it is strange that Paul does not men-
tion him, but his absence from the letter does
not discredit Pauline authorship.

Purpose and Organization

Although it was not one of his churches, Paul
(or one of his later disciples) writes to the
Colossae congregation to correct some false
teachings prevalent there. These beliefs appar-
ently involved cults that gave undue honor to

understood by the letter’s recipients but that
are  largely incomprehensible to contemporary
readers. The End cannot come before the fi nal
rebellion against God’s rule, when evil is re-
vealed in human form as a demonic enemy who
desecrates the Temple and claims divinity for
himself. In this passage, Paul’s terminology re-
sembles that contained in the Book of Daniel,
an apocalyptic work denouncing Antiochus IV, a
Greek-Syrian king who polluted the Jerusalem
Temple and tried to destroy the Jewish religion
(see Chapter 5).
Some commentators suggest that Paul re-
gards the Roman emperor, whose near-absolute
power gave him virtually unlimited potential for
infl icting evil on humankind, as a latter-day
counterpart of Antiochus. Paul’s explicitly
stated view of the Roman government, however,
is positive (Rom. 13), so readers must look else-
where to identify the doomed fi gure.
Reminding the Thessalonians that he had
previously informed them orally of these apoca-
lyptic developments, Paul states that the myste-
rious enemy’s identity will not be disclosed until
the appointed time. This is an allusion to the
typically apocalyptic belief that all history is pre-
destined: Events cannot occur before their
divinely predetermined hour. Evil forces are
already at work, however, secretly gathering
strength until the unidentifi ed “Restrainer” dis-
appears, allowing the evil personage to reveal
himself.

Apocalyptic Dualism In this passage, the writer
paints a typically apocalyptic worldview, a moral
dualism in which the opposing powers of good
and evil have their respective agents at work on
earth. The enemy fi gure is Satan’s agent; his
opposite is Christ. As Jesus is God’s representa-
tive working in human history, so the wicked
rebel is the devil’s tool. Operating on a cosmic
scope, the confl ict between good and evil cul-
minates in Christ’s victory over his enemy, who
has deceived the mass of humanity into believ-
ing the “lie.” (This is, perhaps, the false belief
that any being other than God is the source of
humanity’s ultimate welfare.) An evil parody of

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all things were created through him and for
him.

He is before all things, and in him all things
hold together.

He is the head of the body, the church;
He is the beginning, the fi rst-born from the

dead, that in everything he might be
preeminent.

For in him all the fullness of God was
pleased to dwell,

and through him to reconcile to himself all
things, whether on earth or in heaven,

making peace by the blood of his cross.

(1:15–20, Revised Standard Version)

Like the prologue to John’s Gospel, this beauti-
ful poem is modeled on biblical and Hellenistic-
Jewish concepts of divine Wisdom ( Prov . 8:22–31;
Ecclus . 24:1–22; see also the discussion of
John’s  usage of Logos [Word] in Chapter 10).
Hellenistic Jews had created a rich lore of specu-
lative thought in which God’s chief attribute, his
infi nite Wisdom, is the source of all creation
and the means by which he communicates his
purpose to humanity. Many historians believe
that early Christian thinkers adopted these
ready-made wisdom traditions and applied them
to Jesus.
Like Philippians 2, the Colossians hymn is
traditionally seen as proclaiming Jesus’ heav-
enly preexistence and his personal role as
mediator in creation. More recently, many
scholars— recognizing the hymn’s use of wis-
dom language—view it as a declaration that the
same divine Presence and Power that created
the Cosmos now operates in the glorifi ed Christ.
The personifi ed Wisdom whom God employed
as his agent in fashioning the universe is now
fully revealed in Christ, the agent through
whom God redeems his human creation.
The phrase “image [ eikon ] of the invisible
God” (1:15) may correspond to the phrase
“form [ morphes ] of God” that Paul used in
Philippians (2:6). In both cases, the term echoes
the words of Genesis 1, in which God creates the
fi rst human beings in his own “image” (Gen.
1:26–27). (The writer describes the Colossians

angels or other invisible spirits inhabiting the
universe. Some Colossians may have attempted
to worship beings that the angels themselves
worshiped. Paul refutes these “hollow and delu-
sive” notions by emphasizing Christ’s unique-
ness and supremacy. Christ alone is the channel
to spiritual reality; lesser spirit beings are merely
his “captives.”
The author’s purpose is to make sure that
the Colossians clearly recognize who Christ re-
ally is. He emphasizes two principal themes: (1)
Christ is supreme because God’s power now
manifested in him was the same power that cre-
ated the entire universe, including those invisi-
ble entities the false teachers mistakenly worship;
and (2) when they realize Christ’s supremacy
and experience his indwelling Spirit, the
Colossians are initiated into his mystery cult, vol-
untarily harmonizing their lives with the cosmic
unity he embodies.

Christ—The Source of Cosmic Unity

In the opinion of some analysts, both the
complex nature of the false teachings, which
seem to blend Greco-Roman and marginally
Jewish ideas into a Gnostic synthesis, and
the  Christology of Colossians seem too “ad-
vanced” for the letter to have originated in
Paul’s day. Other critics point out that, if the
letter was written late in Paul’s career to meet
a situation signifi cantly different from others
he had earlier encountered, it could well have
stimulated the apostle to produce a more fully
developed expression of his views about
Christ’s nature and function.

Jesus as the Mediator of Creation As in the sec-
ond chapter of Philippians, the author seems to
adapt an older Christian hymn to illustrate his
vision of the exalted Jesus’ cosmic role:

He is the image of the invisible god, the fi rst-
born of all creation;

for in him all things were created, in
heaven and on earth, visible and invisi-
ble, whether thrones or dominions or
principalities or authorities,

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social class, he omits the unity of the sexes that
Paul included in Galatians 3:28 (2:20–3:11). As
with many Greco-Roman mystery cults, initia-
tion into Christ is a union of social and reli-
gious equality.

Obligations of Initiation Consistent with Paul’s
custom, the author concludes by underlining
the ethical implications of his theology. Be-
cause Christians experience the indwelling
Christ, they must live exceptionally pure and
upright lives. The list of vices (3:5–9) and virtues
(3:12–25) is typical of other Hellenistic teachers
of ethics, but the writer adds a distinctively
Christian note: Believers behave well because
they are being re-created in Christ’s nature and
“image” (3:10).

Letter to the Ephesians

The Case of Ephesians

Whereas Paul’s authorship of Colossians is se-
riously doubted, the claim that he wrote
Ephesians is widely denied. Although it closely
resembles Colossians (the style and theology of
which also seem untypical of Paul), Ephesians
differs from the undisputed Pauline letters in
(1) vocabulary (containing over ninety words
not found elsewhere in Paul’s writings), (2) liter-
ary style (written in extremely long, convoluted
sentences, in contrast to Paul’s usually direct,
forceful statements), and (3) theology (lack-
ing typically Pauline doctrines such as justifi-
cation by faith and the nearness of Christ’s
return).
Despite its similarity to Colossians (75 of
Ephesians’ 155 verses parallel passages in
Colossians), it presents a different view of the
sacred “secret” or “mystery” revealed in Christ.
In Colossians, God’s long-kept secret is Christ’s
mystical union with his followers (Col. 1:27),
but in Ephesians, it is the union of Jew and
Gentile in one church (Eph. 3:6).
More than any other disputed letter (ex-
cept those to Timothy and Titus), Ephesians

as also bearing the divine “image” [3:10].)
Rather than asserting that the prehuman Jesus
was literally present at creation, the hymn may
affi rm that he is the ultimate goal toward which
God’s world trends.
Whatever Christology he advances, the
writer’s main purpose is to demonstrate Christ’s
present superiority to all rival cosmic beings.
The “thrones, sovereignties, authorities and
powers” mentioned (1:16) probably represent
the Jewish hierarchy of angels. Christ’s perfect
obedience, vindicating God’s image in human-
ity, and his ascension to heaven have rendered
these lesser beings irrelevant and powerless. By
his triumph, Christ leads them captive as a
Roman emperor leads a public procession of
conquered enemies (2:9–15).
Moving from Christ’s supremacy to his own
role in the divine plan, Paul states that his task
is to deliver God’s message of reconciliation.
He is the agent chosen to reveal the divine
“ secret hidden for long ages”—the glorified
Christ dwelling in the believer, spiritually reunit-
ing the Christian with God. Christians thus form
Christ’s visible body, here identifi ed with the
church (1:21–2:8).

The Mystical Initiation into Christ Employing
the rather obscure language of Greek mystery
religions (see Chapter 4), Paul compares the
Christian’s baptism to a vicarious experience of
Christ’s death and resurrection (2:12, 20; 3:1).
It is also the Christian equivalent of circum-
cision, the ritual sign that identifies one as
belonging to God’s people, and the rite of ini-
tiation into Christ’s “body” (2:12–14). Raised
to new life, initiated believers are liberated
from religious obligations sponsored by those
lesser spirits who transmitted the Torah revela-
tion to Moses.
Empowered by Christ’s Spirit, the Colos-
sians should not be intimidated by self-styled
authorities who mortify the body and piously
forbid partaking of certain food and drink, for
Christ’s death ended all such legal discrimina-
tions. Although the author declares the equal-
ity of all believers, regardless of nationality or

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Date and Organization

If the letter to the Ephesians is by Paul, it
probably originated from his Roman prison
(60–64 ce ). But if it is by a later Pauline dis-
ciple, as almost all scholars believe, Ephesians
likely was written about the time Paul’s letters
fi rst circulated as a unit, perhaps about 90 ce.
Ephesians’ diverse contents can be sub-
sumed under two major headings:

1. God’s plan of salvation through the unifi ed
body of the church (1:3–3:21)

2. Instructions for living in the world while
united to Christ (4:1–6:20)

Despite its long and sometimes awkward
sentence structures (rephrased into shorter
units in most English translations), Ephesians is
a masterpiece of devotional literature. Unlike
Paul’s undisputed letters, it has a quiet and
meditative tone, with no temperamental out-
bursts or attacks on the writer’s enemies.
Although it imitates the letter form by includ-
ing a brief salutation (1:1–2) and a fi nal greet-
ing (6:21–24), Ephesians is really a highly
sophisticated tract.

God’s Plan of Salvation
Through the United Body of Christ

Ephesians’ main theme is the union of all cre-
ation with Christ, manifested on earth by the
church’s international unity (1:10–14). Echoing
Romans’ concept of predestination, the author
states that before the world’s foundation God
selected Christ’s future “children” (composing
the church) to be redeemed by Jesus’ blood, a
sacrifi ce through which the chosen ones’ sins
are forgiven.
According to his preordained plan, God
has  placed Christ as head of the church, which
is his body. The Spirit of Christ now fi lls the
church as fully as God dwells in Christ (1:22–23).
This mystical union of the human and divine is
God’s unforeseen gift, his grace that saves those
who trust him (2:1–10).

seems to refl ect a time in church history signifi –
cantly later than Paul’s day. References to
“Apostles and prophets” as the church’s foun-
dation imply that these fi gures belong to the
past, not the author’s generation (2:20; 3:5).
The Gentiles’ equality in Christian fellowship is
no longer a controversial issue but an accom-
plished fact; this strongly suggests that the
letter originated after the church membership
had become largely non-Jewish (2:11–22).
Judaizing interlopers no longer question Paul’s
stand on circumcision, again indicating that
the work was composed after Jerusalem’s de-
struction had largely eliminated the infl uence
of the Jewish parent church.
When Paul uses the term “church” ( ekklesia ),
he always refers to a single congregation (Gal.
1:2; 1 Cor . 11:16; 16:19, etc.). In contrast,
Ephesians’ author speaks of the “church” col-
lectively, a universal institution encompassing
all individual groups. This view of the church as
a worldwide entity also points to a time after the
apostolic period.
The cumulative evidence convinces most
scholars that Ephesians is a deutero -Pauline
document, a secondary work composed in
Paul’s name by an admirer thoroughly steeped
in the apostle’s thought and theology. The
close parallels to Colossians, as well as phrases
taken from Romans, Philemon, and other let-
ters, indicate that unlike the author of Acts,
this unknown writer was familiar with the
Pauline correspondence. Some scholars pro-
pose that Ephesians was written as a kind of
“cover letter” or essay to accompany an early
collection of Paul’s letters. Ephesians, then,
can be seen as a tribute to Paul, summarizing
some of his ideas and updating others to fi t the
changing needs of a largely Gentile and cos-
mopolitan church.
The phrase “in Ephesus” (1:1), identifying
the recipients, does not appear in any of the old-
est manuscripts. That fact, plus the absence of
any specifi c issue or problem being addressed,
reinforces the notion that Ephesians was in-
tended to circulate among several churches in
Asia Minor.

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preach (3:1–21). (It is signifi cant that the writer
assumes a general acceptance of the Gentile-
dominated church, a condition that did not
exist in Paul’s day.)

Instructions for Living in the World

Ephesians’ last three chapters are devoted to
instructions on living properly in the world
while remaining united to Christ. Combining
ideas from Philippians 2 and Colossians 1, the
author reinterprets the concept of Jesus’ de-
scent from and reascension to the spirit realm
whereby he made lesser spirits his prisoners
and fi lled the universe with his presence. The
author may also allude to Jesus’ descent into
the Underworld, a mythical exploit that ap-
pears in 1 Peter (3:19–20) (see Box 18.2).
Advancing Paul’s conviction that the
Christian revelation requires the highest ethical
conduct, Ephesians contrasts Greco-Roman

Few New Testament writers can rival the
author of Ephesians in his enthusiastic por-
trayal of the spiritual bounty that Christians
enjoy. The “Father” not only “gives [us] the
spiritual powers of wisdom and vision” by
which we can come to know the divine nature
but also provides believers with “the entire full-
ness of God” (2:17–18, 22–23). Those trusting
in God can therefore draw upon the sustaining
forces of the entire universe, the “vast . . .
resources of [God’s] power” (2:19). (For a dis-
cussion of believers’ spiritually exalted status,
see Box 17.1 .)

The Sacred Secret—the Union of Jews and
Gentiles in One Church God’s long-hidden se-
cret is that Gentiles, previously under divine
condemnation, can now share in the biblical
promises made to Israel. This divine purpose to
unite Jew and Gentile in equal grace is the
special message that Paul is commissioned to

Two of the letters whose Pauline au-
thorship is disputed—Colossians and Ephesians—
seem to accord believers a higher spiritual status
than Paul gives them. In writing to the Corinthians,
Paul had chastised those recipients—presumably,
those who claimed superior “wisdom” (1 Cor .
1:18–3:23; 4:6–5:20)—who boasted that they had
already “come into [their] kingdom” (1 Cor . 4:8–9).
In repudiating those who behaved as if they had
already attained guarantees of immortal life, Paul
makes clear that Christians’ attainment of spiri-
tual validation and resurrection to immortality is
still to come; it is tantalizingly near, but not yet
(1  Cor . 15; cf. Rom. 6:4).
In Colossians, however, the writer appears to
have adopted the “wise” Corinthians’ viewpoint:
“For in baptism also you were raised to life with
him through your faith in the active power of
God who raised him from the dead” (2:12).

Believers are now “alive with Christ” (2:13).
Ephesians makes an even more startling claim
about believers’ state of being: “God . . . brought
us to life with Christ even when we were dead in
our sins; . . . and in union with Christ Jesus he
raised us up and enthroned us with him in the
heavenly realm” (Eph. 2:4–7). In such passages
affi rming believers’ present spiritual exaltation—
a celestial enthronement in which they already
rule with Christ—these (post-Pauline?) writers
approach the realized eschatology of John’s
Gospel. Muting Paul’s apocalyptic hope for an
imminent Parousia , Colossians and Ephesians re-
semble John’s nonapocalyptic conviction: “any-
one who . . . puts his trust in him who sent me has
hold of eternal life . . . [and] has already passed
from death to life.” In fact, that “time” of trans-
formation “is already here” (John 5:24–25; cf.
11:24–26).

b o x 1 7 . 1 Have Believers Already Experienced Resurrection to New Life?

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must remain similarly alert for Christ’s sudden
reappearance. Ephesians discards the eschato-
logical context of Paul’s meta phor , however,
and instead presents an ongoing battle between
good and evil with no end in sight. In the genu-
ine Pauline letters, the apostle foresees evil
demolished at Christ’s Second Coming. The
Ephesian writer, in contrast, paints a picture of
cosmic confl ict reminiscent of Zoroastrianism—
the Persian religion in which the world is
viewed as a battlefi eld between invisible forces
of light and dark, good and evil.
In Zoroastrian terms, the Ephesian Paul
describes two levels of “cosmic powers”—the
earthly rulers of the present dark age and
the invisible forces of evil in heaven (6:10–12).
Like Mark, the author apparently senses the re-
ality of an evil so powerful that mere human
wickedness cannot explain it. (For an insightful
interpretation of the “powers” as entrenched
social attitudes and practices that resist God’s
Spirit, see Wink in “Recommended Reading.”)
Instead of despairing, however, he rejoices that
God provides ammunition with which success-
fully to defeat even supernatural evil. According
to the author, each article of God’s armor is a
Christian virtue; cultivated together, qualities
like truth and faith offer full protection from
the devil’s worst attacks (6:13–19).
Rich in spiritual insight, Ephesians is a cre-
ative summary of some major Pauline concepts.
Even if not by Paul, it is nevertheless a signifi –
cant celebration of Christian ideals, an achieve-
ment worthy of the great apostle himself.

The Pastorals: Letters
to Timothy and Titus

In the opinion of most scholars, the case against
Paul’s connection with the pastorals is over-
whelming. Besides the fact that they do not ap-
pear in early lists of Paul’s canonical works, the
pastorals seem to refl ect conditions that pre-
vailed long after Paul’s day, perhaps as late as

vices with Christian virtues and urges believers to
transform their personalities to fi t God’s new
creation (4:17–5:20). Home life is to be as rever-
ent and orderly as behavior in church. Although
he insists on a domestic hierarchy—“man is the
head of the woman, just as Christ . . . is head of
the church”—the writer reminds husbands to
love their wives and thus to honor them as a trea-
sured equivalent of the self (5:21–6:9). Ephesians
endorses the rigid social and domestic hierarchy
of Greco-Roman society but makes the system
more humane by insisting that Christian love
apply to all public and private relationships.

Heavenly Armor In Ephesians’ most famous
passage, the Pauline analogy of Christians
armed like Roman soldiers is vividly elaborated
(see Figure 17.1 ). In 1 Thessalonians (5:8),
Paul urges believers to imitate armed sentries
who stay awake on guard duty, for Christians

f i g u r e 1 7 . 1 Bas-relief of Roman soldiers. The Book
of Ephesians’ famous description of a Christian’s spiritual
defenses against evil is based on the armor and other mili-
tary equipment used by Roman soldiers (Eph. 6:13–17).

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truths is entrusted. Youthful ( postapostolic )
Christians must take on the job of defending
“wholesome doctrine” against devilish here-
sies (1 Tim. 4:2, 11–12).

1 Timothy

Organization The fi rst letter to Timothy does not
present us with a smooth progression of thought,
so it makes sense to examine it in terms of topics
rather than the somewhat haphazard sequence
in which the author presents his material:

1. Timothy’s duty to repress false teachings
2. Church order: the qualifi cations of bishops,

deacons, and elders
3. The roles of women and slaves

Attacks on False Teachings (Heresies) As inher-
itor of the true faith, Timothy is to combat
church members’ wrong ideas (1:3). Because
the Pastor, unlike Paul, does not offer a ratio-
nal criticism of his opponents’ errors, we do
not know the exact nature of the beliefs being
attacked. Some commentators suggest that
the false teachers practiced an early form of
Gnosticism, a cult of secret “knowledge” men-
tioned in 6:20, but the letter reveals too little
about the heresies involved to confi rm this
theory.
Because the author describes the deviants
as teaching “the moral law” and being wrongly
preoccupied with “interminable myths and ge-
nealogies” (1:3–4, 7–9), many critics suppose
that some form of Hellenistic Judaism is under
attack. Practicing an extreme asceticism (se-
vere self-discipline of the physical appetites),
these persons forbid marriage and abstain from
various foods (4:1–3). Gnostic practices took
diverse forms, ranging from the kind of self-
denial mentioned here to the libertine behav-
ior Paul rebuked in Corinth, Galatia, and
elsewhere. Timothy (and the pastorship he rep-
resents) must correct such misguided austerity
by transmitting the correct Pauline teachings
(4:11), thereby saving both himself and those
who obey his orders (4:16).

the fi rst half of the second century ce. Lacking
Paul’s characteristic ideas about faith and the
Spirit, they are also un-Pauline in their fl at
prose style and different vocabulary (contain-
ing 306 words not found in Paul’s unques-
tioned letters). Furthermore, the pastorals
assume a church organization far more devel-
oped than that current in the apostle’s time.
Known for convenience as “the Pastor, ”
the same Pauline disciple is the author of all
three pastoral letters. He views Paul’s teaching
as the norm or standard for all Christians and
writes primarily to combat false teachings, urg-
ing the church to reject any deviations from
the  apostolic heritage. An examination of the
Pastor’s interpretation of Pauline thought
shows that he does not always use terms in the
same way as his master, nor is he as vigorous
and creative a thinker. Writing to preserve an
inherited tradition and bolster the authority of
an increasingly well-organized church, he tends
to view Christian faith as a set of static doctrines
rather than as the ecstatic experience of Christ
that Paul knew.

Letters to Timothy

The fi rst two pastorals are addressed to Timothy,
the son of a Jewish mother and a Greek father
(Acts 16:1), who served as Paul’s missionary
companion and trusted friend (1  Cor . 4:17;
16:10). According to Acts and Paul’s authentic
letters, Timothy was an important contributor
to Paul’s missionary campaigns in Greece
and  Asia Minor, a cofounder of churches in
Macedonia, and later a diplomatic emissary to
Philippi, Thessalonica, and Corinth. In listing
him as coauthor of as many as six different let-
ters, Paul (and perhaps also disciples who fol-
lowed him) affi rms Timothy’s vital role in the
expansion of Pauline Christianity (1 Thess . 1:1;
2 Thess . 1:1; 2 Cor . 1:1; Phil. 1:1; Philem . 1:1;
Col. 1:1).
In the pastorals, however, Timothy is less a
historical character than a literary symbol,
representative of a new generation of believ-
ers to whom the task of preserving apostolic

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group composed of different social classes, in-
cluding heads of households, masters, slaves,
wives, widows, and children, all of whom are
commanded to submit to their respective
superiors.

Women Whereas Paul recognizes women as
prophets and speakers (1 Cor . 11:5), the Pastor
does not permit women to teach because
the  first woman, Eve, was weak-minded and
tempted her husband to sin (2:8–15) (see
Chapter 13). The detailed instruction on wom-
en’s dress and conduct in 1 Timothy probably
applies to public worship and parallels the re-
stricted position assigned women in Greco-
Roman society. A refl ection of then-current
social customs, it is not logically defensible or a
timeless prescription limiting women’s partici-
pation in Christian life.
In his discussion of the church’s treat-
ment of widows, the Pastor distinguishes be-
tween “true” widows who demonstrate their
worth by good deeds and women who are un-
qualifi ed for that status because of their youth
or inappropriate conduct. Following Jewish
law ( Exod . 22:22; Deut. 24: 17–24), the church
early assumed responsibilities for supporting
destitute widows (Acts 6:1), but the author
stipulates that widows must be sixty years
old  before they can qualify for financial
assistance. Relatives must support underage
widows (5:3–16). The author seems uninter-
ested in the fate of young widows who have no
family to help them.
As Christians are to pray for government
rulers (2:1–3), so slaves are to recognize their
duties to masters and obey them (6:1–2). Yet
the rich and powerful are reminded to share
their wealth (6: 17–19). Those ambitious to ac-
quire riches are told that a passion for money is
the cause of much evil, a source of grief and
lost faith (6:9–10).
The letter ends with an admonishment to
Timothy to guard the apostolic legacy given
him. Anyone who disagrees with the Pastor’s
updated interpretation of Paul’s doctrine is “a
pompous ignoramus” (6:3).

Qualifications for Church Offices Invoking
Paul’s authority, the Pastor is eager to pre-
serve sound doctrine through a stable church
organization. His list of qualifi cations for
bishops (overseers), deacons (assistants), and
elders (the religiously mature leadership) im-
plies a hierarchy of church offi ces much more
rigidly stratifi ed than was the case in Paul’s
day. Paul once used the terms “bishop” and
“deacon” (Phil. 1:1), but presumably as desig-
nating areas of service rather than the specifi c
ecclesiastical offices enumerated here.
Although the author says that church offi cials
must demonstrate all the virtues typical of
Hellenistic ethical philosophy (3:2–23), he
says nothing about their intellectual qualifi ca-
tions or possession of the Spirit. Rather than
the spiritual gifts that Paul advocates, the
Pastor’s standards for church offi ces are
merely hallmarks of social respectability. The
Pastor’s list of requirements for leadership in
an increasingly institutionalized community
indicates the distance his church has moved
from early Christian origins. The historical
Jesus, an unmarried itinerant prophet who
stirred controversy and public criticism even
in his hometown, would seem to be excluded
from holding an offi cial position in the
Pastor’s church. Nor would Paul himself—by
choice unmarried and a lightning rod for in-
church dissension, a catalyst for public riots,
and a frequently arrested and imprisoned dis-
turber of the peace—qualify as the Pastor’s
version of a responsible church leader (cf. 2
Cor . 10–13).
The Pastor regards the institution of the
church—rather than the Spirit of Christ dwell-
ing in believers—as “the pillar and bulwark of
the truth” (3:15). In the writer’s time, an orga-
nization administered by right-thinking leaders
replaces the dynamic and charismatic fellow-
ship of the Pauline congregations.

The Church Hierarchy In 1 Timothy, the church
membership refl ects the social order of the
larger Greco-Roman society external to it.
Bishops, deacons, and elders govern a mixed

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own time. During the world’s last days (3:1),
hypocrites insinuate their way into Christians’
homes, corrupting their occupants. These pre-
tenders typically prey upon women because,
in  the Pastor’s insulting opinion, even when
eager to learn, women lack the ability to under-
stand true doctrine (3:6–8). Instead of the false
teachings’ being punished at the Second
Coming, the Pastor implies, the mere passage
of time will expose their errors (3:9).
As in 1 Timothy, the Pastor does not refute
the heretics with logical argument but merely
calls them names and lists their vices (3:1–6, 13;
4:3–4), duplicating the catalogues of misbehav-
ior common in Hellenistic philosophical
schools. Even believers do not adhere to healthy
beliefs but, instead, tolerate leaders who fl atter
them with what they want to hear.
Whereas the church is the stronghold of
faith in 1 Timothy, in 2 Timothy the Hebrew
Bible is the standard of religious orthodoxy
(correct teaching), confounding error and
directing believers to salvation. Scripture also
provides the mental discipline necessary to
equip the believer for right action (3:15–17).
Concluding with his memorable picture of
the apostle courageously facing martyrdom,
the Pastor graciously includes all the faithful in
Christ’s promised deliverance. Not only Paul
but all who trust in Jesus’ imminent return will
win the victor’s crown at the Parousia (4:6–8).

Letter to Titus

Although it is the shortest of the pastorals, Titus
has the longest salutation, a fulsome recapitula-
tion of Paul’s credentials and the recipient’s
signifi cance (1:1–4). This highly formal intro-
duction would be inappropriate in a personal
letter from Paul to his friend, but it is under-
standable as the Pastor’s way of offi cially trans-
mitting Paul’s authoritative instruction to an
apostolic successor.

Titus The historical Titus, a Greek youth whom
Paul refused to have circumcised (Gal. 2),
accompanied the apostle on his missionary

2 Timothy

Of the three pastorals, 2 Timothy most closely
resembles Paul’s genuine letters. Although the
letter is similarly concerned with refuting false
teachings, its tone is more intimate and per-
sonal. Especially poignant are several passages
in which the author depicts himself as aban-
doned by former associates and languishing
alone in prison except for the companionship
of Luke (1:15; 4:9–11, 16). Although these and
other fl ashes of Paul’s characteristic vigor and
emotional fi re (see 4:6–8, 17–18) lead some
scholars to speculate that the work contains
fragments of otherwise lost Pauline letters, such
theories are not widely accepted.
The part of 2 Timothy with the best claim to
Pauline authorship is the section ending the let-
ter (4:6–22), in which the writer emulates the
fl uctuations between lofty thoughts and mun-
dane practicalities so typical of the apostle. In the
fi rst part, he compares himself to a runner win-
ning the athlete’s coveted prize—not the Greek
competitor’s laurel crown, but a  “garland of
righteousness” justifying him on  God’s
Judgment Day (4:6–8). Switching abruptly to
practical matters, the author asks the recipient to
remember to bring his books when he comes. In
another quick change of subject, he complains
that during his court hearing nobody appeared
in his defense and that the testimony of one
“Alexander the coppersmith” seriously damaged
his case. Then, in a seemingly contradictory
about face, the writer states that he has (meta-
phorically) escaped the “lion’s jaws” and expects
to be kept safe until the Parousia (4:13–18).
Although such rapid changes of subject
and shifts from gloom to optimism characterize
Paul’s genuine correspondence, most scholars
believe that the entire document is the Pastor’s
work. The more vivid passages are simply the
writer’s most successful homage to the apostle’s
memory.
In describing the false teachings within the
church that he identifi es as signs of the last
days, the Pastor reveals that he is using Paul to
predict conditions that characterize the writer’s

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to governmental authorities (3:1). Men and
women, old and young, slaves and masters—all
are to behave in a way that publicly refl ects well
on their religion (2:1–10). Christians must
preserve an ethically pure community while
awaiting Christ’s return (2:13–14).
In a moving passage, the author contrasts
the negative personality traits that many be-
lievers had before their conversion with the
grace and hope for eternal life that they now
possess (3:3–8). In counsel similar to that in
the letter of James, he urges believers to show
their faith in admirable and useful deeds and
to refrain from “foolish speculations, genealo-
gies, quarrels, and controversies over the
Law” (3:9–10).

The Pastor’s Contribution

Although compared to Paul’s the Pastor’s
style is generally weak and colorless (except
for some passages in 2 Tim.), the Pastor suc-
cessfully promotes Paul’s continuing author-
ity in the church. His insistence that Paul’s
teaching, as he understood it, be followed
and that church leaders actively employ apos-
tolic doctrines to refute false teachers helped
to ensure that the international Christian
community would build its future on an apos-
tolic foundation.
Although the Pastor values continuity, he
does not seem to show an equal regard for con-
tinuing the individual revelations and ecstatic
experiences of Christ’s Spirit that character-
ized the Pauline churches. Regarding the
“laying on of hands” as the correct means of
conferring authority (2 Tim. 1:6), he would
probably not welcome another like Paul who
insisted that his private experience of Jesus—
not ordination by his predecessors—validated
his calling. Using Scripture, inherited doc-
trines, and the institutional church as guaran-
tors of orthodoxy, the Pastor sees the Christian
revelation as already complete, a static legacy
from the past. He ignores Paul’s injunction
not  to “stifl e inspiration” or prophetic speech

tours of Greece, acting as Paul’s emissary to
reconcile the rebellious Corinthians (Gal. 2:1,
3, 10; 2 Cor . 8:6, 16–23). Like the “Timothy” of
the other pastorals, however, “Titus” also rep-
resents the postapostolic church leadership,
the prototype of those preserving the Pauline
traditions. Consequently, the commission of
“Titus” is to establish an orthodox and quali-
fi ed ministry. The letter’s chief purpose is to
outline the requirements and some of the
duties of church elders and bishops.

Organization Titus can be divided into two
main sections:

1. Qualifi cations for the Christian ministry
2. Christian behavior in an ungodly world

Qualifi cations for the Christian Ministry The
writer states that he left “Titus” in Crete, an an-
cient island center of Greek civilization, to install
church assistants (elders) in every town (1:5).
Such persons must be eminently respectable
married men who keep their children under
strict parental control (1:6). Besides possessing
these domestic credentials, bishops (church su-
pervisors) must also have a reputation for devo-
tion, self-control, and hospitality (1:7–8). Again,
the writer says nothing about the leaders’ mental
or charismatic gifts, so highly valued in the
Pauline churches (2 Cor . 11–14).
One of the bishop’s primary functions is to
guard the received religion, adhering to estab-
lished beliefs and correcting dissenters (1:7–9).
Titus is the only book in the New Testament
that uses the term heretic (3:10), which at the
time of writing (early to mid-second century)
probably meant a person who held opinions
contrary to those of emerging church author-
ity. Such dissenters are to be warned twice and
then ignored (excluded from the church?) if
they fail to change their ways (3:10–11).

Christian Behavior in an Ungodly World The
Pastor reminds his readers that because they are
Christians in a nonbelieving world they must
live exemplary lives of obedience and submission

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Terms and Concepts to Remember

(1 Thess. 5:19–20); his intense conservatism
allows little room for future enlightenment.

Summary

Although it may shock modern sensibilities, innu-
merable ancient writers—Jewish, Greco-Roman,
and Christian—practiced pseudonymity , compos-
ing books under the names of famous dead
authors. In the decades following Paul’s demise,
several groups of Christians apparently contended
for the right to claim the Pauline legacy and to use
his posthumous authority to settle later church
problems. Two letters, 2 Thessalonians and
Colossians—seem to be much closer to genuine
Pauline thought than Ephesians or the Pastorals,
which emphasize the kind of church offi ces and
institutional structure that evolved after his day.

Questions for Review

1. Defi ne the term pseudonymity and explain its
practice among Hellenistic-Jewish and early
Christian writers. Which books of the New
Testament do many scholars think are pseu-
donymous?

2. In what specifi c ways concerning Jesus’ return
does 2 Thessalonians differ from Paul’s fi rst letter
to the Thessalonians? What elements in the sec-
ond letter make scholars suspect that it was writ-
ten after Paul’s day? Describe the conventional
apocalyptic “signs” that the writer says must occur
before the End.

3. Summarize the arguments for and against
Paul’s authorship of Colossians.

4. What factors cause scholars to doubt Paul’s au-
thorship of Ephesians? In this document, how
are Christ and the church related? What does
their union imply for believers? What is the sig-
nifi cance of the author’s emphasizing warfare
with unseen spirits rather than the Parousia ?

5. Describe the evidence that persuades most
scholars that the pastorals were written by a
later churchman. In what specifi c concerns do
the pastorals refl ect church organization and
administration that are different from those
existing in Paul’s time? Why are these letters so
concerned about holding to tradition and
combating “heresy”?

anti-Christ
bishop
catholic epistles
Christology
Colossae
deacon

Epaphras
heresy
pastoral epistles
pseudonymity
Timothy
Titus

Questions for Discussion and Refl ection

1. Analyze the similarities between the two Christian
hymns quoted respectively in Philippians 2 and
Colossians 1. Compare the view that humanity
bears God’s image (Gen. 1:27) with the similar
language applied to Jesus (Col. 1:15). In what
ways does the Colossians hymn apply the con-
cepts of Israel’s Wisdom tradition to Jesus?

2. Discuss the Pastor’s views on women, children,
and slaves. How does his prescription for inter-
nal church order refl ect the hierarchical orga-
nization of the contemporary Greco-Roman
society? What similarities and differences do
you see between the character and behavior of
Jesus and the Pastor’s list of qualifi cations for
church leaders? Would the historical Jesus, an
unmarried itinerant prophet, have met the
Pastor’s standards for qualifying for church
leadership? Would Paul himself ?

3. The pastoral epistles show the extent to which
the dynamic and spirit-led fellowship of early
Christian communities (30s–50s ce ) has devel-
oped into a more rigidly structured church or-
ganization with an administrative hierarchy of
offi ces and leaders (c. 90 ce and later). In your
opinion, what advantages did the church gain
by adopting the hierarchical structures of
Roman society? What losses came with this
organizational shift?

Recommended Reading

2 Thessalonians
Ascough, Richard S. “Thessalonians, Second

Letter to.” In K. D. Sakenfeld, ed., The New
Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. 5, pp.
574–579. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2009.
Surveys arguments for and against the letter’s
authenticity.

Malherbe, Abraham J. The Letters to the Thessalonians :
A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary.

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c h a p t e r 1 7 c o n t i n u i n g t h e p a u l i n e t r a d i t i o n 401

Bible, Vol. 2, pp. 269–276. Nashville, Tenn.:
Abingdon Press, 2007. An informative survey of
the book’s major themes.

Wink, Walter. The Powers That Be: Theology for a New
Millennium. New York: Galilee Doubleday, 1998.
Interprets traditional biblical imagery about
supernatural forces—angels and demons—as
social/cultural assumptions and practices that in-
hibit God’s rule in human society.

The Pastorals
D’Angelo, Mary Rose. “Timothy, First and Second

Letters to.” In K. D. Sakenfeld, ed., The New Inter-
preter’s Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. 5, pp. 602–605.
Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2009. Takes no stand
on authorship, emphasizing instead the letters’
contents, including their misogyny and attitude
toward slavery.

Fiore, Benjamin. “1 Timothy,” “2 Timothy,” and
“Titus.” In M. D. Coogan, ed., The Oxford Encyclo-
pedia of the Books of the Bible , Vol. 2, pp. 422–430.
New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. Offers a
survey of the letters’ contents, concluding that all
three are pseudonymous.

Johnson, L. T. The First and Second Letters to Timothy:
A New Translation with Introduction and
Commentary. Anchor Bible. Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday, 2001. A strongly traditionalist inter-
pretation, advocating Pauline authorship of the
pastorals.

Levine, Amy-Jill, and Blickenstaff, Marianne, eds.
Feminist Companion to Paul: Deutero -Pauline Writings.
Feminist Companion to the New Testament and
Early Christian Writings. Sheffi eld, England:
Sheffi eld Academic Press, 2004.

Quinn, J. D., ed., and trans. 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus.
Vol. 35 of the Anchor Bible. Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday, 1976. A translation with commentary.

. “Timothy and Titus, Epistles to.” In D. N.
Freedman, ed., The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 6,
pp. 560–571. New York: Doubleday, 1992.

Pseudonymity
Ehrman, Bart. Forged: Writing in the Name of God—Why

the Bible’s Authors Are Not Who We Think They Are.
San Francisco: HarperOne, 2011. Argues force-
fully that many New Testament books are deliber-
ate forgeries that successfully deceived the
Christian community.

. Forgery and Counter forgery: The U se of Literary
Deceit in Early Christian Polemics . New York: Oxford
University Press, 2013. Marshals detailed evi-
dence to support the thesis that “the most distinc-
tive feature of early Christian literature is the
degree to which it was forged.”

Anchor Bible, Vol. 32b. New York: Doubleday,
2000. Defends Pauline authorship of 2
Thessalonians.

Von Dehsen, Christian D. “2 Thessalonians.” In M. D.
Coogan, ed., The O xford Encyclopedia of the Books of
the Bible , Vol. 2, pp. 410–414. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2011. Reviews arguments for and
against authenticity, concluding that there is no
scholarly consensus.

Colossians
Barth, Markus, and Blanke, Helmut. Colossians.

Anchor Bible. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday,
1995. A scholarly translation and analysis.

Dunn, James D. G. “Colossians, Letter to.” In K. D.
Sakenfeld, ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of
the Bible, Vol. 1, pp. 702–706. Nashville, Tenn.:
Abingdon Press, 2006. A concise analysis of the
work, suggesting the possibility of Pauline
authorship.

. The Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon: A
Commentary on the Greek Text. Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Eerdmans, 1996. For advanced students.

O’Brien, P. T. Colossians, Philemon. Word Biblical
Commentary 44. Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1982.
Defends Pauline authorship of Colossians; in-
cludes the author’s translation.

Schweizer, Eduard. The Letter to the Colossians: A
Commentary. Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1982. Less
technical than the work by O’Brien; suggests that
Timothy played a role in writing Colossians.

Ephesians
Barth, Markus, ed. and trans. Ephesians. Vols. 34 and

34a of the Anchor Bible. Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday, 1974. An extensive commentary that
defends Pauline authorship.

Bruce, F. F. The Epistles to the Colossians, to Philemon, and
to the Ephesians. New International Commentary
on  the New Testament. Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Eerdmans, 1984.

Furnish, V. P. “Ephesians, Epistle to the.” In D. N.
Freedman, ed., The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 2,
pp. 535–542. New York: Doubleday, 1992.

Goodspeed, E. J. The Meaning of Ephesians. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1933. An older but
perceptive study arguing that Ephesians was writ-
ten as a cover letter for the fi rst collected edition
of Paul’s correspondence.

O’Brien, P. T. The Letter to the Ephesians. Pillar New
Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Eerdmans, 1999. An insightful analysis of the
letter’s spiritual signifi cance.

Turner, Max. “Ephesians, Letter to the.” In K. D.
Sakenfeld, ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the

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p a r t s i x

General Letters and
Some Visions of End Time

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404

Sandwiched between the theologically powerful
Pauline letters and the mystifying symbolism of
the Book of Revelation is a second collection of
New Testament letters or letterlike documents—
the Book of Hebrews and the seven catholic
(general) epistles. Although commonly less
emphasized in many contemporary church ser-
vices, these eight documents provide an impor-
tant counterweight to the historical dominance
of Paul’s thought, demonstrating that other
voices in the early Christian community offered
somewhat different but equally acceptable inter-
pretations of Jesus’ theological signifi cance and
of instruction in the Christian way of life. The fact

that most documents in this section contain some
element of the letter form—though few are true
letters—suggests that their authors consciously
imitated the literary genre that Paul had so effec-
tively employed. The widespread infl uence of
Paul’s “weighty and powerful” correspondence
(2 Cor. 10:10) apparently inspired the authors of
Hebrews and the catholic epistles (or perhaps
later editors) to frame their messages with letter-
like greetings and/or a complimentary close
(cf.  Heb. 13:17–25). Unlike Paul’s genuine let-
ters, however, those in this unit of the canon are
not addressed to individual congregations but are
directed to the believing community as a whole.

c h a p t e r 1 8

General Letters on Faith and Behavior
Hebrews and the Catholic Epistles

The kind of religion which is without stain or fault . . . is this: to go to the help of orphans and
widows in their distress and keep oneself untarnished by the world. James 1:27

Love cancels innumerable sins. 1 Peter 4:8 (cf. James 5:20)

Key Topics/Themes Addressed to believers
scattered throughout the world, Hebrews and
the other general epistles make the point that
God’s revelation through Jesus is fi nal and
complete. The very image of God’s nature,
Jesus now serves in heaven as an eternal High
Priest and mediator for humanity (Hebrews).

Believers must therefore adhere to a high
standard of conduct, maintaining a true
understanding of Jesus’ Incarnation (1 John),
practicing charitable acts (James), setting
examples of ethical behavior for the world
(1 Peter), and keeping alive their hope of the
Second Coming (2 Peter).

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c h a p t e r 1 8 g e n e r a l l e t t e r s o n f a i t h a n d b e h a v i o r 405

Near the end of the second century, the
church began to associate many previously
anonymous works with Jesus’ apostles and their
companions. This seems to have been the case
with the catholic epistles , which scholars be-
lieve to include the latest-written documents in
the New Testament.

Primary Concerns of
the Late Canonical Authors

Writing in the late fi rst century ce or early de-
cades of the second, the authors of Hebrews
and the catholic epistles address concerns that
troubled the church in the generations follow-
ing Paul’s martyrdom. Whereas Paul’s authen-
tic letters, like the Gospel of Mark, glowed with
eschatological urgency and warned of the im-
minent Parousia , the writers of this later period
had to deal with diminishing hopes that Jesus
would return soon. Roman imperial power had
not—as the fi rst generations of Christians so
fervently hoped—come to an end. Virtually all
the documents in this part of the canon repeat-
edly remind believers that Jesus’ reappearance
to judge the world—and them—is certain, but
only one tackles the issue of the delayed Parousia
head-on. The author of 2 Peter, which may be
the last-written work to enter the New Testament
canon, frankly acknowledges the problem, voic-
ing the skeptics’ complaints: “Where now is the
promise of his coming? Our fathers have been
laid to their rest, but still everything continues
exactly as it has always been since the world
began” (2 Pet. 3:4).
As generations of early Christians passed
away, criticism of the core belief that Jesus
would return to establish his kingdom during
his original disciples’ lifetime (cf. Mark 9:1;
Matt. 24:34–35) may have perplexed many be-
lievers. Second Peter’s response to such attacks
asks us to remember the disparity between hu-
man sense of time and that of God, who dwells
in eternity (3:1–15). Perhaps more important
for the church’s survival, virtually all the epis-
tles’ authors, including those of 1 and 2 Peter,
affi rm that the Parousia will indeed occur—and

Paul is also indirectly responsible for the
canonical order in which editors eventually ar-
ranged the seven catholic epistles . In Galatians 2:9,
he had briefl y referred to the three “pillars” of the
Jerusalem church as James (whom he identifi es
as  “the Lord’s brother”); Jesus’ chief apostle
“ Cephas ,” also called Peter; and John, who with
his brother, another James, was part of Jesus’ inner
circle (cf. Mark 3:16–17; 9:2). Hence, the epistles
appear in this sequence: James; 1 and 2 Peter; 1, 2,
and 3 John; and Jude (who identifi es himself as
“the brother of James”). Although called “epistles”
(another term for letters), these short works en-
compass a wide variety of literary categories, rang-
ing from wisdom literature (James) to theological
essays (1 John).

Authors and Dates

Most of the catholic writings are linked not
only by their attribution to leaders of the origi-
nal Jerusalem church but also by the fact that
collectively they are the last writings to be ac-
cepted into the New Testament canon. As late
as the fourth century, Eusebius classifi ed several
as “doubtful” and noted that many churches
did not accept them ( History 3.3; 3.24.1; 3.24.18;
3.25.4; 3.39.6). Church writers do not even men-
tion most of these epistles until almost 200 ce ,
and Jude, James, 2 Peter, and 3 John are typi-
cally absent from early lists of canonical books
(see Chapter 2).

Hebrews and the Catholic Epistles

Although some scholars argue that 1 Peter was
written by the historical Peter, and James and
Jude by Jesus’ kinsmen, most scholars believe
that this entire section of the New Testament is
pseudonymous. In general, we do not know
when or where these documents originated or,
in most cases, to whom they were sent. A possible
exception to this rule, the Teaching ( Didache )
of the Twelve Apostles (see Chapter 20) may
have been compiled in Syria about 100  ce and is
thus probably older than the documents as-
cribed to Peter or Jude.

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406 p a r t s i x g e n e r a l l e t t e r s a n d s o m e v i s i o n s o f e n d t i m e

Christians at the turn of the fi rst and second
centuries remain with us today.

The Book of Hebrews

The Book of Hebrews was written by an early
Christian scholar who was equally well ac-
quainted with the Hebrew Bible and with Greek
philosophy. Combining scriptural interpreta-
tion with philosophical concepts, the work
challenges readers as does no other New
Testament book except Revelation. With the
warning that he offers “much that is diffi cult to
explain” (5:11), the writer—who does not iden-
tify himself—presents a dualistic view of the
universe in which earthly events and human in-
stitutions are seen as refl ections of invisible
heavenly realities. Employing a popular form of
Platonic thought, he assumes the existence of
two parallel worlds: the eternal and perfect
realm of spirit above and the inferior, con-
stantly changing world below. Alone among
New Testament authors, he attempts to show
how Christ’s sacrifi cial death links the two op-
posing realms of perishable matter and eternal
spirit. He is the only biblical writer to present
Jesus as a heavenly priest who serves as an ever-
lasting mediator between God and humanity.

Authorship and Date

Hebrews is an elaborate sermon—or series
of  interlocking sermons—rather than a letter,
but it ends with a postscript recalling one of
Paul’s missives (13:17–25). Although some
early Christians attributed the work to Paul,
many others recognized that the theology, lan-
guage, and style of Hebrews were distinctly
un-Pauline. (The ending comments and refer-
ence to Timothy [13:23] do not fi t the rest of
the work and may have been appended by a
later copyist or editor.) Various commentators
have speculated that the author may have been
Barnabas, Priscilla, or Paul’s eloquent co-worker
Apollos of Alexandria.

that Christians must behave as if Jesus will appear
tomorrow to judge their conduct. Encouraging
believers to practice a strict ethical code, the
author of 1 John points to contemporary devel-
opments in his own community—the appear-
ance of supposed “antichrists”—as proof that
“the last hour” has already arrived (1 John 2:18).
(This tendency to interpret events that affected
their congregations as evidence of fulfi lled
eschatological prophecy characterizes most New
Testament writers from Matthew to the author
of 2 Peter.)
Because they lived in the indefi nitely pro-
longed interim between Jesus’ ascension to
heaven and his return to earth, the authors of
Hebrews and the epistles struggle to provide guid-
ance that will enable their audiences to overcome
a host of trials and temptations. Among the many
problems that disturbed the churches’ peace
were issues that involved both secular and doctri-
nal diffi culties. Living as monotheists who could
not participate in the Greco-Roman world’s nu-
merous religious festivals or social associations,
Christians frequently endured harsh criticism
from their neighbors and even sporadic persecu-
tion by local magistrates. Although at this time
persecution was more commonly social than gov-
ernmental, the oppression and public disap-
proval were real and a source of ongoing concern
(see the discussion of 1 Peter below).
While they faced hostility from the outside
world, the geographically separated churches si-
multaneously wrestled with internal dissension.
The Johannine communities were wracked with
disputes over doctrine and behavior, as were the
churches that Jude and 2 Peter addressed.
Spirits of prophecy and interpretation that
had  characterized Paul’s congregations now
apparently inspired ideas that church leaders
condemned as “false teachings,” resulting in
admonition similar to that in the pastorals
(see Chapter 17). Even members’ apathy threat-
ened the churches’ health, as Hebrews’ author
reveals when he urges believers not to “stay away
from our meetings, as some do” (Heb. 10:25).
In perusing the books of this unit, readers will
discover that many of the perplexities that beset

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c h a p t e r 1 8 g e n e r a l l e t t e r s o n f a i t h a n d b e h a v i o r 407

Of special importance to the author is the
Genesis fi gure of Melchizedek, a mysterious king-
priest of Canaanite Salem to whom the patriarch
Abraham gave a tenth of the goods he had cap-
tured in war (Gen. 14:18–20). Melchizedek be-
comes a prototype or prophetic symbol of Jesus,
whom the author regards as both a king (Davidic
Messiah) and a priest (like Melchizedek). In
the  author’s interpretation, Melchizedek’s story
serves to prefi gure Jesus’ priesthood.

Purpose and Organization

The book’s title—“To the Hebrews”—is not
part of the original text; it may have been added
by an editor who assumed that the writer’s in-
terest in Jewish ritual implied that he wrote for
Jewish Christians. The term may apply equally
well to Gentile recipients, however, and pro-
bably refers to “spiritual Israel,” the Christian
church at large. Whatever the intended audi-
ence, Hebrews’ purpose is to urge believers to
hold fast to their faith, remembering their for-
mer loyalty during persecution (10:32–34) and
avoiding the pitfalls of apathy or indifference.
After an introduction (1:1–4), Hebrews is
arranged in three main sections:

1. Christ, the image of God, superior to all
other human or heavenly beings (1:5–4:16)

2. The Torah’s priestly regulations foreshad-
owing Jesus’ role as a priest like Melchizedek
(5:1–10:39)

3. Believers exhorted to emulate biblical exam-
ples and act on faith in Jesus’ supremacy
(11:1–13:16)

Christ’s Superiority to All Other Beings

Emphasizing his theme of Christ’s superiority
to all others, the author begins Hebrews by con-
trasting earlier biblical revelations with that
made in the last days through the person of
Jesus. Whereas God formerly conveyed his mes-
sage in fragmentary form through the Hebrew
prophets, in Jesus he discloses a complete reve-
lation of his essential nature and purpose. As in
Colossians and John’s Gospel, Jesus is the agent

Such attempts to link Hebrews with some
well-known fi gure associated with fi rst-generation
Pauline Christianity have proven futile. Most
scholars agree with Origen, a church scholar
prominent during the early third century, who
remarked that the writer’s identity is known only
to God. The book’s date and place of composi-
tion are also unknown. Various critics suggest
Alexandria, Rome, Antioch, Corinth, or some
equally cosmopolitan center as the city of origin,
with the time of writing estimated as between
about 80 and 110 ce .

The Writer’s Methods of Interpretation

Whoever he was, the anonymous author was a
master of rhetoric (the art of speaking or writ-
ing persuasively). He uses excellent Greek and
also shows familiarity with Hellenistic-Jewish
methods of scriptural analysis and interpreta-
tion. This suggests to many scholars that the
writer may have lived in Alexandria, a metropo-
lis where Greek-educated Jews like Philo Judaeus
developed highly sophisticated ways of making
ancient biblical texts relevant to Greco-Roman
culture. As expounded by Philo and other
Alexandrine scholars, the Hebrew Bible be-
came much more than a mere repository of le-
gal commandments or a record of past events.
To Philo and the author of Hebrews, it is an
allegory in which earthly events symbolize
heavenly realities.
Hebrews’ thesis is that, through Jesus, God
gives his ultimate revelation of spiritual reality
and that Jesus offers the sole means by which
humans can find salvation. The author ex-
amines selected passages from the Hebrew
Bible—principally Genesis 14:18–20 and Psalm
110:4—to demonstrate Christ’s unique role in
the universe. In his view, the biblical texts can
be understood only in the light of Christ’s
death and ascension into heaven. He thus gives
the Hebrew Bible a strictly Christological inter-
pretation (typology), explaining biblical char-
acters and Torah regulations as prophetic
“types,” or models that foreshadow Jesus’ theo-
logical signifi cance.

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In biblical times, a priest’s main function
was to offer animal sacrifi ces to atone for the
people’s sins and to elicit God’s forgiveness, a
rite of expiation (appeasement of divine wrath).
According to Hebrews, Jesus is both the priest
and the sacrifi ce. His offering fulfi lls the reality
of the Torah’s required sacrifices, but it is
superior to the old system because his life was
perfected through suffering (5:8–9). Unlike
the  sacrifi ces offered at Israel’s Tabernacle or
Temple, which must be repeated endlessly
to  ensure divine approval, Jesus’ sacrifice is
made only once. It remains eternally effective
and brings forgiveness and salvation to those
accepting its effi cacy (7:26–28).

Earthly Copy and Heavenly Reality

Hebrews employs the view that the universe is
composed of two levels: a lower physical realm
and a higher, unseen spirit world. The author
envisions Israel’s earthly ceremonies of sacri-
fi ce and worship as refl ections, or copies, that
parallel or correspond to invisible realities in
heaven (8:5) (see Figure 18.1). He then cites
the solemn ritual of the Day of Atonement, the
one time of the year that the High Priest was
permitted to enter the Tabernacle’s innermost
room, the Holy of Holies, where God’s glory
was believed to dwell. Interpreting the atone-
ment ritual allegorically, the author states that
the priest’s annual entry into God’s presence
prophetically signifi ed Christ’s ascension to
heaven itself. There, his life stands as an eter-
nally powerful sacrifi ce, making humanity
forever “at one” with God (8:1–6; 9:1–14).
Because his sacrifi ce surpasses those decreed
under the old Mosaic Covenant, Jesus inaugu-
rates a New Covenant with his shed blood. He
acts as a permanent mediator, always pleading
for humanity’s forgiveness (7:24–25; 9:15–22).
The writer repeatedly emphasizes that neither
the Mosaic Tabernacle nor Herod’s Temple in
Jerusalem was intended to be permanent. Both
sanctuaries are only copies of heavenly realities
(9:23), mere “shadows, and no true image” of
Christ’s supreme priestly sacrifi ce (10:1).

(or goal) of God’s creative purpose and a per-
fect refl ection of the divine being (1:1–4).
Echoing Paul’s assertion that Jesus attained
heavenly glory through obedient humility
(Phil.  2), the author states that Jesus was per-
fected through suffering. As a perfectly obedi-
ent Son, he is greater than Moses, leading his
followers, not to an earthly destination, but to
God’s celestial throne (3:1–4:16). Through him,
God makes his complete and fi nal revelation.

Christ— A Priest like Melchizedek

Asking his hearers to move beyond basic ideas
and to advance in understanding (5:11–6:3), the
author introduces his unparalleled interpreta-
tion of Jesus as an eternal High Priest, one fore-
shadowed by Melchizedek. To show that Christ’s
priesthood is superior to that of Aaron, Israel’s
fi rst High Priest, and the Levites who assisted him
at the Tabernacle, Hebrews cites the narrative
about Abraham paying tithes to Melchizedek
(14:18–20). Because Melchizedek blessed
Abraham and accepted offerings from him, the
writer argues, the king-priest of Salem was
Abraham’s superior. Furthermore, Abraham’s
descendants, the Levitical and Aaronic priests,
also shared in the patriarch’s homage to
Melchizedek. Present in his ancestor’s “loins”
when Abraham honored Melchizedek, Aaron
and all his priestly offspring also confessed their
inferiority to Melchizedek (7:1–10). Melchizedek
is thus acknowledged as the superior of Israel’s
Levitical priests by virtue of his priority in time.
The author now adds Psalm 110 to his ex-
plication of Genesis 14. He notes that Yahweh
swore that his king, or “messiah,” is both his
son and an everlasting priest like Melchizedek
(Ps. 110:4). Hebrews further argues that, be-
cause Genesis does not mention either an-
cestors or descendants for Melchizedek, the
absence of human roots or connections implies
that the king-priest is without either beginning
or end—an eternal priest. The symbolic ever-
lastingness of Melchizedek’s priesthood is thus
the prototype of Christ, who similarly remains a
priest for all time (7:3, 21–24).

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deserters were persons disappointed in their
apocalyptic hopes: “For ‘soon, very soon’ [in
the words of Scripture], ‘he who is to come will
come; he will not delay’” (an unusual interpre-
tation of Habakkuk 2:3, a text that does not in-
volve either the fi rst or second advent of a
messiah) (10:27). In this and similar passages,
the writer apparently fears that some members
of his audience are suffering such a painful dis-
illusionment about Christ’s failure to return
that they are prepared to forsake the church.
The author’s insistence that the Christian reve-
lation is utterly fi nal and his repeated warnings
that persons who give up their faith also relin-
quish forever their hope of eternal life suggest
that his purpose is to prevent apostasy, the
renunciation of their previously held beliefs.
At this crucial point in his argument, the au-
thor offers the New Testament’s only defi nition

An Exhortation to Remain Faithful

In Hebrews’ tenth chapter, the author narrows
his focus to address directly a group within his
community about whom he is particularly anx-
ious. This group apparently included people
who had formerly endured severe persecution
but who now were tempted to abandon the
Christian faith (10:32–34). For the author, leav-
ing “the [revealed] truth” was tantamount to
repudiating Christ’s sacrifi ce and thus con-
demning oneself to face a “terrifying expecta-
tion of judgment and a fi erce fi re which will
consume God’s enemies” (10:26–30). “It is a
terrible thing,” he reminds his audience, “to fall
into the hands of the living God” (10:31). The
fact that he immediately follows this dire threat
by assuring his readers that the Parousia will
occur imminently suggests that the potential

f i g u r e 1 8 . 1 The Book of Hebrews’ theory of correspondences. According to this theory,
reality exists in two separate but parallel dimensions—the spirit world (heaven) and the physical
world (earth). Material objects and customs on earth are temporary replicas, or shadows, of eternal
realities in heaven. The author’s notion that Jesus’ “perfect” sacrifi ce has rendered Jewish worship
obsolete is clearly partisan and represents a claim that many scholars fi nd highly unacceptable.

Heaven

(Spirit World)

Christ

High Priest

Eternal Tabernacle

God’s
real

abode

Earthly Tabernacle

God’s Kavod
(Glory)

Altar of Christ’s
perfect and eternal

sacrifice

Altar of animal
sacrifice

Earth

(Physical World)

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heaven itself, where God is manifest in infi nitely
more awe-inspiring wonders. If God, who “is a
devouring fi re,” levied the death penalty on dis-
obedient Israelites at Sinai, how much more se-
verely will he punish those who fail to keep faith
in his supreme self-revelation (12:18–29).
Several scholars propose that Hebrews’
target audience included Jewish Christians
who  may have considered returning to their
ancestral religion, perhaps as a result of the un-
expectedly long delay in the Parousia . The
author’s repeated declarations of Jesus’ superi-
ority to all biblical fi gures, both human leaders
like Moses and the angelic beings who populate
the heavenly court, would serve to remind this
group that God now relates to humanity exclu-
sively through Israel’s Messiah, Jesus. His asser-
tion that all the great heroes and heroines of
faith in the Hebrew Bible looked forward to the
reality now embodied in Christ similarly en-
courages believers, both Jewish and Gentile, to
carry on the same great tradition as Israel’s
faithful leaders.
Urging believers to lead blameless lives of
active good deeds, the author reminds them
that Jesus Christ is “the same yesterday, today,
and for ever.” This is another powerful reason
to regard this world, with its temptations and
troubles, as a temporary trial resolved in the
light of eternity (13:1–9). Christians have no
permanent abode on earth but seek the unseen
and perfect city above as their life’s goal
(13:14).

Judaism and Christianity

With its declaration that Jesus’ sacrifi ce has ren-
dered Israel’s older system of sacrifi cial offer-
ings unnecessary, Hebrews consistently argues
for the superiority of Jesus as God’s ultimate
High Priest who now acts as sole intermediary
between God and humanity. Some contempo-
rary Christians have interpreted Hebrews’
thesis to mean that the New Covenant that
Christ initiated has superseded or replaced God’s
Old Covenant with Israel. In its extreme form,
this notion of supersessionism claims that God,

of faith, which he renders in Platonic terms as
the “certain[ ty ] of realities that we do not see.”
This belief in God’s invisible world, the exis-
tence of which he has argued for throughout his
sermon, “gives substance to our hopes” (11:1).
(Unlike Paul, who always associates faith with a
living trust in Jesus’ saving power, Hebrews’ au-
thor defi nes faith with no explicit reference to
Christ.) He then unfolds a panorama of promi-
nent figures from the Hebrew Bible, from
Abel and Enoch to Sarah, wife of Abraham, and
Rahab , the Canaanite prostitute who hospitably
sheltered Israelite spies. According to the writer,
all of these ancient characters expressed their
loyalty to God in a distant era when they had
only a dim preview of heavenly realities. By con-
trast, today’s believers now possess a complete
understanding of God’s plan: that the ancient
faithful could not receive their reward except
“in company with [present Christians].” The lat-
ter must therefore demonstrate an even higher
level of trust in God and his promises (11:2–40).
Christian faith must now include not only a rec-
ognition that Jesus invisibly reigns as everlasting
king, priest, and intercessor but also total confi –
dence in his eventual return in glory.
Evoking the metaphor of athletic competi-
tion, the author urges believers to compete the
race they had previously entered, fi xing their
sights on Jesus’ example of endurance, a loyal
persistence that won him a position “at the
right hand” of God’s throne (12:1–2). Observing
that none in his community had yet been re-
quired to shed their blood for Jesus’ sake, the
author encourages them not to fear future per-
secution, for, as legitimate children of God, the
Father “disciplines” them (12:3–13).
As if to stiffen the resolve of would-be apos-
tates, defectors from the church, the writer
again reminds them of the contrast between the
two covenants that God concluded with human-
kind. In the fi rst, Moses mediated the agree-
ment amid blazing fi re, earthquakes, and other
terrifying phenomena. Whereas inauguration
of the fi rst covenant took place on earthly
Mount Sinai, the “new covenant” that Jesus
mediates is established in the ultimate reality of

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the Righteous.” Despite his high reputation
among both Jews and Christians, however, he
was illegally executed about 62 ce .
If the author is Jesus’ brother (or close rel-
ative), it is strange that he rarely mentions Jesus
and almost never refers to his teachings. As a
man who had known Jesus all his life (Mark
6:3) and had seen the risen Lord (1 Cor. 15:7),
he might be expected to use his personal ac-
quaintance with Jesus to lend authority to his
instructions. The fact that his writing contains
virtually nothing about Jesus suggests that
the author did not personally know him and
consequently could not have been a member of
Jesus’ family (see Box 12.3). (For a defense of
the author’s relationship to Jesus, see Johnson
in “Recommended Reading.”)
Two qualities of this document offer gen-
eral clues to its author’s background. Besides
being written in excellent Greek (not some-
thing a Galilean native was likely to be capable
of), it repeatedly echoes Greek editions of the
Hebrew Bible, especially the Book of Prov-
erbs and later Hellenistic wisdom books like
Ecclesiasticus and the Wisdom of Solomon.
Both James’s subject matter and his language
refl ect a deep interest in Greek-Jewish wisdom
literature. This fact suggests that the author is a
Hellenistic-Jewish Christian concerned about
applying the principles of Israel’s later sages
to problems in his Christian circle. The writer
may have lived in any Greek-speaking Jewish
community in Syria, Palestine, Egypt, or Italy.

Form and Organization

Except for the brief opening salutation, the
work bears no similarity to a letter. It is instead
a collection of proverbs, commentaries, scrip-
tural paraphrases, and moral advice. As a liter-
ary genre, James is the only New Testament
document resembling the compilations of wise
counsel found in the Hebrew Bible.
Lacking any principle of coherence, James
leaps from topic to topic and then back again.
The only unifying theme is the author’s view of
the purpose and function of religion (1:26–27),

angry with Israel for rejecting his Messiah,
has  in turn repudiated his original covenant
people and established the Christian church
in  their place, making it the New Israel.
Historically, this notion of a rejected Israel
and  triumphant church has led to widespread
Christian discrimination against and persecu-
tion of Jews, culminating in the Holocaust of
the 1940s.
As we have seen, however, Hebrews’ author
does not advocate so irrevocable a disconnec-
tion between Judaism and Christianity. Although
he, like Matthew, regards the Jewish Scriptures
as a Christological resource, citing biblical texts
that he believes foreshadow Christ’s role as
both holy priest and royal messiah, he also em-
phasizes the unbroken continuity between the
Mosaic dispensation and that which Jesus con-
cluded. In Romans, Paul had made clear that
the New Covenant is God’s extension of his spe-
cial partnership with Israel to include Gentiles
(Rom. 9–11). In Hebrews, the writer focuses
instead on Jesus’ fulfi llment of biblical prom-
ises, arguing that even the priestly rituals of the
Tabernacle were prophetic of Christ’s cosmic
signifi cance. Regarding Jesus as the climax of
God’s purpose for Israel, the author sees not
replacement but culmination.

James

Authorship

Addressing his work to “the Twelve Tribes dis-
persed throughout the world” (presumably
“spiritual Israel,” the international church), the
author calls himself “James, a servant of God
and the Lord Jesus Christ.” He does not claim
apostolic rank or mention a kinship with Jesus,
but church tradition identifi es him as the per-
son whom Paul calls “James the Lord’s brother”
(Gal. 1:19), the principal leader of Palestinian
Jewish Christianity between about 50 and 62 ce .
He was a devout respecter of the Mosaic Torah
and was known to his fellow Israelites as “James

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412 p a r t s i x g e n e r a l l e t t e r s a n d s o m e v i s i o n s o f e n d t i m e

it single-mindedly and never doubt that God
will  provide the understanding necessary to
maintain faith.
Arguing that the Creator is not responsible
for tests of faith or private temptations to sin,
James declares that God, “untouched by evil,”
does not tempt anyone. Human temptation
arises from within through the secret cultiva-
tion of forbidden desire that eventually inspires
the act of “sin,” which in turn breeds death
(1:12–15). In contrast, God is the source of per-
fection (1:17) and the origin of life (1:12). In
this miniature theodicy (defense of God’s
goodness despite the world’s evil), the writer
insists that God is not responsible for injustice
or undeserved suffering. Society’s evils result
from purely human selfi shness. If believers re-
sist evil, God grants them the power to drive
away even the devil (4:7–8).
The only New Testament writer to defi ne
religion, James describes it as the active practice
of good works, an imitation of the divine bene-
factor who sets the example of generosity (1:16).
The religion God approves is practical: helping
“orphans and widows” and keeping “ oneself
untarnished by the world” (1:27). In James’s
two-part defi nition, the “orphans and widows”
are Judaism’s classic symbols of the defenseless
who are God’s special care, and “the world”
represents a society that repudiates God.
Thoroughly Jewish in its emphasis on merciful
deeds, James’s “true religion” cannot be formalized
by doctrine, creed, or ritual (cf. Matt. 25:31–46).

Respect for the Poor

Addressing a social problem that plagues virtu-
ally every community, whether religious or sec-
ular, James denounces all social snobbery.
Christians must make the poor feel as welcome
in their midst as the rich and powerful (2:1–
13). Noting that it is the wealthy who typically
oppress the church, James reminds his audi-
ence that the poor will inherit “the kingdom”
and that insulting them is an offense against
God. Interestingly, the author does not use
Jesus’ teaching to emphasize God’s gracious

which he defi nes as typically Jewish good works,
charitable practices that will save the soul and
cancel a multitude of sins (5:19–20). Following
the author’s order, we examine several of his
main interests:

1. The nature of trials and temptations (1:2–27)
2. Respect for the poor (2:1–13)
3. “Works,” or good deeds, as the only measure

of faith (2:14–26)
4. Control of speech (3:1–12)
5. Warnings against violent ambition and

exploitation of the poor (4:1–5:6)

Recipients and Date

From the topics covered, this book seems di-
rected at Jewish-Christian groups that had
existed long enough to have developed a sense
of class distinction within the church. Wealthy
Christians snub poorer ones (2:1–9), fail to
share their material possessions (2:14–26),
engage in worldly competition (4:1–10), and
exploit fellow believers of the laboring class
(4:13–5:6). These socially stratifi ed and eco-
nomically divided communities suggest a time
long after that of the impoverished Jerusalem
commune described in Acts 2. Most scholars
date the work in the late fi rst century, consider-
ably after the historical James’s martyrdom in
the early 60s.

Trials and Temptations

In this introductory section (1:2–27), James ar-
ticulates a philosophy of human experience that
puts his ethical advice in perspective. Dealing
with the twin problems of external suffering and
internal temptations to do wrong, the author
offers insight into God’s reasons for permitting
evil to affl ict even the faithful. “Trials” (presum-
ably including persecutions) are potentially
benefi cial experiences because they allow the
believer the opportunity to demonstrate faith
and fortitude under pressure, thus strengthen-
ing character. To help Christians endure such
trials, God grants insight to persons who pray for

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c h a p t e r 1 8 g e n e r a l l e t t e r s o n f a i t h a n d b e h a v i o r 413

for its failure to recognize the primacy of divine
grace. In its canonical function, however, James
serves as a reminder to Christians that faith—
which he apparently regards as a set of beliefs—
must be expressed through diligent service to
the poor and aid to the downtrodden.

Controlling the Tongue

Like earlier writers in the Hebrew wisdom tra-
dition, James underscores the importance of
self-control in speech (3:1–12; cf. Prov. 15:1–4,
26, 28; Ecclus . 5:11–6:1; 28:13–26). The tongue
is a fi re fed by the fl ames of hell (3:6), paradox-
ically both the instrument of divine praise and
the organ of destructive gossip. Contrasting its
abuses with spiritual wisdom, James emphasizes
the constructive, peace-enhancing quality of
the latter (3:13–18).

Warnings Against Ambition
and Exploitation

True wisdom produces peace and harmony;
James’s recipients, in contrast, are divided by
envy, ambition, and confl ict. Their ambitious
pursuit of unworthy goals makes them God’s en-
emy (4:3–4). Boastful of their fi nancial suc-
cesses, they forget that their continued existence
depends on God’s patience and mercy. Christian
merchants and landowners are the author’s
prime target in the New Testament’s most inci-
sive attack on the rich (4:13–5:4). Those whose
wealth gives them power over their economic
inferiors have exploited it shamelessly. Without
conscience, wealthy employers have defrauded
their workers, delaying payment of wages on
which the laboring poor depend to live. Such
injustice outrages the Creator, who views the
luxury-loving exploiters as overfed animals ripe
for slaughter (see Box 18.1).
Reminding his audience that the Lord will
return (5:7), presumably to judge those who
economically murder the defenseless (5:6),
James ends his sermon on a positive note for any
who have strayed from the right path. Sinners
and others who are “sick,” perhaps spiritually as

intent to reward those now poor but instead
quotes from the Hebrew Bible. If believers do
not love their fellow human beings (Lev. 19:18),
they break all of God’s laws, for to fail to keep
one precept is to disobey the entire Torah (2:10).

Good Works as the Only Measure
of Faith

In James’s most famous passage (2:14–26), the
author exposes the futility of persons who claim
they have faith but do not follow the practical
religion of good works. To James, belief that
fails to inspire right action is “dead.” Only
“deeds”—serving the “orphans and widows”
and others suffering comparable need—can
demonstrate the reality of faith.
Many interpreters see this section as an
attack on Paul’s doctrine of salvation through
faith (the apostle’s rejection of “works” of
Torah obedience in favor of trust in God’s sav-
ing purpose in Christ; see the discussions of
Galatians and Romans in Chapter 15). Like
Paul, James cites the Genesis example of
Abraham to prove his point, but he gives it a
strikingly different interpretation. James asserts
that it was Abraham’s action—his willingness
to sacrifi ce his son Isaac—that justifi ed him. The
writer’s conclusion is distinctly un-Pauline: “a
man is justifi ed by deeds and not by faith in
itself” (2:24). With its implication that one
earns divine approval through hard work and
service to others, this conclusion seems to con-
tradict Paul’s assertion that salvation comes
only through God’s grace, accepted on trust
(faith) (see Gal. and Rom. 1–8).
James’s conclusion that faith without action
is as dead as a corpse without breath (2:26) may
appear to repudiate Paul’s primary teaching.
Many scholars, however, regard it as a necessary
corrective to a common misapplication of
Pauline doctrine. It must be remembered that
although Paul labored to the point of exhaus-
tion serving others he did not see his “works” as
the means God provided for his “justifi cation.”
Martin Luther doubted the validity of James’s
argument, describing the work as “ strawlike ”

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James’s tirade against wealthy Christians
may shock some readers, but it is consistent both
with Jesus’ pronouncements on riches in the
Synoptic Gospels and with prophetic denuncia-
tions of economic greed in the Hebrew Bible. Part
of the Bible’s (sometimes) negative attitude toward
wealth stems from a widespread belief in the an-
cient world that the supply of wealth was limited
and that one person’s acquisition of material goods
must necessarily be at the expense of others. Thus
the prophet Isaiah violently condemned entrepre-
neurs who ruthlessly acquired other people’s
property, perhaps foreclosing on loans during
times of drought or famine:

Shame on you! you who add house to house
and join field to field,

until not an acre remains,
and you are left to dwell alone in the land.

(Isa. 5:8)

Jesus’ parables of the greedy “fool” who obses-
sively acquires possessions (Luke 12:16–20) and of
the “rich man” who apparently ignores the starv-
ing poor (Luke 16:19–31) make the same point:
Wealth that is unshared with the needy brings di-
vine condemnation because “you cannot serve
God and Money” (Luke 16:13). Specifi cally, James
excoriates the rich who fail to pay living wages to
their hired laborers. He also offers the eschatolog-
ical key to interpreting the New Testament writ-
ers’ attitude toward amassing wealth: “you have
piled up wealth in an age that is near its close”
(James 5:4). With the End at hand, the pursuit of
riches is not only pointless but offensive to God.
(For a contrasting view that presents material af-
fl uence as evidence of divine favor, see the list of
secular blessings promised a faithful Israel in
Deuteronomy 28:1–14; compare Proverbs 3:16;
10:22.)

b o x 1 8 . 1 Biblical Views on Wealth

well as physically, can hope for recovery. God’s
healing grace operates through congregational
prayer for the affl icted. A good person’s prayer
has the power to rescue a sinner from death and
to erase countless sins (5:13–20).

1 Peter

Like James, 1 Peter is ascribed to one of the three
Jerusalem “pillars.” The two works have other
points in common as well, including similar con-
victions about proper Christian behavior and a
shared belief that spiritual gifts like love and prayer
can wipe out sin (James 5:20; 1 Pet. 4:8). Both also
refer to social discrimination, and even persecu-
tion, against believers (James 1:2–8; 5:7–11; 1 Pet.
1:6–7; 4:12–19). A philosophy of peaceful submis-
sion and patience during trials and tests of faith
characterizes both documents.

Authorship and Date

The majority of scholars also agree that 1 Peter
resembles James in being pseudonymous, the
work of a later Christian writing in Peter’s name.
This scholarly consensus is based on several fac-
tors, ranging from the elegant Greek style in
which the epistle is composed to the particular
social circumstances to which it alludes. As an
Aramaic-speaking Galilean fi sherman who had
little formal education (Acts 4:13), the histori-
cal Peter seems unlikely to have produced the
work’s exceptionally fi ne Greek. Critics defend-
ing Peter’s authorship note that the epistle was
written “through Sylvanus [Silas]” (5:12), per-
haps the same Sylvanus who accompanied Paul
on some of his missionary journeys (Acts 15:22)
and who presumably was skilled at preaching to
Hellenistic audiences. According to the minority
theory, Sylvanus acted as Peter’s secretary, trans-
forming his Aramaic dictation into sophisti-
cated Greek.

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assume that 1 Peter originated in the capital, the
traditional site of Peter’s martyrdom.

Purpose and Organization

Although Peter probably did not write this
epistle, the early church recognized its ethical
value by adopting it into the canon. The au-
thor’s purpose is to encourage believers to hold
fast to their integrity, as Christians like Peter
did in Nero’s time, and to promote Christian
ethics. He urges the faithful to live so blame-
lessly that outsiders can never accuse them of
anything illegal or morally reprehensible. If
one endures legal prosecution, it should be
only “as a Christian” (4:14–16).

Regarding the argument that Peter used an
amanuensis as unverifi able, most scholars con-
clude that too many other factors combine to
militate against a Petrine origin. If Peter—a
member of Jesus’ inner circle—was the author,
why does he not reveal personal knowledge of
Jesus’ teachings, as an apostle would be ex-
pected to do? If Peter wrote the work shortly
before he became a victim of Nero’s persecu-
tion in Rome (mid-60s ce ), as defenders of the
work’s genuineness maintain, why does he ad-
dress the letter to churches in Asia Minor (1:1)?
Historians can fi nd no evidence that Nero’s
campaign against Christians extended into the
provinces.
According to some interpreters, the epis-
tle’s references to believers’ troubles (1:6) may
mean nothing more than the social discrimina-
tion and hostility Roman society accorded
many early Christians. Other commentators ex-
plain the “fi ery ordeals” (4:12–13) as the public
ill treatment of some Asia Minor believers un-
der the emperor Domitian (c. 95 ce ) or the more
severe persecution under Trajan (c. 112 ce ).
According to 1 Peter, believers are punished
merely for bearing Christ’s name (4:14–16), a
situation that does not seem to have character-
ized Nero’s era but that does accord with the
policies of his successors. Letters exchanged
between the emperor Trajan and Pliny the
Younger, his appointed governor of Bithynia,
one of the provinces of Asia Minor to which 1
Peter is addressed, seem to refl ect the same
conditions the epistle describes (Pliny, Letters 97)
(see Figure 18.2). For that reason, many schol-
ars favor a date in the early second century for
the epistle, though scholars do not yet fully agree.
A date after 70 ce is indicated by the
author’s greetings from “her who dwells in
Babylon” (5:13). “Her” refers to the writer’s
church (2 John 1), and “Babylon” became the
Christian code name for Rome after Titus
destroyed Jerusalem, thus duplicating the
Babylonian Empire’s infamous desecration of
the  holy city (587 bce ). As an archetype of the
ungodly nation, “Babylon” is also Revelation’s
symbol of Rome (Rev. 14:8; 18:2). Most critics

f i g u r e 1 8 . 2 Bust of Trajan (98–117 ce ). Under
Trajan, the Roman Empire reached its greatest geographi-
cal extent, stretching from Britain in the northwest to
Mesopotamia (Iraq) in the east. Pliny the Younger wrote
to Trajan about the proper method of handling Christians.
The emperor replied that he opposed anonymous
accusations and ordered that accused persons who
demonstrated their loyalty to the state by making
traditional sacrifi ces should not be prosecuted.

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Hebrew prophets spoke (1:9–12). Proper ap-
preciation for Christ’s sacrifi ce, which makes
him the “living stone” of the heavenly temple,
will also make believers a living part of the eter-
nal sanctuary (2:4–8). Christians, including
Gentiles, are the new “chosen race”—“a royal
priesthood, a dedicated nation, and a people
claimed by God for his own” (2:9–10).

The Obligations and Responsibilities
of Christian Life

Scholars have noted that 1 Peter contains many
Pauline ideas, particularly on matters of Christian
behavior and obedience to the Roman state. In
the second section (2:11–4:11), the author fo-
cuses on the responsibilities and moral conduct
of God’s people, who should act in a way that
even nonbelievers admire (2:12). Echoing
Romans 13, 1 Peter advises peaceful submission
to governmental authorities (3:13–15). In the
writer’s social and political hierarchy, slaves and
servants are subject to their masters (2:18), and
wives to their husbands (3:1–2). Those who
suffer unjustly must bear it as Jesus bore his
sufferings (1:19–25; 3:13–18; 4:1–5).
In alluding to Christ’s crucifi xion, the au-
thor includes two fascinating references to Jesus’
descent into the Underworld (Hades), presum-
ably during the interval between his death and
his resurrection (3:18–20; 4:6). Suggesting the
existence of a rich early Christian lore surround-
ing Jesus’ posthumous experiences, Peter’s brief
allusions inspired a later tradition that after his
death Jesus entered hell and rescued the souls
of faithful Israelites who had been imprisoned
there before the way to heaven was open (see
Box 18.2).

The Ethical Meaning of Suffering
as a Christian

References to suffering occur throughout
1  Peter, but the author does not directly ad-
dress the meaning of suffering as a Christian
until the third part of his epistle (4:12–5:11). In
his introduction, he notes that his audience

Although many scholars formerly regarded
1 Peter as a baptismal sermon, to which editors
later attached an opening (1:1–2) and conclu-
sion (4:12–5:14) to give it the formal appear-
ance of a letter, this interpretation has been
generally abandoned. The writer does allude
to his recipients as “new born infants” (2:2)
whom God has granted a “new birth” (1:3; cf
1:23), as if they had been only recently bap-
tized, but the signifi cance of baptism is not his
main theme. Some commentators regard the
trials and sufferings inherent in leading a
Christian life in a generally hostile society as
the author’s principal concern (see below).
Still others emphasize the importance of hope
(cf. 1:13). Taken as a whole, the epistle seems
to posit an intimate parallel between the life
and sufferings of Christ and the present expe-
rience of his followers, who endure similar
hardship and persecution but who can also
look forward to sharing in Christ’s post resur-
rection “splendor” (1:6–12). As recipients of
what Israel’s prophets only dimly foresaw, the
faithful, through the Holy Spirit, now enjoy an
understanding of God’s purpose that even
angels may envy (1:12).
As a basic summary of Christian ideals and
ethics, 1 Peter can be divided into three sections:

1. The privileges and values of the Christian
calling (1:3–2:10)

2. The obligations and responsibilities of
Christian life (2:11–4:11)

3. The ethical meaning of suffering as a
Christian (4:12–5:11)

The Privileges and Values
of the Christian Calling

Addressing believers who had not known the
historical Jesus, Peter stresses the rarity and in-
estimable value of the faith recently transmit-
ted to them. They must regard their present
trials and diffi culties as opportunities to display
the depth of their commitment and the quality
of their love (1:3–7). By remaining faithful,
they will attain the salvation of which the

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has already begun, starting with the church,
“God’s own household.” If the righteous are but
narrowly saved, what will happen to the wicked
(4:17–19)? In this crisis, elders must shepherd
the fl ock with loving care; younger people must
submit humbly to their rule (5:1–7). Everyone
must remain alert because the devil, “like a roar-
ing lion, prowls round looking for someone to
devour.” The faithful who resist him will partake
of Christ’s reward (5:8–11).

Jude

Placed last among the general epistles, Jude is
less a letter than a tract denouncing an uniden-
tifi ed group of heretics. Its primary intent is to
persuade the (also unidentifi ed) recipients

presently endures “trials of many kinds,” tests
of character that he compares to the process by
which a refi ner’s fi re separates pure gold from
dross (1:6–7). In chapter 4, he reminds believ-
ers that because they are Christ’s disciples they
must expect to suffer as he did—and to acquire
a mental attitude like his, voluntarily submit-
ting to the divine will. Because “the end of all
things” is near, Christians must lead “an ordered
and sober life,” ready for “the fi ery ordeal” that
lies before them (4:7, 12). Whatever form such
persecution takes, they must accept it with “joy,”
for sharing Christ’s pain also means sharing in
his imminent “glory” (4:13–14). “If anyone suf-
fers as a Christian,” it should be welcomed as an
opportunity to “confess [Jesus’] name” and
thus honor God (4:16).
The author interprets Christians’ present
affl ictions as evidence that “the [fi nal] judgment”

Only the author of Luke-Acts describes
Jesus’ post resurrection ascent to heaven (Acts
1:10–11), and only the Petrine epistles* explicitly
refer to a tradition about Jesus’ postmortem de-
scent into the Underworld:

In the body he was put to death; in the spirit he
was brought to life. And in the spirit he went and
made his proclamation to the imprisoned spirits.
They had refused obedience long ago while God
waited patiently in the days of Noah . . .
(1 Pet. 3:19–20)

According to a common interpretation, the “im-
prisoned spirits” are the “sons of the gods” (pre-
sumably angels) who “fell” from heaven when they
trespassed divinely set boundaries by mating with
the fair “daughters of men,” thus producing “the
heroes of old, men of renown” (Gen. 6:1–4).
Although Genesis says nothing about the divine
“sons’” subsequent fate, extrabiblical tradition

states that God had confi ned these rebels in a dark
and fi ery prison, where they awaited the fi nal judg-
ment (1 Enoch 6–10). The author of 2 Peter ap-
parently adopts that tradition, declaring that “God
did not spare the angels who sinned, but con-
signed them to the dark pit of hell” (2:4). (The
word here translated as “hell” is Tartarus , in Greek
myth the subterranean dungeon housing fallen
gods; see Box 4.1, “The Three-Story Universe.”) In
some views, 1 Peter’s cryptic allusion to preaching
“the Gospel” to “the dead” (4:6) refers to Jesus’
“harrowing of Hell,” when he descended into the
Underworld to offer a message of redemption to
persons who had perished before his death and
resurrection had made salvation possible. (For a
discussion of pre-Christian gods and heroes, such
as Dionysus and Orpheus, who died, descended
into Hades’ realm, and then ascended to immortal
life in heaven, see Chapter 4.)

b o x 1 8 . 2 Jesus’ Descent into the Underworld

*Ephesians may indirectly allude to the descent tradition (Eph. 4:10).

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have wormed their way into the church to per-
vert it with their “licentiousness” (v. 4). A “blot on
[Christian] love feasts” (v. 12), they are doomed
to suffer divine wrath as did Cain, Balaam, Korah ,
and other villains of the Hebrew Bible. Because
the author does not try to explain his reasons for
disagreeing with his opponents, but merely calls
them names, accuses them of immorality, and
predicts their future destruction, Jude has been
called the least theologically creative book in the
New Testament.

Apocalyptic Judgment

Jude views the heretics’ misbehavior as fulfi ll-
ing the apostles’ predictions about End time
(v. 18). Because their apostasy proves the near-
ness of the Last Judgment (an idea also expressed
in 1 John 2:18), Jude reminds his audience of
earlier punishments of the wicked, citing the
plagues in Egypt (v. 5), the fallen angels of
Genesis (v. 6), and the fi ery destruction of Sodom
and Gomorrah (vv. 6–7).

Use of Noncanonical Writings Jude is the only
New Testament writer to go beyond the
Hebrew Bible and quote directly from the
Pseudepigrapha , Jewish religious works not in-
cluded in the biblical canon. Citing the Book
of 1 Enoch (1:9) verbatim, Jude reproduces a
passage describing the Lord’s negative judg-
ment on “the ungodly” (v. 15). From copies
of  Enoch preserved among the Dead Sea
Scrolls, we know that the Essenes studied the
work. Jude’s quotation, as well as several other
allusions to the work (1 Enoch 1:1–9; 5:4;
18:12, 14–16; 27:2; 60:8; 93:2), suggests that
some early Christian groups also regarded
Enoch as authoritative.
In addition, Jude’s allusion to a postbiblical
legend about the archangel Michael contending
with the devil for Moses’ body (v. 9) may be taken
from the incompletely preserved Assumption of
Moses, another late noncanonical work. (When a
later writer incorporated much of Jude into
chapter 2 of 2 Peter, he deleted all references to
the noncanonical writings.)

to  join the writer in defending orthodox
Christian traditions (v. 3). Rather than specify
his opponents’ doctrinal errors or refute their
arguments, the writer instead threatens the
heretics with apocalyptic punishment drawn
from both biblical and nonbiblical sources.

Authorship and Date

The author refers to himself as Jude (Judas),
a  servant of Jesus Christ and brother of James
(v.  1)—and presumably also a kinsman of Jesus
(Matt. 13:55; Mark 6:3). According to Eusebius,
Jude, whom he describes as “the brother, hu-
manly speaking, of the Savior,” left descendants
who played an important role in the Jerusalem
church even after the Romans destroyed the
city in 70 ce . Eusebius quotes an older historian,
Hegesippus , who reported that during Domitian’s
reign the emperor ordered Jude’s two grandsons
to appear before him. Worried that their Davidic
ancestry might make them potential leaders of
another Jewish uprising, Domitian released the
two when they demonstrated that they were only
hardworking peasants with no pretensions to
royalty ( History 3.20) (see Box 12.3).
Scholars believe that Jude is not the work
of Jesus’ “brother” but rather is a pseudony-
mous work that entered the canon because of
its presumed association with the Lord’s family.
Like James, the author shows no personal fa-
miliarity with Jesus and cites none of his charac-
teristic teachings. He refers to Christianity as a
fi xed body of beliefs that the faithful already
possess (v. 3) and to the apostles as prophets of
a former age (vv. 17–18). This indicates that
the book was composed signifi cantly after the
historical Jude’s time. Most scholars suggest a
date between about 100 and 125 ce .

Style and Content

The letter of Jude represents a kind of rhetoric
known as invective —an argument character-
ized by verbal abuse and insults. Without de-
scribing their teachings, Jude calls the heretics
“brute beasts” (v. 10), “enemies of religion” who

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this epistle as Peter’s last will and testament, a
fi nal exposition of the apostolic faith (1:14–15).
The pseudonymous author’s claims are not
persuasive, however, because 2 Peter contains
too many indications that it was written long
after Peter’s martyrdom in about 64 or 65 ce .
The letter’s main intent—to reestablish the ap-
ostolic view of the Parousia —shows that the
writer is addressing a group that lived long
enough after the original apostles’ day to have
given up believing that Christ would return soon.
The author’s opponents deny the Parousia
doctrine because the promised Second Coming
has not materialized even though the “fathers”
(fi rst-generation disciples) have long since
passed away. In addition, the writer makes use of
Jude, itself an early-second-century document,
incorporating most of it into his work.
The work also refers to Paul’s letters as
Scripture (3:16), a status they did not achieve un-
til well into the second century. A late date is also
indicated by the author’s insistence on divinely
inspired Scripture as the principal teaching au-
thority (1:20–21). This tendency to substitute a
fi xed written text for the Spirit’s operation or the
“living voice” of the gospel also appears in the
Pastor’s letters (2 Tim. 3:15–16), which are simi-
larly products of the second century.
Finally, many leaders of the early church
doubted 2 Peter’s apostolic origins, resulting in
the epistle’s absence from numerous lists of
“approved” books. Not only was 2 Peter one of
the last works to gain entrance into the New
Testament, but scholars believe that it was
also the last canonical book written. Composed
at  some point after 100 ce , it may not have
appeared until as late as about 140 ce .

Organization and Purpose

A brief work, 2 Peter can be divided into three
main sections:

1. The writer’s apostolic authority and eschato-
logical purpose (1:1–32)

2. Condemnations of false teachers (based on
Jude) (2:1–22)

Exhortation to the Faithful Jude’s advice to his
orthodox recipients is as general as his denun-
ciation of the false teachers. Counseling them
to pray and live anticipating Jesus’ return
(vv.  20–21) , he concedes that some involved
with the heretics deserve pity and can be
helped. Others are pitiable but corrupted by
sensuality. The author’s opinion that the
clothing (or bodies) of such persons must be
despised (v. 23) suggests that Jude advocates a
strict asceticism—a self-discipline that denies
physical appetites or comforts.
To balance its largely vindictive tone, the
work closes with a particularly lyric doxology
praising “the only God our Savior” (vv. 24–25).

2 Peter

Like Jude, 2 Peter was written for the double
purpose of condemning false teachers and
warning of the imminent world judgment.
Theologically, its importance lies in the author’s
attempt to explain why God allows evil to con-
tinue and to reassert the early Christian belief
that Jesus’ Second Coming is near (3:1–15).
Offering a theory that human history is divided
into three distinct chronological epochs, or
“worlds,” 2 Peter is the only New Testament
book to argue that the present world will be
entirely consumed by fi re.

Authorship and Date

Whereas many scholars defend Petrine author-
ship of 1 Peter, virtually none believe that
2 Peter was written by Jesus’ chief disciple. The
pseudonymous author, however, takes pains to
claim Peter’s identity (1:1), asserting that he
was present at Christ’s transfi guration (1:17–18)
and that he wrote an earlier letter, presumably
1 Peter (3:1). Under the great fi sherman’s
name, he writes to reaffi rm his concept of the
true apostolic teaching in the face of heretical
misinterpretation of it. Portraying the church
leader as about to face death, the writer offers

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Citing either Revelation’s vision (21:1–3)
or the Isaiah passages on which it is based
(Isa. 65:17; 66:22), the author states that a third
world will replace the previous two destroyed,
respectively, by water and fi re. “New heavens
and a new earth” will host true justice (3:13),
the eschatological kingdom of God.

Peter’s Theodicy The author is aware that some
Christians who doubt the Parousia may do so
because God, despite the arrival, death, and
ascension to heaven of the Messiah, has not
acted to conquer evil. God’s seeming delay,
however, has a saving purpose. Holding back
judgment, the Deity allows time for more peo-
ple to repent and be spared the coming holo-
caust (3:9, 15). Although exercising his kindly
patience in the realm of human time, God
himself dwells in eternity, where “a thousand
years is like one day.” From his vantage point,
the Parousia is not delayed; his apparent slow-
ness to act is really a manifestation of his will to
save all people (3:8–9).

Paul’s Letters The author returns to criticizing
his opponents in a famous reference to Paul’s
letters. Admitting that the Pauline correspon-
dence contains unclear passages, he accuses
immature Christians of twisting their meaning.
Although he refers to Paul as a friend and
brother, he clearly does not approve of the way
in which some groups interpret Paul’s teach-
ings (3:15–16). Some critics suggest that if
2  Peter originated in Rome the writer may be
referring to Marcion or other teachers who
based their doctrines on a collection of Paul’s
letters. As in the case of Jude, the author does
not give us enough information to identify his
opponents with any certainty.
As the last-written New Testament book,
2  Peter affi rms the primitive Christian hope
that Jesus would soon return to establish his
kingdom and eliminate evil from the uni-
verse. Although predicting that our world will
disappear in a fi ery cataclysm, 2 Peter foresees
a renewed creation in which righteousness

3. Defense of the Parousia doctrine, including
a theodicy, and exhortation to behavior
appropriate to End time (3:1–18)

The Delayed Parousia

Chapter 2 is devoted to invective. It is a brutal
attack on false teachers whom the author de-
scribes as “slaves of corruption” and compares
to dogs that eat their own vomit (2:1–22). Like
the authors of Jude and 1 John, the writer
seems unaware of any incongruity between the
teaching of Christian love on the one hand and
the savage abuse of fellow believers who dis-
agree with him on the other. To him, dissenters
have no more claim to respect than wild ani-
mals that are born only to be trapped and
slaughtered (2:12).
It is not clear whether the opponents casti-
gated in chapter 2 are the same skeptics who
deny the Parousia in 3:3–4. In any case, the au-
thor’s primary goal is to reinstate the early
Christian apocalyptic hope. To convince his
hearers, he reminds them that one world has
already perished under a divine judgment—
the world destroyed in Noah’s fl ood (3:5–6).
The present “heavens and earth” are reserved
for burning, a divine act that will destroy unbe-
lieving persons, presumably including the
writer’s opponents.
In his prediction of this world’s coming in-
cineration, the author apparently borrows the
Stoic philosophers’ theory that the cosmos
undergoes cycles of destruction and renewal.
Employing Stoic images and vocabulary, 2 Peter
foretells a cosmic confl agration in which
heaven will be swept away in a roaring fi re and
the earth will disintegrate, exposing all its
secrets (3:10).
Because the entire universe is destined to
fall apart in a cosmic catastrophe, the author
advises his recipients to prepare for an immi-
nent judgment. They should work hard to
hurry it along, the implication being that cor-
rect human behavior will infl uence God to
accelerate his schedule for the End (3:11–12).

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neither the apostle John nor the Evangelist
responsible for the Gospel wrote the epistles.
Because of similarities in style, vocabulary, and
theology, however, most agree that the same
unidentifi ed “elder” wrote all three documents.
In these writings we see unfolded one the great
ironies of religious history: the community of
the Beloved Disciple, which was to be distin-
guished by the mutual love of its members
(John 13:34–35), splintered and divided amid
bitter controversy.

1 John

The longest epistle, 1 John contains the elder’s
defense of his community’s most characteristic
teachings: the historical Jesus’ physical human-
ity, his Incarnation “in the fl esh,” and the
necessity of showing love for fellow believers.
Echoing the Gospel’s opening hymn to the
Word ( Logos ), the writer emphasizes his com-
munity’s sensory experience of “the word of
life . . . made visible.” Using the plural “we,”
the author insists that Johannine believers
have “seen it with our own eyes” and “felt it
with our own hands,” presumably referring to
the corporal presence of the incarnate Christ
among them (1 John 1:1–4). By identifying his
intended audience as persons who “give their
allegiance to the Son of God” (5:13), the elder
probably addresses a core group whom he
wishes to join him in opposing the alleged
false  teachers who were then breaking up the
“brotherhood” (John 21:23). While summariz-
ing his group’s essential teachings—about
Jesus’ dual nature and the love connecting
believers—the writer illustrates how John’s
Gospel traditions should be understood, inter-
preting them in a way that made the Fourth
Gospel acceptable to the emerging doctrines
of  Christian orthodoxy (see the discussion of
Gnosticism below).
The author’s task was diffi cult because, like
Paul’s early charismatic churches, the Johannine
communities took seriously the operation of the
Holy Spirit among them. Paul asks Christians to

prevails. While they await the Lord’s return to
bring about the promised New Age, Christians
must cling to the apostles’ original teachings,
avoiding heretical misinterpretations and by
their good works shortening the time before
the fi nal day arrives (3:10–15). Although 2
Peter adopts the Stoic view that the present
universe must perish in fl ames (an extreme
belief that even Revelation does not advo-
cate), it also shares Revelation’s ultimately op-
timistic vision of the fi nal and complete
triumph of absolute good.

Letters from the
Johannine Community

Three documents from a leader of the
Johannine community reveal problems that be-
set his group perhaps a decade or two after the
Gospel of John was fi rst published. The Gospel
author is concerned about believers’ expulsion
from the synagogue (cf. John 9:22; 12:42) and
about the threat of external violence—people
who seek to kill believers imagine they are “per-
forming a religious duty” (John 16:1–3)—but
the author of the letters of 1, 2, and 3 John is
concerned only about conditions within the
group. Instead of persecutions from the out-
side world, the letter writer, whose community
has perhaps moved to a new geographical loca-
tion, deals with internal dissensions and what
he regards as the false teachings of some fellow
Christians.

Authorship

Like the Fourth Gospel, the Johannine epistles
are traditionally ascribed to the apostle John.
Whereas 1 John, which is actually a treatise out-
lining standards of belief and behavior, is
anonymous, 2 and 3 John, which are genuine
letters, are attributed merely to “the elder
[Greek, presbyteros ].” Most scholars believe that

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group the Gospel’s concept of realized
eschatology may have coexisted with more
traditional ideas about the End (cf. 2:28).
Besides failing the doctrinal test, the seces-
sionists also fl unk behavioral ethics. They do
not “live as Christ himself lived,” showing love
for others (2:6). The writer’s exposition of his
community’s cardinal rule, to “love one an-
other as he [Jesus] commanded” (3:23), is one
of the New Testament’s most celebrated in-
sights. Perceiving that “love is from God” and
that “everyone who loves is a child of God,”
the elder offers the Bible’s singular defi nition
of God: “God is love” (4:9, 17). Although the
writer implores his audience seven times to
love their fellow Christians and asserts that be-
lievers “are bound to lay down [their] lives for
our brothers” (3:16; cf. John 15:12–14), he
cites only one concrete example of how
love  is  expressed, by rescuing people from
dire poverty (3:17).

A Response to Gnosticism?

Many commentators suggest that the seces-
sionists whom John denounced were proto-
Gnostics, forerunners of the Gnosticism that
competed with other forms of Christianity
from the second through the fi fth centuries c e .
Although some scholars object that full-blown
Gnosticism had not yet developed at the time
the Johannine letters were composed, others
point out that the seeds of Gnostic ideas prob-
ably existed well before Gnosticism evolved
into a distinct movement (see Box 18.3).
Extremely varied in its myths about creation
and the spirit realm, Gnosticism nonetheless
consistently took a dualistic view of the cos-
mos, typically insisting that only the spirit was
pure and good and that the physical world,
the creation of an inferior god, was inher-
ently corrupt. Imprisoned in physical bodies,
humans could escape the world of decaying
matter only through precious knowledge
(Greek, gnosis ) of the higher realm. As a re-
vealer of divine truth who descended from

“test the spirits,” the unseen forces inspiring
individual revelations, but offers no specifi c in-
structions for doing so (1 Thess. 5:19–21).
Writing perhaps sixty or more years later, the
elder similarly advises his group not to “trust
any and every spirit” but to “test the spirits, to
see whether they are from God” (4:1). In urging
believers to “distinguish the spirit of truth from
the spirit of error” (4:6), however, the elder
goes further than Paul by giving his audience a
set of standards, both doctrinal and ethical, by
which to separate religious truth from false-
hood. He is the fi rst Christian known to provide
such criteria.
The elder explains that his message is
essentially the familiar foundation upon
which the Johannine church is built: He gives
believers “no new command,” but only “the
old command which you always had before
you . . . the message which you heard in the
beginning” (2:7). Evoking the same moral du-
alism that pervades the Gospel, the elder fi rst
affi rms his community’s basic teaching: “Here
is the message we heard from him and pass on
to you: that God is light” (1:5). Whereas his
people now walk in light, the dissenters—who
have demonstrated their unworthiness by
leaving the elder’s congregation—walk in
darkness, a declaration refl ecting the Gospel’s
pervasive light-dark dichotomy (compare 1
John 1:5–7; 2:9–11 with John 1:5; 3:19; 8:12;
12:46). Persons who left the community be-
tray their mental darkness by rejecting the
unique Johannine doctrine of incarnation.
The secessionists fail to pass the doctrinal test
when they do not “ acknowledge that Jesus
Christ has come in the fl esh” (4:1–2). For
thus denying Jesus’ material humanity, the
elder labels the secessionists “Antichrist,”
literally “opponents of Christ,” adding that
there are now many such “antichrists” abroad
(2:18–19; 4:3).
The proliferation of these “false proph-
ets,” whom the elder also calls “[children] of
the devil” (3:8), “proves to us that this is in-
deed the last hour,” an indication that in his

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c h a p t e r 1 8 g e n e r a l l e t t e r s o n f a i t h a n d b e h a v i o r 423

The Issue of Sin Considering the secessionists
and other promulgators of false doctrine as
sinners, the elder devotes considerable space to
the problem of sin, which he defi nes as “law-
lessness,” the willful breaking of divine com-
mands (3:4). In his initial discussion of sin, he
categorically states that anyone who claims to
be “sinless” is “self-deceived” because all people
sin. He then reassures believers that Jesus, who
functions as “the remedy for the defi lement” of
all sin, can be trusted to forgive the sinner
(1:4–2:2). Later in his essay, however, the writer
apparently contradicts himself when he de-
clares that “a child of God does not commit
sin”; the Christian “cannot be a sinner because
he is God’s child” (3:9–10). Conversely, “the
man who sins is a child of the devil” (3:8). In his
essay’s conclusion, the elder further complicates
his argument when he remarks that “a brother”
may “commit sin” but not be guilty of “deadly

heaven, Jesus was pure spirit; he merely ap-
peared to be human.
In this line of thought, members of the
Johannine church who denied that Jesus
came “in the fl esh” espoused a brand of
Gnosticism known as Docetism . Derived from
a Greek term meaning “to seem,” Docetism
held that Jesus did not suffer physically and
die, but simply returned to heaven, his spiri-
tual home. When the elder insists that “Jesus
Christ came in the fl esh (4:2, emphasis added),
he asserts that the preexistent Word was also
fully human, that the man who died on the
cross and the exalted heavenly Christ are one.
By placing this theological limit on interpret-
ing Jesus spiritually, the author of 1 John
demonstrated that the Gospel of John—with
its unique emphasis on Jesus’ divinity—was
consistent with teachings of the mainstream
church.

Although often lumped together as an
undifferentiated movement, Gnosticism was ex-
tremely complex and took many different forms.
Most Gnostic groups, however, held in common a
belief that gnosis (knowledge) of spiritual truths
opened the way to personal salvation. Knowledge
or conscious awareness that one’s true nature did
not consist of the physical body but of an immortal
spirit was a fi rst step in ultimately returning to
one’s original home, the invisible dimension of
pure spirit.
Many Gnostics reinterpreted Genesis to explain
the origin of the inferior material world, the pro-
duction of a limited creator god. This deity’s igno-
rance of the higher spirit realm results in the cosmic
defects of sin, suffering, death, and decay. Some
Gnostic teachers developed elaborate mythologies
to illustrate the evolutionary process by which
entities from the spirit world—such as Sophia or

Wisdom—inadvertently helped to generate the
deeply fl awed material world, in which divine souls
are trapped in dying bodies. To Christian Gnostics,
Jesus had descended from the highest heaven to
reveal the true nature of being and to help others
escape from fl eshly bondage. Because Jesus was an
immortal spirit uncontaminated by physical quali-
ties, some Gnostics theorized that he only seemed
to be a mortal human. Instead of dying on the
cross, he simply re-ascended to heaven, his place of
origin. Many scholars think it likely that former
members of the Johannine community who with-
drew from the elder’s group were proto-Gnostics
who denied Jesus’ physical humanity. Certainly the
Johannine assertion that Jesus had preexisted as
the eternal Word of God before descending to
earth made this work extremely popular in Gnostic
circles, which produced the fi rst known commen-
tary on John’s Gospel.

b o x 1 8 . 3 Gnosticism

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424 p a r t s i x g e n e r a l l e t t e r s a n d s o m e v i s i o n s o f e n d t i m e

leader,” who “refuses to receive our friends”
and “tries to expel them” from the group
(vv.  9–10). Accusing Diotrephes of behaving
“spitefully,” the writer seems unaware that
his  fellow leader is merely carrying out the
same exclusionary procedures outlined in
2 John 10–11.

The Epistles’ Legacy

Readers of the Johannine letters, with their ex-
hortations to express love interspersed with
scorching denunciations of former fellow
Christians (people who had left the elder’s
community), may come away with mixed feel-
ings. Is it possible to manifest divine love and
simultaneously call dissenters “deceivers,”
spawn of the devil, and “antichrists”? Moreover,
why does the Johannine tradition exhort us to
love only believers who fully agree with our
doctrines, whereas the Synoptic tradition pre-
sented a Jesus who commanded followers to
“love [their] enemies” as well (Matt. 5:44–45;
Luke 6:35)? What fear of doctrinal contamina-
tion inspires the elder to insist that true believ-
ers must utterly reject Christians who hold
different opinions? Why does he demand that the
orthodox refuse them a place in the congrega-
tion or even the courtesy of a greeting, essentially
denying their common humanity? The charge
that anyone who extends hospitality to a dissenter
becomes “an accomplice in his wicked deeds”
would probably surprise Jesus, who was notori-
ously “a friend of tax gatherers and sinners”
(Luke 7:33–35, 39–40).
The elder’s harsh methods to control the
spread of what he considers false teaching may
have seemed necessary to him, but the general
adoption of his exclusionary tactics in the later
church, when bishops—overseers of a whole
region—tended to exercise iron discipline over
their fl ocks, is ethically problematic. The elder’s
approach to church authority thus presents a
troubling paradox in religious history: A com-
munity founded on the principle of mutual love
later became rife with dissension that triggered
a most unloving response.

[mortal] sin,” and then somewhat illogically re-
peats that “no child of God is a sinner” (5:16–18).
The writer may be trying to distinguish between
different degrees of error, but most readers fi nd
his statements confusing.

2 John

Although containing only thirteen verses,
2 John is a true letter; some scholars regard it
as a cover letter intended to accompany 1
John, though this is uncertain. It is addressed
to “the Lady chosen by God” (v. 1), probably a
house church belonging to the Johannine net-
work of congregations. As in 1 John, the writ-
er’s purpose is to warn readers of “ the
Antichrist, the arch-deceiver,” who falsely
teaches that Jesus Christ did not live as a mate-
rial human being (vv. 7–8). Urging his recipi-
ents to separate themselves entirely from any
“deceiver” (false teacher), the elder orders
congregation leaders not to “welcome him
into your house” or even to greet him, for, in
the elder’s opinion, “anyone who gives him a
greeting is an accomplice in his wicked deeds”
(vv. 10–11). The elder concludes with a wish
to visit the house church, adding that believ-
ers from his “sister” congregation send their
greetings.

3 John

In a private note to his friend Gaius, the short-
est document in the New Testament, the elder
asks him to extend hospitality to some
Johannine missionaries led by Demetrius
(otherwise unknown). The writer encourages
Gaius to welcome these travelers, who had
also visited his home congregation, honoring
their community’s tradition of supporting
those who labor to spread their version of “the
truth” (v. 8).
Adding an ironic twist on his policy of de-
nying hospitality to Christians whose opinions
he deplores, the elder complains indignantly
about Diotrephes , a “would-be [congregation]

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c h a p t e r 1 8 g e n e r a l l e t t e r s o n f a i t h a n d b e h a v i o r 425

a. A defi nition of religion
b. A belief that Jesus descended into Hades

(the Underworld) and preached to spirits
imprisoned there

c. A defi nition of God’s essential nature
d. A set of standards by which to determine the

truth of a religious teaching
e. An argument that actions are more impor-

tant than faith
f. A concept that human history is divided

into three separate stages, or “worlds”
g. A defense of the early apocalyptic hope

involving Jesus’ Second Coming (the
Parousia)

h. Citations from the noncanonical books of
the Pseudepigrapha, including the Book of
Enoch

i. The New Testament’s most severe denunci-
ation of the rich

Questions for Discussion and Refl ection

1. Hebrews presents certain biblical characters
like Melchizedek and Israel’s High Priest as
foreshadowing the later role of Jesus. Explain
the author’s methods of biblical interpreta-
tion, including his uses of typology, allegory,
and symbolism. According to his view, what is
the relation of Israel’s sacrifi cial ritual to the
death and ascension of Jesus?

2. From your readings in the catholic epistles,
what seem to be the principal concerns of
Christian writers during the last decades of
the fi rst century ce and the fi rst part of the
second century ce ? In what ways is the
Christian community striving to defi ne itself
and preserve its message in a sometimes
hostile world?

Terms and Concepts to Remember

Summary

A diverse anthology of early Christian literature
roughly comparable to the miscellaneous “writ-
ings” of the Hebrew Bible, this section of the
New Testament refl ects the variety of ideas and
practices prevailing in different parts of the in-
ternational Christian community during the late
first and early second centuries ce . The three
documents traditionally ascribed to John, son
of Zebedee, provide a window on the evolving
Johannine community, which was apparently split
between the writer’s group and proto-Gnostic
opponents. Writing in the names of the three ap-
ostolic “pillars”—Peter, James, and John—to
whom Paul alluded in Galatians, pseudonymous
writers dispatched letters and tracts to defend
their positions on church order and beliefs.
Probably the last-written book in the Judeo-
Christian Bible, 2 Peter warns against “misin-
terpretations” of Paul’s letters and defends
traditional Christian eschatology—expectation
of the Parousia.

Questions for Review

1. Defi ne the term catholic epistles, and describe
the general nature of these seven documents.
According to tradition, to what specifi c group
of authors are these works attributed? Why do
many scholars believe that all seven are pseu-
donymous?

2. Identify and explain the major themes in
Hebrews. How does the author’s belief in a
dualistic universe—an unseen spirit world
that  parallels the visible cosmos—affect his
teaching about Jesus as an eternal High Priest
offi ciating in heaven?

3. Almost every book in this unit of the
New  Testament—Hebrews and the catholic
epistles—contains a theme or concept not
found in any other canonical document.
For  example, only Hebrews presents Jesus
as  a  celestial High Priest foreshadowed by
Melchizedek; it is also unique in being the
only New Testament work to define faith
(11:1). Indicate which of the catholic epis-
tles contains the following definitions or
statements:

Aaron
the anti-Christ
apostacy
catholic epistles
Docetism
dualism
epistle
expiation
Gnosticism

the Incarnation
invective
Melchizedek
Parousia (delay in)
Pseudepigrapha
Tabernacle
tithes
typology
wisdom literature

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426 p a r t s i x g e n e r a l l e t t e r s a n d s o m e v i s i o n s o f e n d t i m e

1 and 2 Peter and Jude
Achtemeir , Paul. “Peter, First Letter of.” In K. D.

Sakenfeld , ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary
of  the Bible, Vol. 4, pp. 462–468. Nashville:
Abingdon Press, 2009. Carefully examines the
letter’s pseu donymous authorship and major
themes.

Boring, M. Eugene. “1 Peter.” In M. D. Coogan ,
ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Books of the
Bible, Vol. 2, pp. 155–157. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2011. Argues that the work is
pseudonymous and was composed in the late
fi rst century ce .

Brown, R. E.; Donfried , K.; and Reumann , J., eds.
Peter in the New Testament; A Collaborative Assessment
by Protestant and Roman Catholic Scholars.
Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1973. A recommended
study of Peter’s role in the New Testament tradi-
tion and literature.

Dalton, William J. “The First Epistle of Peter.” In
R.  E. Brown et al., eds., The New Jerome Biblical
Commentary , 2nd ed., pp. 903–908. Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1990.

Neyrey , Jerome H. “The Epistle of Jude.” In R. E.
Brown et al., eds., The New Jerome Biblical
Commentary, 2nd ed., pp. 917–919. Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1990.

. “The Second Epistle of Peter.” In R. E.
Brown et al., eds., The New Jerome Biblical
Commentary, 2nd ed., pp. 1017–1022. Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1990.

Perkins, Pheme . First and Second Peter, James, and Jude.
Interpretation, a Bible Commentary for Teaching
and Preaching. Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John
Knox Press, 1995 (reprint 2012). A good intro-
duction to the catholic epistles .

Perry, Peter S. “2 Peter.” In M. D. Coogan , ed., The
Oxford Encyclopedia of the Books of the Bible, Vol. 2,
pp. 137–160. New York: Oxford University Press,
2011. Concludes that the letter was written pseu-
donymously in the early second century.

Richard, Earl. “Peter, Second Letter of.” In K. D.
Sakenfeld , ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the
Bible, Vol. 4, pp. 469–475. Nashville: Abingdon
Press, 2009. Concisely surveys the letter’s main
topics.

1, 2 and 3 John
Brown, R. E. The Epistles of John, Vol. 30 of the Anchor

Bible. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1982. A
scholarly translation and commentary on the
letters of John.

Mitchell, Margaret. “John, Letters of,” In K. D.
Sakenfeld , ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the
Bible, Vol. 3, pp. 370–374. Nashville: Abingdon

Recommended Reading

Hebrews
Attridge , Harold W. “Hebrews.” In M. D. Coogan , ed .

The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Books of the Bible, Vol. 1,
pp. 361–367. New York, Oxford University
Press, 2011. Analyzes the book’s date, origin, and
theology.

Bourke, Myles M. “The Epistle to the Hebrews.” In R. E.
Brown et al., eds., The New Jerome Biblical Commentary,
2nd ed., pp. 920–941. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-Hall, 1990. A helpful introduction.

Buchanan, G. W., ed. and trans. Hebrews. Vol. 36 of
the Anchor Bible. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday,
1972. Provides the editor’s translation and
commentary.

DeSilva , David A. “Hebrews, Letters to the.” In K. D.
Sakenfeld, ed. The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the
Bible , Vol. 2, p. 779–786. Nashville: Abingdon
Press, 2007. Combines a general overview with a
close analysis of the text.

Donelson , Lewis. From Hebrews to Revelation: A Theological
Introduction. Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John
Knox, 2000.

Johnson, Luke Timothy. Hebrews: A Commentary. New
Testament Library. Louisville, Ky.: Westminster
John Knox Press, 2006. A theological emphasis.

Kasemann , E. The Wandering People of God: An
Investigation of the Letter to the Hebrews. Minneapolis:
Augsburg, 1984. A classic study.

James
Johnson, Luke Timothy. Brother of Jesus, Friend of God:

Studies in the Letter of James. Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Eerdmans , 2004. A series of essays on James’s ori-
gin and relevance to our understanding of early
Palestianian Christianity.

. The Letter of James: A New Translation with
Introduction and Commentary. Vol. 37a of the
Anchor Bible. New York: Doubleday, 1995.
Argues that the author was Jesus’ brother.

Lockett, Darian R. “James.” In M. D. Coogan , ed.,
The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Books of the Bible, Vol.
1, pp. 411–414. New York: Oxford UP, 2011,
Argues that Jesus’ brother is the author.

Moo, Douglas J. The Letter of James. Pillar New
Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Eerdmans , 2000. Emphasizes the applicability of
James to contemparary life.

Painter, John. “James, Letter of.” In K. D. Sakenfeld ,
ed., The New Interpreter’s Bible, Vol. 3, pp. 189–194.
Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2008. Concludes that
the book represents Jewish-Christian concerns
of the Diaspora sometime after 70 ce , or even after
the second destruction of Jerusalem (c. 135 ce ).

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c h a p t e r 1 8 g e n e r a l l e t t e r s o n f a i t h a n d b e h a v i o r 427

Inter-Varsity Press, 2007. An Evangelical
interpretation.

Van der Watt, Jan G. “1, 2, and 3 John.” In M. D.
Coogan , ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Books
of  the Bible, Vol. 1, pp. 472–477. Explores the
probable setting and date of the letters and their
connection to John’s Gospel.

Press, 2008. Surveys the authorship, themes, the-
ology, and historical context of the three docu-
ments, emphasizing the tension between the
Johannine command to love and the sectarian
in-fi ghting they reveal.

Stott, John R. W. The Letters of John. Tyndale New
Testament Commentaries. Downers Grove, Ill .:

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The Faces of Roman Power
By the time John of Patmos recorded his apocalyptic visions

(about 95 CE ), Rome’s emperors had wielded absolute power over a

vast empire for more than a century, sparking a confl ict with a tiny

minority of Christians who regarded Jesus, now enthroned in

heaven, as their real king. Born during Augustus’s reign, Jesus

was crucifi ed by Pontius Pilate, the agent of Tiberius. Nero, the

fi rst emperor to persecute Jesus’ followers, according to church

tradition, executed the apostles Peter and Paul in the mid-60s CE .

When Jews revolted against Roman domination (66–73 CE ), Nero

dispatched his general (later emperor) Vespasian to crush the

Tiberius Vespasian

Nero ( far left ), Titus ( left )

PHOTO ESSAY The Tension Between Caesar and Christ

Augustus

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rebellion; Vespasian’s son Titus completed the military

operation, destroying Jerusalem and its Temple in 70 CE .

Vespasian’s younger son, Domitian, during whose reign John

wrote Revelation, reputedly demanded worship as “lord and

god.” In John’s view, the spiritual battle between good and

evil will culminate in the fall of imperial Rome, shown below

in a scale model (Rev. 17:1–19:2).

Domitia n

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430

c h a p t e r 1 9

Continuing the Apocalyptic Hope
The Book of Revelation and Other Jewish/Christian Apocalyptic Works

Then I saw a new heaven and a new earth, for the fi rst heaven and the fi rst earth had
vanished. . . . Now at last God has his dwelling among men! Revelation 21:1, 3

Although Revelation was not the last New
Testament book written, its position at the end
of the canon is thematically appropriate. The
fi rst Christians believed that their generation
would witness the end of the present wicked
age and the beginning of God’s direct rule over
the earth. Revelation expresses that apocalyptic
hope more powerfully than any other Christian
writing. Looking forward to a “new heaven and
a new earth” (21:1), it envisions the glorious
completion of God’s creative work begun in
the fi rst book of the Bible. In this sense, it pro-
vides the omega (the last letter of the Greek al-
phabet) to the alpha (the fi rst letter) of Genesis.

Revelation’s climactic placement is also fi t-
ting because it reintroduces Jesus as a major
character. Its depiction of an all-powerful
heavenly Jesus provides a counterweight to the
Gospels’ portrayal of the human Jesus’ earthly
career. In Revelation, Jesus is no longer Mark’s
suffering servant or John’s embodiment of di-
vine Wisdom. Revelation’s Jesus is the Messiah
of popular expectations, a conquering warrior-
king who slays his enemies and proves beyond
all doubt his right to universal rule. In striking
contrast to the Gospel portraits, the Jesus of
Revelation comes not to forgive sinners and
instruct them in a higher righteousness but to

Key Topics/Themes Revelation affi rms
Christianity’s original hope for an immediate
transformation of the world and assures the
faithful that God’s prearranged plan, including
the destruction of evil and the advent of Christ’s
universal reign, is soon to be accomplished. The
book presents an apokalypsis (unveiling) of
unseen realities, both in heaven as it is now and
on earth as it will be in the future. Placing
governmental tyranny and Christian suffering in
cosmic perspective, Revelation conveys its

message of hope for believers in the cryptic
language of metaphor and symbol.
A study of Hellenistic-Jewish apocalyptic
writings, such as 1 Enoch and 2 Esdras (the latter
written at almost the same time as Revelation),
helps to place the New Testament’s only
apocalyptic work in its literary context. A
second-century- CE Christian work, the
Apocalypse of Peter, reveals a historical shift
from cosmic to personal eschatology, focusing
on the condition of souls in the afterlife.

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Revelation—frame their visions in the literary
form of an apocalypse (see below).
The apocalyptic tradition to which Reve-
lation belongs is commonly regarded as an out-
growth of the prophetic movement in ancient
Israel. Israel’s great prophets had delivered
Yahweh’s messages to the people during the pe-
riod of the Davidic monarchy (c. 1000–587 bce ).
Following the monarchy’s end and the Babylonian
captivity (587–538 bce ), however, prophecy de-
clined rapidly. Eventually, many Jews came to be-
lieve that authentic prophecy had ceased after the
time of Ezra (c. 400 bce ). Priests took the place of
prophets as Israel’s spiritual leaders.
During the last two centuries before the
Christian epoch, and for at least a century after,
numerous Jewish writers attempted to fi ll the
vacuum left by the prophets’ disappearance.
They composed innumerable books in the
names of Israel’s leaders who had lived before
the death of Ezra. These pseudonymous works
were attributed to fi gures like Enoch, Moses,
Isaiah, David, Solomon, and Ezra. Many of them
are apocalypses, containing visions of End time,
such as Daniel (the only such work to  become
part of the Hebrew Bible), 1 and 2  Enoch,
2 Esdras, 2 Baruch, and the Essene War Scroll
from Qumran. (Some noncanonical apocalypses
are discussed later in the chapter.)
During the early centuries ce , many Christian
writers contributed to the apocalyptic genre. We
have already discussed the apocalyptic elements
in the Gospels, especially Mark 13 and its paral-
lels in Matthew 24 and Luke 21, as well as Paul’s
eschatological concerns in his letters to the
Thessalonians and the Corinthians. Besides these
canonical works, other Christian authors com-
posed apocalyptic books, typically attributing
them to prominent apostles, in cluding Peter,
John, James, Thomas, and Paul. The  canonical

infl ict a wrathful punishment upon his oppo-
nents (19:11–21).
Revelation’s depiction of Jesus’ character
and function, qualitatively different from that
presented in the Gospels, derives partly from
the author’s apocalyptic view of human history.
Like the authors of Jude and 2 Peter, the writer
perceives a sharp contrast between the present
world, which he regards as hopelessly corrupt,
and God’s planned future world, a realm of
ideal purity. In the author’s opinion, the righ-
teous new order can be realized only through
God’s direct intervention in human affairs, an
event that requires Jesus to act as God’s Judge
and Destroyer of the world as we know it.
To understand Revelation’s emphasis on vio-
lence and destruction, with its correspondingly
harsher picture of Jesus’ cosmic rule, we must
remember that the author belongs to a particu-
lar branch of the Jewish and Christian apoca-
lyptic movement.

Revelation and the
Apocalyptic Tradition

The Apocalypse

“Revelation” translates the Greek term apokalyp-
sis, which means “an uncovering, an unveiling,
a stripping naked of what was formerly cov-
ered.” An apocalypse is thus a literary work that
discloses things previously hidden, particu-
larly unseen realities of the spirit world
(Heb. 11:1) and future events. Apocalyptic writ-
ers typically describe visions or dreams in which
they encounter supernatural beings ranging
from hideous monsters to angels who commu-
nicate God’s future intentions (2 Esd. 3–9;
Dan. 7–12). Sometimes, apocalyptists are car-
ried out of their bodies to behold the Deity’s
heavenly throne or other celestial regions nor-
mally invisible to human eyes. Although some
late contributors to the Hebrew Bible and many
New Testament writers share an apocalyptic
worldview, only two—the authors of Daniel and

Revelation

Author: John of Patmos.
Date: About 95 ce.
Place of composition: Western Asia Minor.
Audience: Seven churches of Asia Minor.

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periods of time, a current wicked era and a fu-
ture age of perfection. Seeing the present world
situation as too thoroughly evil to reform, apoca-
lyptists expect a sudden and violent change in
which God or his Messiah imposes divine rule by
force. In the apocalyptic vision, there is no nor-
mal historical progression from one age to the
next and no real continuity between them. Thus,
the Book of Daniel depicts God’s kingdom as
abruptly interrupting the ordinary fl ow of time,
shattering all worldly governments with the
impact of a colossal meteorite (Dan. 2:31–45).

Ethical Dualism In the apocalyptic view, there are
only two kinds of human beings, just as there are
only two epochs of world history and two levels of
existence, material and spiritual. Apocalyptists
see humanity as being divided into two opposing
camps of intrinsically different ethical quality.
The vast majority of people walk in spiritual dark-
ness and are doomed victims of God’s wrath.
Only a tiny minority—the religious group to
which the writers belong and direct their mes-
sage—remain faithful and receive salvation.
Deeply conscious of human imperfection and
despairing of humanity’s ability to meet God’s
standards, apocalyptists consistently see most
people as destined to eternal condemnation.

Predestination Whereas most biblical writers em-
phasize that historical events are the consequence
of our moral choices (e.g., Deut. 28–29; Josh. 24;
Ezek. 18), apocalyptists view history as running in
a straight line toward a predetermined end. Just
as the rise and fall of worldly empires occur ac-
cording to God’s plan (Dan. 2, 7–8), so will the
End take place at a time God has already set.
Human efforts, no matter how well intended,
cannot avert the coming disaster or infl uence
God to change his mind. The vast complexity of
human experience means nothing when con-
fronted with the divinely prearranged schedule.

Exclusivism Many apocalypses, including Daniel
and Revelation, were composed to encourage the
faithful to maintain integrity and resist temp-
tations to compromise with “worldly” values or

Revelation is unique in being ascribed, not to a
fi gure of the distant past, but to a contemporary
member of the fi rst-century church named John.
The work is also unique in being the only surviv-
ing document by a Christian prophet (1:3),
which was a common function or offi ce in the
early church (Acts 2:15–17; 1 Thess. 5:19–20;
1 Cor. 12:10; 14:22, 24–25, 31–33).

Characteristics of
Apocalyptic Writing

Besides the mystical, otherworldly quality of its
content, apocalyptic literature is distinguished by
several characteristics. The writers who chose the
literary category of the apocalypse in which to
express their views adopted most of the following
assumptions of the apocalyptic worldview.

Universality In contrast to prophetic oracles,
which focus almost exclusively on Israel and its
immediate neighbors, apocalyptic visions are
universal in scope. Although the writers’ reli-
gious communities (Israel or the church) stand
at the center of their concern, their work en-
compasses the whole of human history and
surveys events both in heaven and on earth.
Apocalyptists view all spirit beings, as well as
all nations and peoples, as swept together in a
confl ict of cosmic proportions.

Cosmic Dualism The apocalyptic worldview bor-
rows much of its cosmology from Greek philo-
sophical ideas about parallel worlds of matter
and spirit (see Figure 19.1). Postulating a dual-
istic two-dimensional universe composed of vis-
ible earth and invisible heaven, apocalyptists
see human society profoundly infl uenced by
unseen forces—angels and demons—operating
in a celestial realm. Events on earth, such as
persecution of the righteous, refl ect the machi-
nations of these heavenly beings.

Chronologic Dualism Besides dividing the uni-
verse into two opposing domains of physical mat-
ter and ethereal spirit, apocalyptists regard all
history as separated into two mutually exclusive

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little sympathy for differing viewpoints or com-
passion for nonbelievers. All modes of life are
either black or white, with no psychological or
spiritual shades of gray in between. As a result of
the authors’ mind-sets, the apocalyptic picture
of God is ethically limited. The Deity is almost
invariably portrayed as an enthroned monarch,
an omnipotent authority who brings history to a
violent conclusion in order to demonstrate his
sovereignty, confound his enemies, and preserve
his few worshipers. The notion that God might

customs. Apocalyptists typically equate religious
fi delity with a total rejection of the ordinary goals,
ambitions, social attachments, and other pursuits
of unbelieving society. Regarding most people as
condemned, apocalyptists commonly urge their
audience to adopt a rigidly sectarian attitude,
avoiding all association with unbelievers.

Limited Theology Consistent with this strict divi-
sion of history and people into divinely approved
or disapproved units, apocalyptists usually show

f i g u r e 1 9 . 1 Christ over New York City. In this painting on a steel door, an unknown
Ukrainian-American artist projects the image of a cosmic Christ above the skyscrapers of
Manhattan. Depicting two dimensions of reality, the painter contrasts New York’s towers of
cold steel and concrete—monuments to modern commerce and banking—with his vision
of Jesus’ unseen presence. Encompassing the largely unaware inhabitants of America’s
secular society in his spiritual embrace, Christ extends his arms in a gesture that is both
protective and beseeching. In his apocalyptic visions, John of Patmos exhibited a similar,
if somewhat less compassionate, view of Christ’s relation to the Roman Empire.

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expresses the authors’ meaning. In addition,
most were written during periods of crisis or per-
secution, which encouraged apocalyptists to use
terms and images that their original audiences
could understand but that will bewilder outsid-
ers. In Enoch, Daniel, Revelation, and other
apocalypses, the authors employ symbols from a
wide variety of sources, both pagan and biblical.
In its broadest sense, a symbol is a sign that
represents something other than itself, typically
an abstract quality or religious concept. Symbols
take the form of persons, places, objects, or
actions that suggest an association or con-
nection with another dimension of meaning.
Both Daniel and Revelation depict Gentile
nations as animals because, to the authors, they
resemble wild beasts in their savage, irrational
behavior. Kings who demand worship are sym-
bolized as idols, and paying homage to them is
seen as idolatry. Using code words for a pagan
opponent, such as “Babylon” or “the beast,”
helps shield the apocalyptist’s seditious message.

Authorship and Date

Who was the writer who created the bedaz-
zling kaleidoscope of images in Revelation?
According to some late-second-century tradi-
tions, he is the apostle John, the same person
who wrote the Gospel and letters of John.
However, other early Christian sources recog-
nized the immense differences in thought, lan-
guage, and theology between Revelation and
the Fourth Gospel and concluded that they
could not have originated with the same au-
thor. Eusebius suggests that another John,
known only as the “Elder,” an offi cial of the
late-fi rst-century Ephesian church, may have
written the Apocalypse ( History 3.39.1–11).
Virtually all modern scholars agree that the
Gospel and Revelation stem from different au-
thors. A few accept Eusebius’s theory about
John the Elder of Ephesus, but the scholarly
majority notes that we have no evidence to link
the book with that obscure fi gure. Most schol-
ars prefer to accept no more than the writer’s
own self-identifi cation: He simply calls himself

regard all humans as his children or that he
might establish his kingdom by less catastrophic
means does not appeal to the apocalyptic tem-
perament or satisfy the apocalyptic yearning.

Portrait of a Violent God Assuming that the
Deity achieves control over heaven and earth
through a cataclysmic battle with a formidable
opponent (the Dragon of Chaos or, in the New
Testament, Satan), apocalyptists imagine this
transference of power by picturing God as a de-
stroyer who exterminates much of his sentient
creation. Using the Exodus story of the ten
plagues Yahweh infl icted on Egypt as their
model, apocalyptists typically show God angrily
punishing disobedient humanity with a devas-
tating series of natural disasters, famines, and
loathsome diseases. That the use of evil to de-
feat evil is ethically questionable does not seem
to trouble the apocalyptic mentality.

Eschatological Preoccupations In addition to un-
covering the mysteries of the invisible world,
apocalyptists reveal the posthumous fate of peo-
ple facing God’s terrifying judgment. Because
they were commonly written at a time when fi del-
ity brought no earthly rewards but only potential
imprisonment, torture, and death, apocalyptic
works pioneered the way in popularizing new be-
liefs about compensatory blessings in the New
Age. Apocalyptists were the fi rst biblical writers to
speculate about the nature of the afterlife, which
they commonly portrayed as resurrection of the
body rather than survival of an immortal soul
(Dan. 12:1–3). The apocalyptists’ rejection of
the  old Hebrew belief that human souls were
consigned to eternal oblivion in Sheol (the
Underworld) and their insistence that God makes
moral distinctions between virtuous and wicked
lives marked a theological innovation that was
adopted by several later Jewish groups, including
the Pharisees, Essenes, and early Christians.

The Use of Symbols and Code Words Perhaps be-
cause they are the work of sages immersed in
arcane learning, almost all apocalypses contain
deliberately obscure language that veils as well as

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Because he writes Greek as if it were a second
language, phrasing idiosyncratically in a Semitic
style, most scholars believe that John was a native
of Palestine, or at least had spent much time
there. A few critics suggest that he had some con-
nection with the Johannine community, for, like
the author of John’s Gospel, he refers to Christ as
Logos (Word), Lamb, Witness, Shepherd, Judge,
and Temple. Both Revelation and the Gospel ex-
press a duality of spirit and matter, good and evil,
God and the devil. Both regard Christ as present
in the church’s liturgy, and both view his death
as  a saving victory. Important differences range
from the quality of the Greek—excellent in the
Gospel and awkward in the Apocalypse—to the
writers’ respective theologies. Whereas the Gospel
presents God’s love as his primary motive in deal-
ing with humanity (John 3:15–16), Revelation
mentions divine love only once. The Johannine
Jesus’ preeminent command to love is conspicu-
ously absent from Revelation.
Writing about 180 ce , the churchman
Irenaeus stated that Revelation was composed
late in the reign of Domitian, who was emperor
from 81 to 96 ce . Internal references to govern-
ment hostilities toward Christians (1:9; 2:10, 13;

John, a “servant” of Jesus Christ (1:2). Because
he does not profess apostolic authority and
never claims to have known the earthly Jesus,
most analysts conclude that he is not one of the
Twelve, whom he categorizes as different from
himself. In the author’s day, the apostles had
already become “cornerstones” of the heavenly
Temple (21:14). Exiled to the island of Patmos
(see Figure 19.2) in the eastern Aegean Sea,
where he received his visions (1:9), the author
perhaps is best described as John of Patmos, a
mystic who regarded himself as a Christian
prophet and his book as a highly symbolic
preview of future events (1:1–3; 22:7–10).
By studying the contents of his work, scholars
can infer something of John’s background. He is
intimately familiar with internal conditions in the
seven churches addressed (Rev. 2:1–3:23), even
though he seems to belong to none of them (see
Figure 19.3). To some commentators, this indi-
cates that John was an itinerant Christian prophet
who traveled among widely scattered churches.
Although he held no congregational offi ce, his
recognized stature as a mystic and visionary gave
him considerable infl uence in the communities
to which he directed his apocalypse.

f i g u r e 1 9 . 2 Church on Patmos. According to Christian tradition, this
domed church marks the site where John, banished to the island of Patmos,
experienced the eschatological visions described in Revelation.

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Asia Minor—some governors and other local of-
fi cials demanded public participation in the cult
as evidence of citizens’ loyalty and patriotism.
During this period, persecution of Christians for
refusing to honor the national leader seems to
have been local and sporadic. Despite the lack of
a concentrated offi cial assault on the faith, how-
ever, John clearly feels a growing tension be-
tween church and state, a sense of impending
confl ict that makes him regard Rome as a new
Babylon, destroyer of God’s people (see the
discussion of the ruler cult in Chapter 5).
Because Rome had recognized their reli-
gion’s monotheism, Jews were generally ex-
empted from the emperor cult. Jewish and
Gentile Christians, however, were not. To most
Romans, their “stubborn” refusal to honor any of
the many Greco-Roman gods or deifi ed emperors

6:9–11; 14:12; 16:6; 21:4), policies then associ-
ated with Domitian’s administration, support
Irenaeus’s assessment. Most scholars date the
work to about 95 or 96 ce .

The Emperor Cult

Domitian was the son of Vespasian and the
younger brother of Titus, the general who
crushed the Jewish Revolt against Rome and de-
molished the Jerusalem Temple (see Figure
19.4). After Titus’s brief reign (79–81 ce ),
Domitian inherited the imperial throne, accept-
ing divine honors offered him and allowing him-
self to be worshiped as a god in various parts of the
empire. We have no real evidence that Domitian
personally enforced a universal observance of
the emperor cult, but in certain areas—especially

f i g u r e 1 9 . 3 The seven churches in Asia Minor (western Turkey) addressed in Revelation 1–3. These sites (printed
in red) include Ephesus, one of the major seaports of the Roman Empire, and Sardis, once capital of the older Lydian
Empire (sixth century bce ). John pictures the heavenly Christ dictating letters to seven angels who act as invisible guard-
ians of the individual churches. With this image, John reminds his audience that the tiny groups of Christians scattered
throughout the Roman Empire do not stand alone. Although seemingly weak and insignifi cant, they are part of God’s
mighty empire of the spirit and are destined to triumph over their earthly oppressors.

0 100 200 300 Miles

0 100 200 300 Kilometers

CRETE

CYPRUS

Athens

Ephesus
Smyrna

Sardis
Thyatira

Pergamum
Troas

Miletus

Myra

Perga
Attalia

Patara

Derbe

Salamis

Antioch Seleucia

Tyre

Lystra

Paphos

Lasae

Mitylene

Cnidus

Tarsus

Antioch

Colossae

Iconium

Philippi

Thessalonica
Beroea

Corinth

Jerusalem

Caesarea
Ptolemais

Sidon

Joppa

Cyrene

Propon
tis

M E D I T E R R A N E A N S E A

Damascus

B L A C
K S E A

✝■

✝■

Philadelphia✝■
Laodicea✝■

✝■
✝■
✝■

A S I A

M A C
E D O N I A

ACHAIA

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c h a p t e r 1 9 c o n t i n u i n g t h e a p o c a l y p t i c h o p e 437

Only a few decades after John composed
Revelation, Pliny the Younger, a Roman gover-
nor of Bithynia (located in the same general re-
gion as Revelation’s seven churches), wrote to
the emperor Trajan inquiring about the govern-
ment’s offi cial policy toward Christians. Pliny’s
description of the situation as it was about 112 ce
may also apply to John’s slightly earlier time.
Although a humane and sophisticated
thinker, Pliny reports that he did not hesitate
to torture two slave women, “deacons” of a
local  church, and execute other believers. If
Christians held Roman citizenship, he sent
them to Rome for trial. Trajan replied that, al-
though his governors were not to seek out
Christians or to accept anonymous accusations,
self-confessed believers were to be punished.
Both the emperor and Pliny clearly regarded
Christians as a threat to the empire’s security
(Pliny, Letters 10.96–97).

Purpose and Organization

The Christians for whom John writes were expe-
riencing a real crisis. They were faced with
Jewish hostility, public suspicion, and sporadic
governmental persecution, imprisonment, and
even execution. Many believers must have been
tempted to renounce Christ, as Pliny asked his
prisoners to do, and conform to the norms of
Roman society. Recognizing that the costs of re-
maining Christian were overwhelmingly high,
John recorded his visions of cosmic confl ict to
strengthen those whose faith wavered, assuring
them that death is not defeat but victory. In the
light of eternity, Rome’s power was insignifi –
cant, but its victims, slaughtered for their fi del-
ity, gained everlasting life and the power to
judge the fates of their former persecutors.
Despite its many complexities, we can out-
line Revelation as follows:

1. Prologue: the author’s self-identifi cation
and the basis for his authority—divine reve-
lation (1:1–20)

2. Jesus’ letters to the seven churches of Asia
Minor (2:1–3:22)

3. Visions from heaven: a scroll with seven
seals; seven trumpets (4:1–11:19)

was not only unpatriotic but also likely to bring
the gods’ wrath upon the whole community.
Early Christians denied the existence of the
Hellenistic deities and rejected offers to partici-
pate in Roman religious festivals and other com-
munal events. They became known as unsocial
“atheists” and “haters of humankind.” Rumors
spread that they met secretly to drink blood and
perform cannibalistic rites (a distortion of the
sacramental ingesting of Jesus’ blood and body).
Labeled as a seditious secret society dangerous to
the general welfare, early Christian groups en-
dured social ostracism and hostility. When they
also refused to pledge their allegiance to the em-
peror as a symbol of the Roman state, many local
governors and other magistrates had them ar-
rested, imprisoned, tortured, and even executed.

f i g u r e 1 9 . 4 Bust of Domitian, emperor of Rome
from 81 to 96 ce . Many historians believe that an overzeal-
ous cult of emperor worship in Asia Minor stimulated the
attacks on Christians described in Revelation. To what ex-
tent Domitian personally encouraged his subjects to honor
him as a god is uncertain. Most Greco-Roman historians
thoroughly disliked Domitian’s policies and presented him
as a tyrant. This ancient prejudice makes it diffi cult for
modern scholars to evaluate his reign objectively.

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infl uenced by the Hebrew Bible and how he uti-
lizes its vivid images to construct his fantastic
symbols. Without ever citing specifi c biblical
books, John fi lls his sentences with metaphors
and phrases borrowed from all parts of the
Hebrew Bible. Scholars have counted approxi-
mately 500 such verbal allusions. (The Jerusalem
Bible helps readers recognize John’s biblical
paraphrases by printing them in italics.)
In his fi rst symbolic depiction of a heavenly
being (1:12–16), John describes a male fi gure
with snow-white hair, fl aming eyes, incandes-
cent brass feet, and a sharp sword protruding
from his mouth. These images derive largely
from Daniel (chs. 7 and 10). To universalize this
fi gure, John adds astronomical features to his bib-
lical symbols. Like a Greek mythological hero
transformed into a stellar constellation, the
fi gure is described as holding seven stars in his
hand and shining with the brilliance of the sun.
The next verses (1:17–19) reveal the fi gure’s
identity. As the “fi rst and the last” who has died
but now lives forever, he is the crucifi ed and
risen Christ. The author’s purpose in combining
biblical and nonbiblical imagery is now clear: In
strength and splendor, the glorifi ed Christ sur-
passes rival Greco-Roman deities like Mithras,
Apollo, Helios, Amon-Ra, and other solar gods
worshiped throughout the Roman Empire.
John further explains his symbols in 1:20.
There, Christ identifi es the stars as angels and the
lampstands standing nearby as the seven churches
of John’s home territory. This identifi cation
reassures the author that his familiar earthly con-
gregations do not exist solely on a material plane
but are part of a larger visible/invisible duality in
which angelic spirits protectively oversee assem-
bled Christians. The symbols also serve John’s
characteristic purpose in uncovering the spiritual
reality behind physical appearance. To John, the
seven churches are as precious as the golden can-
delabrum that once stood in the Jerusalem sanc-
tuary. Like the eternal stars above, they shed
Christ’s light on a benighted world.

The Lamb and the Dragon In asking us to view
the universe as God sees it, John challenges his

4. Signs in heaven: visions of the woman, the
Dragon, the beast, the Lamb, and the seven
plagues (12:1–16:21)

5. Visions of the “great whore” and the fall of
Babylon (Rome) (17:1–18:24)

6. Visions of heavenly rejoicing, the warrior
Messiah, the imprisonment of the beast and
Satan, judgment of the dead, and the fi nal
defeat of evil (19:1–20:15)

7. Visions of the “new heaven and new earth”
and the establishment of a new Jerusalem on
earth (21:1–22:5)

8. Epilogue: authenticity of the author’s pro-
phetic visions and the nearness of their
fulfi llment (22:6–21)

From this outline, we observe that John be-
gins his work in the real world of exile and suf-
fering (1:1–10) and then takes his readers on a
visionary tour of the spirit world—including a
vivid dramatization of the imminent fall of sa-
tanic governments and the triumph of Christ.
He returns at the end to earth and gives fi nal
instructions to his contemporary audience
(22:6–21). The book’s structure thus resembles
a vast circle starting and ending in physical
reality but encompassing a panorama of the
unseen regions of heaven and the future.
Alone among New Testament writers, John
claims divine inspiration for his work. He reports
that on “the Lord’s day”—Sunday—he “was
caught up by the Spirit” to hear and see heaven’s
unimaginable splendors (1:9). His message de-
rives from God’s direct revelation to Jesus Christ,
who in turn transmits it through an angel to him
(1:1–2). John’s visions generate an intense ur-
gency, for they reveal the immediate future (1:1).
Visionary previews of Jesus’ impending return
convince the author that what he sees is about to
happen (1:3). This warning is repeated at the
book’s conclusion when Jesus proclaims that his
arrival is imminent (22:7, 10, 12).

Revelation’s Use of Symbols

John’s Prophetic Style Revelation’s opening
chapter gives a representative example of John’s
writing style. It shows how profoundly he was

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In his vision of the Dragon waging war and
being thrown down from heaven (12:1–12),
John evokes one of the world’s oldest confl ict
myths. Dating back to ancient Sumer and
Babylon, the dragon image represents the
forces of chaos—darkness, disorder, and the
original void—that preceded the world’s
creation (see Figure 19.5). In the Babylonian
creation story the Enuma Elish, the young god
Marduk must defeat and kill Tiamat, the Dragon
of Chaos, before the orderly cosmos can be
brought into being. Echoes of these primordial
creation myths appear in the Hebrew Bible, in-
cluding the symbol of the dark, watery abyss
(Gen. 1:2) and passages in which Yahweh de-
feats the chaotic monsters Rahab, Behemoth,
and Leviathan (Pss. 74:13–17; 89:9–10; Job 26:-
5–14; Isa. 51:9). Consistent with the ancient chaos
myth, the defeat of the Dragon in Revelation

readers to respond emotionally and intuitively,
as well as intellectually, to his symbols. Thus, he
depicts invisible forces of good and evil in im-
ages that evoke an instinctively positive or neg-
ative reaction. Using a tradition also found in
the Fourth Gospel, the author portrays Christ as
the Lamb of God, whose death “takes away the
sin of the world” (John 1:29, 36; Rev. 4:7–14; 5:6;
7:10, 14). Harmless and vulnerable, the Lamb
is  appealing; his polar opposite, the Dragon,
elicits feelings of fear and revulsion. A rep-
tilian monster with seven heads and ten horns,
he is equated with “that serpent of old . . . whose
name is Satan, or the Devil” (12:3, 9). (In the
Eden story, the serpent that tempted Eve to dis-
obey God is not described as evil. The Genesis
serpent’s identifi cation with Satan is a much
later development in Jewish thought [Wisd. of
Sol. 2:23–24].)

f i g u r e 1 9 . 5 Mesopotamian god battling a seven-headed dragon.
Revelation’s image of the archangel Michael’s defeating a “great red dragon with
seven heads” has a long pedigree, extending at least as far back as the Sumerian Early
Dynastic period (c. 2800–2600 bce ), when this plaque showing a divine warrior bat-
tling the primal monster of chaos was designed. Biblical writers preserved aspects of
this ancient confl ict myth in references to Yahweh’s struggles with Leviathan, another
name for the primeval serpent (Ps. 74:12–14; Job 14:1–34; Isa. 27:1). Apocalyptic writ-
ers commonly reapplied traditions about the precreation struggles between forces of
order and chaos to events of End time, as does John of Patmos, who also identifi es
the “original serpent” with Satan and the devil (Rev. 12:9).

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author’s use of numerology, the occult art of
assigning arcane meanings to specifi c numbers.

Jesus’ Letters to the Seven
Churches

Having validated his prophetic authority through
the divine source of his prophecy, John now sur-
veys the disparate churches of Asia Minor, the
seven lamps that contrast with the world’s dark-
ness. Like the contemporary author of 2 Esdras
(14:22–48), John presents himself as a secretary
recording the dictation of a divine voice, convey-
ing the instructions of a higher power.
Christ’s messages to the seven communities
all follow the same pattern. After he commands
John to write, Jesus identifi es himself as the
speaker and then employs the formula “I know,”
followed by a description of the church’s spiri-
tual condition. A second formula, “but I have it
against you,” then introduces a summary of the
church’s particular weaknesses. Each letter also
includes a prophetic call for repentance, a prom-
ise that the Parousia will occur soon, an exhorta-
tion to maintain integrity, a directive to “hear,”
and a fi nal pledge to reward the victorious.
After reading Jesus’ messages to Ephesus
(2:1–7), Smyrna (2:8–11), Pergamum (2:12–17),
Thyatira (2:18–29), Sardis (3:1–6), Philadelphia
(3:7–13), and Laodicea (3:14–22), the student
will have a good idea of John’s method. Church
conditions in each of these cities are rendered in
images that represent the spiritual reality under-
lying those conditions. Thus, Pergamum is la-
beled the site of Satan’s throne (2:13), probably
because it was the fi rst center of the emperor
cult. (John sees any worldly ruler who claims di-
vine honors as an agent of Satan, and hence an
anti-Christ, the enemy of Jesus.) The Balaam re-
ferred to here was a Canaanite prophet hired
to  curse Israel (Num. 22–24), and hence a
false  teacher, like those who advocate eating
meat previously sacrifi ced to Greco-Roman
gods  (2:14). John’s strict refusal to tolerate
the  consumption of animals slaughtered in

returns him to the original abyss —the dark
void that represents forces opposing God’s
light and creative purpose (20:1–3, 7).
To unspiritual eyes, the Lamb—tiny and
vulnerable—might appear a ridiculously inade-
quate opponent of the Dragon, particularly
because John views Satan as possessing immense
power on earth as he wages war against the
Lamb’s people, the church (12:13–17). Although
nations that the Dragon controls, fi guratively
called Sodom and Egypt (11:8), have already
slain the Lamb (when Rome crucifi ed Jesus),
God uses this apparent weakness to eliminate
evil both in heaven and on earth. John wishes
his readers to draw comfort from this paradox:
Christ’s sacrifi cial death guarantees his ultimate
victory over the Dragon and all he represents.
The Lamb’s death and rebirth to immortal
power also delivers his persecuted followers. The
church will overcome the seemingly invincible
strength of its oppressors; the blood of its faith-
ful martyrs confi rms that God will preserve it
(6:9–11; 7:13–17). Although politically and so-
cially as weak as a lamb, the Christian community
embodies a potential strength that is unrecog-
nized by its enemies. John expresses this belief in
the image of an angel carrying a golden censer,
an incense burner used in Jewish and Christian
worship services. He interprets the censer’s sym-
bolism very simply: Smoke rising upward from
the burning incense represents Christians’
prayers ascending to heaven, where they have an
astonishing effect. In the next image, the angel
throws the censer to earth, causing thunder and
an earthquake. The meaning is that the prayers
of the faithful can fi guratively shake the world
(8:3–5). The author gives many of his most
obscure or grotesque symbols a comparably
down-to-earth meaning.
Limited space permits us to discuss here
only a few of John’s most signifi cant visions. We
focus on those in which he pictures the cosmic
tension between good and evil, light and dark,
Christ and Satan. In commenting on the noto-
rious beast whose “human” number is 666
(13:1–18)—a favorite topic for many of today’s
apocalyptists—we also briefl y review the

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silence in heaven—the calm preceding the
Lord’s Final Judgment [8:1].) Breaking the fi rst
four seals unleashes four horses and riders—the
famous Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse—
representing, respectively, conquest, war, food
shortages (including monetary infl ation), and
death, the “sickly pale” rider, followed closely by
Hades (the grave or Underworld) (6:1–8).
Breaking the fi fth seal makes visible the
souls of persons executed for their Christian
faith. While crying for divine vengeance, they
are given white clothing and told to rest until the
full number of predestined martyrs has been
killed (6:9–11). In such scenes, John indicates
that believers’ willingness to die for their reli-
gion earns them the white garment of spiritual
purity—and that God soon will act to avenge
their deaths.
Showing how terrifying the great day of
God’s vengeance will be, John portrays it in
terms of astronomical catastrophes. Apparently
borrowing from the same apocalyptic tradition
that the Synoptic Gospel writers used to predict
Jesus’ Second Coming (Mark 13; Matt. 24–25;
Luke 21), the author predicts that the sun will
turn black, the moon will turn a bloody red,
and the stars will fall to earth as the sky vanishes
into nothingness (6:12–14). As he clothes Jesus
in astronomical images, so John also paints the
End in livid colors of cosmic dissolution.
As the earth’s population hides in fear, an-
gels appear with God’s distinctive seal to mark
believers on the forehead, an apocalyptic device
borrowed from Ezekiel 9. The symbolic number
of those marked for salvation is 144,000 (a multi-
ple of 12), the number representing the tradi-
tional twelve tribes of Israel. This indicates that
John sees his fellow Jews redeemed at End time
(compare Paul’s view in Rom. 9:25–27). In chap-
ter 14, the 144,000 are designated the fi rst ingath-
ering of God’s harvest (14:1–5). Accompanying
this group is a huge crowd from every nation on
earth, probably signifying the countless multi-
tudes of Gentile Christians. Both groups wear
white robes and stand before God’s throne. (In
contrast, see John’s description of those marked
by the demonic “beast” [13:16–17].)

non-Christian rituals (which included virtually
all meats sold in most Roman cities) is typical of
his exclusivism and contrasts with Paul’s more
fl exible attitude on the same issue (1 Cor. 8:1–13).

Visions in Heaven

John’s initial vision made visible and audible
the invisible presence of Christ; his second
(4:1–11:19) opens the way to heaven. After the
Spirit carries him to God’s throne, John is
shown images of events about to occur (4:1–2).
It is important to remember, however, that
John’s purpose is not merely to predict future
happenings but to remove the material veil that
shrouds heavenly truths and allow his readers
to see that God retains full control of the uni-
verse. The visions that follow are intended to
reassure Christians that their sufferings are
temporary and their deliverance is certain.

Breaking the Seven Seals

John conveys this assurance in two series of seven
visions involving seven seals and seven trumpets.
Seen from the perspective of God’s heavenly
throne (depicted in terms of Isa. 6 and Ezek. 1
and 10), the opening of the seven seals reveals
that the future course of events has already been
recorded on a heavenly scroll. In John’s day, al-
most all writing was done on long, narrow strips
of paper that were then rolled up around a stick,
forming a scroll. Important communications
from kings or other offi cials were commonly
sealed with hot wax, which was imprinted while
still soft with the sender’s identifying seal.
Because the scroll could not be opened without
breaking the seal, the wax imprint effectively
prevented anyone from knowing the scroll’s
contents until the intended recipient opened it.
In John’s vision, the Lamb opens each of
the seven seals in sequence, disclosing either a
predestined future event or God’s viewpoint on
some important matter. (Breaking the seventh
seal is an exception, producing only an ominous

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little scroll that tastes like honey but turns bitter in
the stomach (Ezek. 2:8–3:3). The scroll represents
the dual nature of John’s message: sweet to the
faithful but sour to the disobedient (10:8–11).
In the next section, John is told to measure
the Jerusalem Temple, which will continue un-
der Gentile (pagan) domination for forty-two
months. In the meantime, two witnesses are ap-
pointed to prophesy for 1,260 days—the tradi-
tional period of persecution or tribulation
established in Daniel (7:25; 9:27; 12:7). The
witnesses are killed and, after three and a half
days, resurrected and taken to heaven. (The
executed prophets may refer to Moses and
Elijah, to Peter and Paul, or, collectively, to all
Christian martyrs whose testimony caused their
deaths.) After the martyrs’ ascension, an earth-
quake kills 7,000 inhabitants of the great city
whose ethical reality is represented by Sodom
and Egypt. Sodom, guilty of violence and inhos-
pitality, was consumed by fi re from heaven;
Egypt, which enslaved God’s people, was devas-
tated by ten plagues. So Rome, the tyrannical
state that executed Jesus and persecutes his dis-
ciples (11:1–13), suffers deserved punishment.
The seventh trumpet does not introduce a
specifi c calamity but proclaims God’s sover-
eignty and the eternal reign of his Christ. With
the Messiah invisibly reigning in the midst of his
enemies (Ps. 2:1–12), God’s heavenly sanctuary
opens to view amid awesome phenomena re-
calling Yahweh’s presence in Solomon’s Temple
(1 Kings 8:1–6).

Signs in Heaven: The Woman,
the Dragon, the Beast, and
the Seven Plagues

Chapter 12 introduces a series of unnumbered
visions dramatizing the cosmic battle between
the Lamb and the Dragon. In this section
(12:1–16:21), John links unseen events in
heaven with their consequences on earth. The
opening war in the spirit realm (12:1–12) fi nds

Sounding the Seven Trumpets

As if answering the churches’ prayers (symbolized
by the censer in 8:4–5), seven angels blow seven
trumpets of doom. The fi rst six announce ca-
tastrophes reminiscent of the ten plagues on
Egypt. The initial trumpet blast triggers a hail of
fi re and blood, causing a third of the earth to burn
(8:6–7). The second causes a fi re-spewing moun-
tain to be hurled into the sea, perhaps a reference
to the volcanic island of Thera, which was visible
from Patmos (8:8–9). Devastating volcanic erup-
tions like that of Vesuvius in 79 ce were commonly
regarded as expressions of divine judgment.
The third and fourth trumpets introduce
more astronomical disasters, including a blaz-
ing comet or meteorite called Wormwood (per-
haps representing Satan’s fall from heaven)
and causing the sun, moon, and stars to lose a
third of their light (8:10–12). After the fi fth
trumpet blast, the fallen star opens the abyss,
releasing columns of smoke that produce a
plague of locusts, similar to those described in
Exodus (10:12–15) and Joel (1:4; 2:10). Persons
not angelically marked are tormented with un-
bearable agonies but are unable to die to end
their pain (9:1–6). These disasters, in which the
locusts may represent barbarian soldiers invad-
ing the Roman Empire (9:7–11), are equivalent
to the fi rst disaster predicted (8:13; 9:12).
Despite the unleashing of further hordes as
the sixth trumpet sounds (9:14–19), John does
not believe that such affl ictions will stop human-
ity’s bad behavior. People who survive the plagues
will continue committing crimes and practicing
false religion (9:20–21). In fact, John presents
the world’s suffering as gratuitous and essentially
without moral purpose. Revelation’s various
plagues compound human misery, but they fail
to enlighten their victims about the divine nature
or produce a single act of regret or repentance.

Eating the Scroll

Just as he borrowed his device of marking the
saved from Ezekiel 9, John now draws upon the
same prophet to describe the symbolic eating of a

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of  the “beast” and the “harlot” who rides on
the beast (17:3) are a two-pronged attack on
the power of Rome, a deliberate refutation of
Roman political propaganda that presented the
Roman Empire as sustained by heaven’s highest
gods and as a benefactor of humankind (see
Figure 19.7). Particularly repellent, in John’s
view, were the public cults that honored the
emperors as if they were divine, a practice that

its earthly counterpart in the climactic battle of
Armageddon (16:12–16). Between these two
analogous confl icts, John mixes inspirational
visions of the Lamb’s domain with warnings
about “the beast” and God’s negative judgment
upon disobedient humanity.

The Celestial Woman, the Dragon,
and the Beast from the Sea

This section’s fi rst astronomical sign reveals a
woman dressed in the sun, moon, and stars—
resembling Hellenistic portraits of the Egyptian
goddess Isis. Despite its nonbiblical astrological
features, however, John probably means the fi g-
ure to symbolize Israel, historically the parent of
Christ. Arrayed in “twelve stars” suggesting the
traditional twelve tribes, the woman labors pain-
fully giving birth to the Messiah. John’s fellow
fi rst-century apocalyptist, the author of 2 Esdras,
similarly depicted Israel’s holy city, Jerusalem, the
mother of all believers, as a persecuted woman (2
Esd. 9:38–10:54). Like most of John’s symbols,
this fi gure can be interpreted in many ways, in-
cluding the view that it represents the Virgin.
The Dragon, whom the archangel Michael
hurls from heaven, wages war against the wom-
an’s children, identifi ed as the faithful who wit-
ness to Jesus’ sovereignty (12:13–17). Lest they
despair, however, John has already informed
his hearers that this satanic attack on the
church is really a sign of the Dragon’s last days.
His expulsion from heaven and his wrathful
conduct on earth signify that Christ has already
begun to rule (see Figure 19.6). Satan can no
longer accuse the faithful of unworthiness to
God as he did in Job’s time (Job 1–2). In John’s
mystic vision, the Lamb’s sacrifi cial death and
believers’ testimony about it have conquered
the Dragon and overthrown evil (12:10–12).
His activities now limited to human society,
the Dragon appears in the form of a “beast,” a
monster with ten horns and seven heads. The
reversed number of heads and horns shows the
beast’s kinship to the Dragon, who gives him his
power (13:1–4). As scholars such as Richard
Bauckham have pointed out, John’s symbols

f i g u r e 1 9 . 6 The Fall of Satan from Heaven . In this
painting by Luca Giordano (1632–1705), inspired by
Revelation’s eschatological scenario, the archangel
Michael, Israel’s guardian “prince,” expels Satan from the
divine presence, along with a full third of his fellow mem-
bers of the heavenly council. According to John of Patmos,
Satan’s expulsion signals the triumph of God’s “sovereignty
and power, when his Christ comes to his rightful rule”
(Rev. 12:10). A revolutionary event in biblical eschatology,
God’s banishment of Satan from the celestial assembly
represents his permanent rejection of “the accuser of our
[human] brothers,” the fi gure whose function was to plant
doubts of humanity’s value in the divine mind (Job 1–2).

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economy, a burdensome system that benefi ts
the wealthy ruling class and condemns the
majority to unending poverty. Although the
“kings of the earth” revel in the “wine” of her
economic prosperity, she is doomed to public
exposure and disgrace because she greedily
amassed  enormous riches with no thought for
the poor (17:9–18:20). Like the man wallowing in
luxury who ignored the beggar Lazarus (Luke
16:19–31), the harlot’s excessive possessions—
unshared with the destitute—reveal her as no
friend to God (cf. James 5:1–6).
In interpreting the beast’s “mortal wound
[that] was healed” (13:3–4), Bauckham suggests
that the widespread political disorder following
Nero’s suicide in 68 ce represented a potential
“death blow” to the imperial system, as the gov-
ernment threatened to disintegrate into chaos.
When Vespasian fi nally became emperor a year
later and founded a new dynasty, the Flavian,
however, the imperial rulership was reborn,
resuscitating Rome’s “monstrous” tyranny—as
well as the practice of deifying emperors.
A second beast then emerges, not from the
sea like the fi rst, but from the earth, to work
miracles and promote public worship of the
fi rst beast. This duplicate monster, also called
the false prophet (16:13; 19:20), proceeds
to  enforce the imperial cult by erecting an
“ image” of the beast. According to Bauckham,
this perverse ascribing of godlike qualities to
an idol probably signifi es the policies of the
state priests who encouraged emperor wor-
ship in the cities of Asia Minor, including
those to which John wrote (see Bauckham in
“Recommended Reading”). In a parody of the
angelic sealing, the earth-monster allows no
one to conduct business unless he bears the
beast’s mark. John then adds a key to this bes-
tial riddle: The beast’s number is that of a
“man’s name,” and the “numerical value of its
letters is six hundred and sixty-six” (13:14–18).

John’s Numerical Symbols

The reader is aware by this point that John’s
use of particular numbers is an important part

many Asian cities apparently promoted. John
asks his  readers to view Rome as God does—a
vicious “beast” that built its sovereignty on brutal
conquest and maintains its military supremacy
through violence against and intimidation of its
subject peoples. The beast is “blasphemous” be-
cause it promotes itself as humanity’s political
savior, a hideous distortion of God’s kingdom.
Whereas the beast appears to represent ty-
rannical government, the “harlot” of chapters
17–18, who is closely associated with the beast,
symbolizes Rome’s exploitation of the world

f i g u r e 1 9 . 7 The Whore of Babylon. In his vision of
spiritual reality, John depicted the great city of Rome as “a
woman mounted on a scarlet beast,” a symbol of imperial
corruption who brandishes “a gold cup, full of obsceni-
ties” (Rev. 17:1–14). Because Roman armies had destroyed
Jerusalem (70 ce ), Rome has become the “new Babylon,”
archetype of governmental opposition to God. From the
Apocalypse series of woodcuts by Albrecht Dürer, c. 1498.

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political institution—of his own time. Who that
person or institution might have been, however,
is still hotly debated. Some historians believe
that the man who best fi ts John’s description of
the beast was Nero , the fi rst Roman head of
state to torture and execute Christians (see
Figure 19.8). Following Nero’s suicide in 68 ce ,
popular rumors swept the empire that he was
not dead but in hiding and planned to reap-
pear at the head of a barbarian army to reassert
his sovereignty. Or, as Bauckham has proposed,
it was the revival of imperial rulership after
Vespasian’s ascent to power in 69 ce . (Both views
explain the beast’s recovery from its “death-
blow” and his execution of those Christians
who refused to acknowledge his divinity.)
Proponents of this hypothesis point to the fact
that in Aramaic the “numerical value” of the
name Nero Caesar is 666.
Although it is widely accepted, the theory
identifying John’s beast with Nero leaves much
unexplained. We have no evidence that the

of his symbolism. In this respect, John is typical
of the Hellenistic age in which he lived. For
centuries before his time, Greco-Roman think-
ers regarded certain numbers as possessing a
special kind of meaning. The Greek philoso-
pher Pythagoras speculated that the universe
was structured on a harmony of numerical rela-
tionships and that certain combinations of
numbers held a mystical signifi cation.
In the Jewish tradition, seven represented
the days of creation, culminating in God’s
Sabbath (“seventh-day”) rest (Gen. 1). Hence,
seven stood for earthly completion or perfec-
tion. In contrast, six may represent that which
is incomplete or imperfect. When John depicts
divine activities affecting earth, as in the seven
seals or seven trumpets, he signifi es that God’s
actions are perfectly completed. When he
wishes to represent a personifi cation of human
inadequacy or corruption, he applies the num-
ber six, tripling it for emphasis.

The Mystical Number of the Beast To calculate
the beast’s numerical symbol, we must remem-
ber that in the author’s day all numbers,
whether in Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek, were
represented by letters of the alphabet. Thus,
each letter in a person’s name was also a num-
ber. By adding up the sum of all letters in a
given name, we arrive at its “numerical value.”
(The awkward system of having letters double
for numbers continued until the Arabs intro-
duced their Arabic numerals to Europeans
during the Middle Ages.)
John’s hint that the beast’s cryptic number
could be identifi ed with a specifi c person has
inspired more irresponsible speculation than
almost any other statement in his book. In vir-
tually every generation from John’s day until
ours, apocalyptists have found men or institu-
tions that they claimed fi t the beast’s descrip-
tion and thus fi lled the role of anti-Christ,
whose appearance confi rmed that the world
was near its End.
In contrast, most New Testament scholars
believe that John (or the source he employs)
refers to a historical personage—or a human

f i g u r e 1 9 . 8 Coin portrait bust of Nero, emperor
of Rome from 54 to 68 ce . According to the Roman histo-
rian Tacitus, Nero was the fi rst emperor to persecute
Christians. Nero’s violence toward believers made him
seem to some the image of bestiality in his savage attacks
on God’s people. In depicting the “beast” who demands
his  subjects’ worship, John of Patmos may have had Nero—
and other worldly rulers who imitated the emperor’s
methods—in mind.

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Second Method According to a second view,
favored by apocalyptists, Revelation is largely
predictive. The visions may have had a contem-
porary application in Roman times, but John’s
main purpose was to prophesy about future
events. Invariably, apocalyptist interpreters re-
gard their own time as that which John pre-
dicted. During the past several centuries, such
interpreters, comparing Daniel’s use of “times,”
“years,” and “days” with similar terms in
Revelation (12:6, 14; 13:5, etc.), have tried to
calculate the exact year of the End. In the
United States alone, the years 1843, 1844, 1874,
1914, 1975, 1984, and 2000 were announced
by  different apocalyptic groups as the year in
which Christ would return to judge the earth,
slaughter the wicked, or establish a new world.
Thus far, all such groups have been wrong,
probably because apocalypses like John’s were
not intended to be blueprints of the future. To
try to construct a paradigm of End time from
Daniel’s or Revelation’s chronological or nu-
merical symbols is to miss their purpose, as well
as to ignore Paul’s advice about computing
“dates and times” (1 Thess. 5:1). Given human
nature, however, it is unlikely that their prede-
cessors’ repeated failures will deter future apoc-
alyptists from publicizing their ingeniously
revised schedules of the End.

Third Method Although historians’ attempts to
correlate Revelation’s images and symbols with
conditions in the fi rst-century Roman Empire
are helpful, they do not exhaust the book’s po-
tential meaning. A third method recognizes
that John’s visions have a vitality that transcends
any particular time or place. John’s lasting
achievement lies in the universality of his sym-
bols and parabolic dramas. His visions continue
to appeal, not because they apply explicitly to
his or some future era, but because they refl ect
some of the deepest hopes and terrors of the
human imagination. As long as dread of evil
and longing for justice and peace motivate hu-
man beings, Revelation’s promise of the ulti-
mate triumph of divine rule over chaos will
remain pertinent. John’s visions speak directly

author intended us to use Aramaic letters in
computing the name’s mystical signifi cance.
Other historians suggest that John intended to
imply that Nero was fi guratively reborn in
Domitian, his vicious spirit ascending “out of
the abyss” (17:8) to torment Christians in a new
human form. Still others observe that we do not
have “the key” (13:18) necessary to understand
John’s meaning.
Historians’ speculations about the beast’s
identity have been disappointingly inconclu-
sive. Whatever contemporary fi gure the author
had in mind, his achievement was to create a
symbol of timeless signifi cance. Every age has
its beast, a distortion of the divine image in
which God created humanity (Gen. 1:27), who
somehow gains the power to perpetrate evil on
a large scale. In the universality of his symbols,
John achieves a continuing relevance.

Methods of Interpretation

First Method Our brief scrutiny of John’s myste-
rious beast illustrates the more general chal-
lenge of trying to fi nd a reliable method of
interpreting Revelation’s complex system of
symbols. In the tentative identifi cations men-
tioned previously, we have already touched on
two possible methods. The fi rst approach, fa-
vored by scholars, assumes that Revelation was
composed for a fi rst-century- ce audience famil-
iar with apocalyptic imagery and that its chief
purpose was to give an eschatological interpreta-
tion of then-current events. Reasoning that the
book could not have been written or understood
well enough to have been preserved had it not
had considerable immediate signifi cance to its
original audience, the scholar looks to contem-
porary Roman history to supply the primary
meanings of John’s symbols. According to this
scholarly method, Babylon (18:2, 10) is Rome,
the beast personifi es the empire’s blasphemous
might (represented in human form by the em-
perors), and the various plagues described are
metaphorically intensifi ed versions of wars, inva-
sions, famines, earthquakes, and other disasters
experienced (or feared) during this era.

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Millennium because it lasts 1,000 years, even this
triumph is impermanent because at its conclu-
sion Satan is again released to wage war on the
faithful (see Box 19.1). The only New Testament
writer to present a 1,000-year prelude to Christ’s
kingdom, John states that during the millennium
the martyrs who resisted the beast’s infl uence are
resurrected to rule with Christ (20:4–6).
The Dragon’s release and subsequent
attack on the faithful (based on Ezekiel’s pro-
phetic drama involving the mythical Gog and
Magog, symbols of Israel’s enemies [Ezek. 38–
39]) ends with fi re from heaven destroying the
attackers. A resurrection of all the dead ensues.
Released from the control of death and Hades
(the Underworld), they are judged according
to their deeds (20:7–13).

The Lake of Fire John’s eschatology includes a
place of punishment represented by a lake of
fi re, an image drawn from popular Jewish belief
(see Josephus’s Discourse on Hades in Whiston’s
edition). Defi ned as “the second death” (20:15),
it receives a number of symbolic fi gures, includ-
ing death, Hades, the beast, the false prophet,
and persons or human qualities not listed in
God’s book of life (19:20; 20:14–15). Earlier,
John implied that persons bearing the beast’s
fatal mark would be tormented permanently
amid burning sulphur (14:9–11), a destiny sim-
ilar to that described for the rich man in Luke
(17:19–31).
John’s fi ery lake also parallels that depicted
in 2 Esdras (written c. 100 ce ):

Then the place of torment shall appear, and
over against it the place of rest; the furnace of
hell shall be displayed, and on the opposite
side the paradise of delight . . . here are rest
and delight, there fi re and torments.

(2 Esd. 7:36–38)

Although John uses his image of torture to en-
courage loyalty to Christ, his metaphor of hell
incites many commentators to question the au-
thor’s understanding of divine love. (For a dis-
cussion of other eschatological visions of the
afterlife, see the next section.)

to the human condition as thousands of gener-
ations experience it.
In surveying Revelation’s last chapters (17–
22), we focus on those aspects of the book that
dramatize the ever-repeated struggle and make
John’s visions relevant not merely to his End
time but to ours as well. Readers may have
noted that John’s method in presenting his vi-
sions is to retell the same event in different
terms, using different symbols to illustrate the
same concept. Thus, to dramatize Christ’s vic-
tory over evil, he does not proceed in a straight
line from the opening battle to the devil’s fi nal
defeat but turns back to narrate the confl ict
again and again.
After the seventh trumpet blast, we are told
that Jesus is victorious and now reigns as king
over the world (11:15). However, another bat-
tle ensues in chapter 12, after which John de-
clares that Christ has now achieved total
sovereignty (12:10). Yet, still another confl ict
follows—the infamous Battle of Armageddon
(16:13–16)—after which the angel repeats, “‘It
is over!’” (16:18). But it is not fi nished, for
Satan’s earthly kingdom—Babylon—has yet to
fall (chs. 17–18). When she does and a fourth
victory is proclaimed (19:1–3), the empowered
Christ must repeat his conquest again (19:11–
21). In John’s cyclic visions, evil does not stay
defeated but must be fought time after time.
Similarly, life is a continual battleground in
which the contestants must struggle to defend
previous victories and combat the same oppo-
nents in new guises.

Visions of the Final Triumph

In contrast to the cyclic repetitions of earlier sec-
tions, after chapter 20, John apparently (we can-
not be sure) pursues a linear narration, presenting
a chronological sequence of events. In this fi nal
eschatological vision (20:1–22:5), events come
thick and fast. An angel hurls the Dragon into the
abyss, the primordial void that existed before
God’s creative light ordered the visible world
(20:1–3). With the Dragon temporarily impris-
oned, Christ’s reign at last begins. Known as the

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Although most religious groups recog-
nize that John of Patmos consistently uses symbols
and other forms of fi gurative language to portray
his visions of heaven and the future, some inter-
preters take John’s description of Christ’s 1,000-
year reign—the Millennium—literally. According
to this view, after hurling Satan into the “abyss”
(the primal “deep” that preceded creation in both
Mesopotamian and biblical creation myths [Gen.
1:2]), the triumphant Christ will preside over a
peaceful earth, to which the faithful dead will be
resurrected (Rev. 20:1–6). When Christ’s millen-
nial rule is over, “the rest of the dead” are also
resurrected, only to be tested severely when Satan
emerges from the abyss to “seduce the nations,”
which seem to have survived the catastrophic
plagues and other disasters John so vividly nar-
rated earlier (Rev. 20:7–21:8).
Presenting Revelation’s eschatological images
as  actual future events, the popular Left Behind

novels by Jerry Jenkins and Tim LaHaye envision
an  imminent confl ict between Christ and Satan in
which the vast majority of humans are doomed. In
this version of the apocalypse, Jesus rescues his
true  followers from a pre-Armageddon seven-year
“tribulation” affl icting the rest of humanity by bodily
taking them up to heaven in “the rapture,” a term
that occurs nowhere in the New Testament. Based
on  a nineteenth-century interpretation of Paul’s
description of Jesus’ Parousia, the rapture concept
is  extremely popular among many Protestant funda-
mentalists. Most biblical scholars, however, reject this
notion as a misreading of 1 Thessalonians 4–5 (see
Chapter 14 for a discussion of the Roman analogy
that Paul apparently uses in depicting Jesus’ reap-
pearance). As for a literalist view of the Millennium,
most contemporary scholars agree with the early
church historian Eusebius, who dismissed it as a
failure to understand John’s “mystic and symbolic
language” (Eusebius,  Ecclesiastical History, 3.39).

b o x 1 9 . 1 The Millennium

The Wedding of the Lamb and the Holy City
John’s  primary purpose is to demonstrate the
truth of a divine power great enough to van-
quish evil for all time and create the new uni-
verse described in chapters 21–22. The author
combines images from Isaiah and other Hebrew
prophets to portray an oasis of peace contrast-
ing with the violent and bloody battlefi elds of
his previous visions. Borrowing again from an-
cient myth, in which epics of confl ict commonly
end with a union of supernatural entities, John
describes a sacred marriage of the Lamb with
the holy city that descends from heaven to earth.
The wedding of a city to the Lamb may
strike readers as a strange metaphor, but John
attains great heights of poetic inspiration de-
scribing the union. The brilliance of the heav-
enly Jerusalem is rendered in terms of gold and
precious stones, the jewel-like city illuminated by
the radiance of God himself. John draws again
on Ezekiel’s vision of a restored Jerusalem

Temple to describe a crystal stream fl owing from
God’s throne to water the tree of life. Growing
in a new Eden, the tree’s fruits restore humanity
to full health. The renewed and purifi ed faithful
can now look directly upon God (21:1–22:5).
With his dazzling view of the heavenly city, por-
trayed in the earthy terms of the Hebrew proph-
ets (Isa. 11, 65, 66), John completes his picture
of a renewed and completed creation. God’s will
is fi nally done on earth as it is in heaven.
Warning that his visions represent the im-
mediate future and that the scrolls on which
they are written are not to be sealed (because
their contents will soon be fulfi lled), John adds
a curse upon anyone who tampers with his man-
uscript (22:6, 10, 18–19). In his fi nal address to
the reader, John again invokes Jesus’ speedy re-
turn, a reminder of the intense fervor with
which many early Christians—generations after
Jesus’ death—awaited their Master’s Second
Coming.

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known to Dante through a late-fourth-century
work, the Apocalypse of Paul, which incorpo-
rated concepts expressed in the earlier apoca-
lyptic work.)
In tracing the chronological evolution of
eschatological ideas expressed in both canoni-
cal and noncanonical apocalypses, readers will
fi nd a major shift in emphasis over time. The
earliest apocalyptic visions, such as the previews
of world history contained in 1 Enoch and the
Book of Daniel (the only apocalypse admitted
to the Hebrew Bible canon), tend to be cosmic
in scope, presenting the rise and fall of political
empires and the ultimate triumph of God’s
kingdom (cf. 1 Enoch 91:12–17; 93:1–10; Dan.
2; 7–11). Focusing on God-ordained changes in
the macrocosm (the great world) , Daniel says
little about the microcosm (the smaller world
of individual humans). Almost as an after-
thought, Daniel’s visions conclude with the
Hebrew Bible’s fi rst explicit prophecy of an af-
terlife for both righteous and wicked persons:
“Of those who lie sleeping in the dust of the
earth many will awake, some to everlasting
life,  some to shame and everlasting disgrace”
(Dan. 12:3, Jerusalem Bible). Other than this
terse allusion to physical resurrection of the
dead, Daniel (c. 165 bce ) says nothing about
the nature of their future lives. By the close of
the fi rst century ce , however, when Revelation
and 2 Esdras were written, ideas about personal
eschatology (the posthumous fate of individu-
als) receive greater attention. Destinies of good
and evil persons are now sharply distinguished,
with the former enjoying eternal bliss and the
latter condemned to everlasting pain. By the
time the Apocalypse of Peter was composed, in
the second century ce , typical apocalyptic con-
cerns about the future of the cosmos had been
subordinated to microcosmic preoccupations
with the unspeakable agonies awaiting those
who have offended God (see Figure 19.9).
The historical transition from apocalypses
devoted to global eschatology to those empha-
sizing personal eschatology may refl ect a con-
current change in the church’s evolving beliefs
about Jesus’ Second Coming. As the Christian

Other Hellenistic-Jewish
and Christian Apocalypses

With its images of a warring Dragon, celestial
woman, lake of fi re, and bejeweled city descend-
ing from heaven, Revelation has such a strong
impact on readers’ imaginations that many peo-
ple think of the book as unique. As noted at the
beginning of this chapter, however, Revelation
is only one of many similar apocalyptic works
that Hellenistic-Jewish or early Christian writers
produced between about 300 bce and 200 ce .
To place Revelation in historical perspective, it
is helpful to review some other books represent-
ing the apocalyptic genre to which Revelation
belongs: 1 Enoch, a composite work written in
several stages by different authors from about
300 bce to the fi rst century ce ; 2 Esdras (4 Ezra),
a Jewish apocalypse composed about the same
time as Revelation (c. 100 ce ); and the Apocalypse
of Peter, a Christian work dating from the
second century ce .
These three apocalyptic books are note-
worthy not only because they employ the same
kinds of imagery used in Revelation but also
because their portrayals of the spirit world and
the fate of souls after death have been ex-
traordinarily infl uential on Christian thought.
Almost two millennia after they were written,
the eschatology they present continues to shape
popular beliefs about divine judgment, heaven,
and hell. The persistence of these eschatologi-
cal speculations about postmortem existence—
particularly the Apocalypse of Peter’s detailed
descriptions of fi ery torments affl icting the
damned—results, at least in part, from their
views of the afterlife being later incorporated
into masterpieces of Western literature, such as
Dante’s Divine Comedy and Milton’s Paradise
Lost. In contemporary Western culture, any
student who has fi guratively descended into
Dante’s Inferno or visited “the darkness visible”
of Milton’s hell has encountered ideas that
were vividly articulated by the authors of 1
Enoch and the Apocalypse of Peter. (Traditions
embodied in the Apocalypse of Peter were

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found in an Ethiopic translation in the eigh-
teenth century, 1 Enoch was once widely read.
Aramaic fragments of the book have been
found among the Dead Sea Scrolls and at
Masada, the Herodian fortress where the last
survivors of the Jewish Revolt against Rome
perished about 73 ce . Apparently accepted
in  some Christian circles, 1 Enoch is quoted
as  Scripture in Jude (see Chapter 18). Many
scholars believe that traditions embodied in
1  Enoch also infl uenced the eschatological
thought of Paul and the Synoptic authors.
First Enoch is the oldest of three extant
books ascribed to the biblical Enoch, listed
in Genesis as one of the patriarchs who lived
before Noah’s flood. A person of exemplary
righteousness, Enoch did not experience
ordinary human death because “God took
him,” presumably transporting him alive to
heaven (Gen. 5:24). The tradition of Enoch’s
mysterious ascension into the divine pres-
ence inspired a host of legends about his
unparalleled knowledge of celestial secrets,
which are supposedly revealed in the books
bearing his name. (A volume called 2 Enoch,
describing Enoch’s mystical journey through
the ten levels of heaven, was composed in the
first century ce ; 3 Enoch dates from a much
later period.)

The Pseudepigrapha Long before Christian
writers ascribed letters and other documents
to  Paul, Peter, John, James, and other leaders
associated with the early Jerusalem church,
Hellenistic Jews had developed a wide spread
practice of pseudonymity (see Chapter 17). A
collection of pseudonymous Jewish writings
that were included in neither the Hebrew
Bible (Tanakh) nor the Apocrypha, the
Pseudepigrapha are Hellenistic works at-
tributed to eminent fi gures of the biblical past,
such as Enoch, Noah, Moses, Abraham, Isaiah,
and Ezra. (Contemporary English translations
of all extant pseudepigraphal writings, includ-
ing the three books ascribed to Enoch, are
contained in Charlesworth’s The Old Testament
Pseudepigrapha; see “Recommended Reading.”)

church gradually accepted the idea that Christ’s
Parousia would be indefi nitely delayed, its at-
tention inevitably moved from expectations
of  the world’s End and universal judgment to
contemplation of the posthumous judgment
of  individual souls (see the discussion of the
Apocalypse of Peter).

1 Enoch (Ethiopic Book of Enoch)

A composite work including both cosmic and
personal eschatology, 1 Enoch incorporates di-
verse material composed as early as the third
century bce and as late as the fi rst century ce .
Although the book, originally written in
Hebrew and/or Aramaic, had fallen out of use
centuries before the only complete copy was

f i g u r e 1 9 . 9 The Damned. The terror and anguish
of souls condemned to hell are graphically rendered in
this Christian bas-relief depicting the Last Judgment.

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(chs. 72–82), is a miscellaneous compilation of
Hellenistic scientifi c ideas, including accounts
of planetary and lunar movements that presup-
pose earth as the center of the solar system. In
the fourth section, the Dream Visions (chs.
83–90), the author indulges in a typically apoc-
alyptic device, surveying past events as if they
were prophecies of the future, predicting the
(then-imminent) global deluge. Having con-
fi rmed his prophetic authority, Enoch then of-
fers an allegorical narrative of world history
that portrays the covenant people as tame (and
gentle) animals and the Gentile nations as
wild beasts, symbolism also used in Daniel and
Revelation. His account begins with Adam, sig-
nifi ed by a white bull, and ends with the ap-
pearance of the Messiah as a “lamb” who
becomes a “great animal” with black horns.
The fi nal section, the Epistle of Enoch
(chs. 91–107), incorporates some of the book’s
oldest material, including fragments from a
Book of Noah or Book of Lamech that describe
miracles attending the patriarch’s birth. It also
includes an eschatological vision of a new
world order anticipating that in Revelation and
2 Peter:

And the fi rst heavens shall depart and pass away,
And a new heaven shall appear. . . .
And all shall be in goodness and righteousness,
And sin shall no more be mentioned forever.

(1 Enoch 91:16, 17; cf. Rev. 21:1–3; 2 Pet. 3:13)

The book concludes with Enoch’s last words of
encouragement for the pious who await their
God’s day of reckoning, a passage that foreshad-
ows Revelation’s invocation of Jesus’ return.

2 Esdras

Unlike 1 Enoch, the Book of 2 Esdras is included
in some modern editions of the Bible, such as
the New Revised Standard Version and the
Revised English Bible, where it is placed among
the Apocrypha. Written about 100 ce , too late to
be included in the Septuagint, it appeared in
Catholic versions of the Old Testament until the
Council of Trent in the sixteenth century, when

Incorporating some of the oldest examples
of Jewish apocalyptic literature, the earliest
parts of 1 Enoch anticipate visions of the spirit
world and predictions of End time that later
appear in Daniel and Revelation. Like the au-
thor of Daniel, the writer of 1 Enoch refers to
angels as “the Watchers” and describes sessions
of God’s heavenly court. Written about 170
bce , the section known as the Ten Weeks
Apocalypse (91:12–17; 93:1–10) divides human
history into epochs symbolically represented by
successive “weeks,” or years, culminating in es-
chatological separation of the righteous from
the wicked. The book’s latest segment, which
many scholars think was added during the fi rst
century ce or slightly earlier, is the Book of
Similitudes (Parables), which describes a heav-
enly fi gure called the “Son of Man,” the desig-
nation that Mark applies to Jesus in his Gospel.
In 1 Enoch, however, the “Son of Man” is iden-
tifi ed as Enoch himself, the one whom God
transported to heaven and who is allowed to
reveal its sacred mysteries.
An ancient compiler, or editor, arranged 1
Enoch into fi ve parts, perhaps to emulate the
fi vefold division of the Pentateuch and Book
of Psalms. The fi rst section, the Watchers (chs.
1–36), expands on the Genesis account of “sons
of God” who mated with mortal women, pro-
ducing a hybrid race of giants and heroes (cf.
Gen. 6:1–4). Describing the fall of these rebel-
lious divine “sons,” Enoch is represented as
making a tour of heaven and Sheol (the bibli-
cal Underworld), where he views a fl aming
abyss in which the fallen angels are punished
(chs. 17–18, 21; cf. 108:3–7, 15). Enoch’s por-
trayal of the angels’ incandescent dungeon re-
sembles the older Greek myth concerning
the  imprisonment of the Titans, divine giants
whom Zeus overthrew and confi ned in Tartarus,
the pit below Hades’ realm (see Box 4.1).
Enoch’s second section (chs. 37–71) con-
tains a series of “similitudes,” parables on a vari-
ety of topics, including the Messiah, the rewards
of the virtuous, the coming judgment by the
Son of Man, and other eschatological concerns.
The third part, the Astronomical Writings

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452 p a r t s i x g e n e r a l l e t t e r s a n d s o m e v i s i o n s o f e n d t i m e

Babylonians (Romans) so much worse behaved
than the Jews whom they oppress? Why has
God allowed an enemy nation that mocks him
to annihilate those who at least try to worship
him (3:25–32)? Is it not better to remain un-
born than to live and suffer without knowing
why (4:12)? The angels’ replies express the
apocalyptic stereotype: God will dispense jus-
tice in good time. The fl ourishing of wicked-
ness is only temporary; it will be terminated
according to a foreordained timetable (4:27–
32), and the divine schedule is not humanity’s
concern. As Ezra observes, however, he does
not presume to inquire into celestial mysteries,
only to learn that which human intelligence is
able to comprehend:

To what end has the capacity for understand-
ing been given me? For I did not mean to ask
about ways above [exclusively God’s domain],
but about things which pass by us every day,
why Israel . . . whom you love [is] given to
godless tribes.

(2 Esd. 4:22–23)

The wrenching disparity between the divine
promises to Israel and the miserable historical
reality constitutes a paradox that God does not
explain.

The Afterlife Ezra is concerned about not only
the earthly plight of his people but also the
condition of their souls after death. Reluctantly
agreeing that many act wrongly while only a few
are righteous, he nonetheless disputes the jus-
tice of condemning sinners to unending tor-
ment without any further chance of repentance.
Chapter 7, vividly detailing the blessings of sal-
vation and the agonies of the damned, offers
the most complete description of eschatologi-
cal judgment and the afterlife in the Old
Testament Apocrypha.
In addition, 2 Esdras gives us perhaps the
oldest biblical statement about original sin—
the doctrine that all humanity inherits Adam’s
sinful nature and is therefore born deserving
death, concepts that have been used to inter-
pret Paul’s views on the consequences of

it was dropped from the canon. Because it was
composed within a few years of Revelation and
deals with similar apocalyptic themes and sym-
bols, 2 Esdras provides valuable insight into the
worldview that John of Patmos also expressed,
particularly the tensions among Jews, Christians,
and their Roman oppressors.
The present Book of 2 Esdras is a compos-
ite work; the central core (chs. 3–14) was writ-
ten by a Jewish apocalyptist in either Hebrew or
Aramaic about thirty years after the Romans
had destroyed Jerusalem in 70 ce . After the
book was translated into Greek, an anonymous
Christian editor added the fi rst two chapters
(c. 150 ce ). Approximately a century later, an-
other Christian redactor appended chapters 15
and 16, providing a Christian framework to this
fi rst-century Jewish apocalypse.

Ezra’s Theodicy Attributed to Ezra (Greek,
Esdras), the priestly scribe credited with assem-
bling the Mosaic Torah while exiled in Babylon
(c. 557 bce ), the central section was actually
composed by an unknown Jewish author who
lived more than six centuries after Ezra’s time.
Like his ancestors during the Babylonian exile,
the author of 2 Esdras 3–14 had witnessed the
humiliating overthrow of Judaism’s holy city
and Temple, a catastrophic triumph of Gentile
power over the covenant people that called
God’s justice into question. The pseudonymous
writer, who fi nds himself in a position analo-
gous to that of the historical Ezra, draws on the
resources of apocalyptic discourse to fi nd some
meaning or purpose in the national disaster.
Chapters 3–14 present a series of seven eschato-
logical visions, of which the fi rst three are cast
in the form of philosophical dialogues between
Ezra and various angels who defend God’s han-
dling of historical events. These angelic mes-
sengers counter Ezra’s repeated questioning of
divine ethics with attempts to justify the Deity’s
ways to humans. Most readers fi nd Ezra’s ques-
tions more penetrating than the conventional
answers he receives.
If Babylon (Rome) is God’s chosen instru-
ment to punish people, Ezra asks, why are

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c h a p t e r 1 9 c o n t i n u i n g t h e a p o c a l y p t i c h o p e 453

does not mention such works as Hebrews,
James, 1 and 2 Peter, or 3 John. But it does in-
clude the apocalypse ascribed to Peter, an orig-
inally Greek work that survives complete only
in an Ethiopic translation discovered in the late
nineteenth century. Despite the popularity this
work formerly enjoyed—and its usefulness in
converting people who hoped to escape the ter-
rors of eternal punishment it describes—the
church, probably because of its pseudonymity,
rejected it, along with numerous other writings,
such as the Gospel of Peter, also incorrectly as-
signed to Jesus’ leading disciple. (The present
New Testament, however, does contain two
Petrine documents that most scholars believe
are also pseudonymous; see Chapter 18.)
The Apocalypse of Peter opens with a fa-
miliar Gospel scene: On the Mount of Olives,
Jesus’ disciples ask about the “signs” of his
Parousia and “the end of the world” (cf. Mark
13; Matt. 24). After fi rst reiterating Jesus’ warn-
ings about false messiahs and future persecu-
tions, the author soon switches to his main
interest: the eschatological consequences of
Jesus’ return and the judgment of individual
souls. The writer’s point of departure is a
phrase from Matthew’s parable in which the
Son of Man returns to divide all humanity into
two classes, “sheep” and “goats.” Judged ad-
versely, the goats are dispatched to “the eternal
fi re that is ready for the devil and his angels”
(Matt. 25:41). In the Synoptic Gospels, Jesus
makes several references to Gehenna and
“eternal punishment” (see Box 8.5), but the
Evangelists do not explore the implications of
these allusions to posthumous suffering—an
oversight that the author of the Apocalypse
enthusiastically addresses.
Quickly moving from the Parousia to vi-
sions of the next world, the writer devotes the
main part of his work to surveying the tortures
endured by various kinds of sinners, in general
following a principle of retributive justice in
which the punishment supposedly fi ts the
crime. It is diffi cult to be certain whether Jesus
actually takes Peter on a tour of hell, as the
spirit of the poet Virgil later guides Dante

Adam’s disobedience (5:21–26; 7:46–48, 70–72;
cf. Rom. 5:12–17; see Chapter 15). This belief
in humankind’s innate propensity toward vice
has since become dogma in many Christian
denominations (see Box 15.3).

Eschatological Future In chapter 9, the book
changes from a Job-like theodicy to a more
purely apocalyptic preview of the “last days.”
Ezra’s fourth vision depicts a woman who,
mourning her dead son, is suddenly trans-
formed into a thriving city. Uriel, one of the
book’s angelic mediators, explains that the
woman is Jerusalem, her lost son the destroyed
Temple, and the splendid city a future glorifi ed
Zion (chs. 9–10; cf. Rev. 21–22). Chapters 11
and 12, with their portrait of a mighty eagle,
evoke John’s avian imagery in Revelation. This
proud eagle (Rome) that now dominates the
earth is destined to disappear when a lion (the
Messiah) appears to judge it for its persecution
of the righteous (11:38–12:34), an eventuality
that John also prophesies (Rev. 17–19). The
sixth vision emphasizes the certainty of the
Messiah’s expected appearance and his just
overthrow of unbelievers who oppress Jerusalem
(ch. 13).
The two fi nal chapters, a Christian appen-
dix from the third century ce , dramatize
the Deity’s coming vengeance on the wicked.
Predicting a swarm of terrors and calamities
(again reminiscent of Revelation’s anti-Roman
stance), the book assures readers that the un-
godly nation (Rome), as well as all other empires
that persecute the faithful, will fall and that the
guilty will be consumed by fi re (chs. 15–16).

The Apocalypse of Peter and the
Shift from Cosmic to Personal
Eschatology

Although it was ultimately excluded from the
New Testament, the pseudonymous Apocalypse
of Peter once stood on the margins of accepted
Christian Scripture. The Muratorian Canon
(late second to early fourth century ce ), a list of
books that the author regarded as canonical,

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454 p a r t s i x g e n e r a l l e t t e r s a n d s o m e v i s i o n s o f e n d t i m e

looked forward to an eschatological reversal in
which familiar fi gures from Roman society
would soon be writhing in hellish agony, pro-
viding an entertaining spectacle for the souls of
their former victims. Anticipating the day of
judgment , Tertullian states that he will not
know whether to “laugh” or “applaud” at the
sight of Roman administrators who had or-
dered Christians burnt at the stake now “melt-
ing in fl ames fi ercer than those they had
kindled for brave Christians.” He delights at
the prospect of “philosophers and their stu-
dents” (promoters of rival beliefs) burning to-
gether, while tragic actors who had enraptured
audiences in Roman theaters will bellow their
lines in genuine anguish (see Fox and Turner
in “Recommended Reading”). Offering better
entertainment than any of Rome’s circuses
or  athletic events, Tertullian’s fantasy makes
beholding the suffering of the damned one of
the major rewards of the faithful. (It should
also be remembered that in the only Gospel
parable about the afterlife Lazarus’s paradise is
in full view of the rich man’s fi ery torments [Luke
16:19–31]; 2 Esdras portrays a similar juxtaposi-
tion of joy and suffering [2 Esd. 7:36–38].)

Summary

In Revelation, John asks his readers to see the
course of human history from God’s perspective.
John’s series of visions unveil the spiritual realities
of the universe that are ordinarily hidden from
human eyes. The visions disclose that events on
earth are only part of a universal drama in which
invisible forces of good and evil contend for con-
trol of human society. John shows that the battle
between good and evil is an ongoing process by
portraying the struggle as a cycle of repeated con-
fl icts. God’s forces win, only to fi nd their evil op-
ponents reappearing in a new guise. In combating
spiritual and social evil, the faithful must be
prepared to fi ght again and again.
Despite the cyclic nature of the struggle
against chaotic powers, John assures his audience,
through Christ’s death God has already deter-
mined the outcome. The last part of Revelation

through the Inferno, or whether Christ simply
describes the different sinners’ torments so
graphically that Peter can virtually “see” them.
In any case, the fate of those who have dis-
pleased God is to feel maximum pain with no
hope of release, to suffer the highest pitch of
agony imaginable for all eternity.
As many commentators have recognized,
the Apocalypse of Peter focuses largely on sex-
ual sins, punishing erotic behaviors with “cata-
racts of fi re.” Women who beautifi ed themselves
with cosmetics to seduce men hang by their
hair (regarded as the chief feminine attraction)
in a dark fi ery pit. Expectant mothers who
aborted their babies are submerged in pools of
fl aming excrement, while the spirits of their
dead children stand nearby, piercing their
mothers’ eyes with lightning bolts. Men who
enjoyed sex outside of marriage are strung up
by their genitals over glowing coals. Souls who
“doubted” God’s “righteousness” are tortured
with “red hot irons” that bore into their eyes,
while other sinners, their bodies afl ame, are
devoured by immortal worms. Slaves who dared
to disobey their masters gnaw on their own
tongues (the organ of impudence) while im-
mersed in fi re. When souls try to repent of their
misdeeds and cry to God for mercy, the angel
Tatirokos suddenly appears to increase their
suffering, angrily declaring that the “time for
repentance” has passed—the Deity has made
no provision to redeem souls in hell.
Endeavoring to account for the vindictive,
sadistic tone of the Apocalypse of Peter, some
interpreters have suggested that it refl ects some
Christians’ negative response to Roman perse-
cutions of their faith during the second century
ce . Widespread persecution of Christians in
Gaul (France) during the late second century
ce involved brutal interrogations, mutilations,
and other tortures. To some Christians, the
Roman practice of burning martyrs alive in-
vited divine retaliation, in which the persecu-
tors would suffer the same kinds of torture,
with the difference that their pain would not
end at death. Tertullian, a Christian theologian
of the late second and early third centuries ce ,

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c h a p t e r 1 9 c o n t i n u i n g t h e a p o c a l y p t i c h o p e 455

Questions for Discussion
and Refl ection

1. Discuss John’s use of symbols and cryptic lan-
guage. Do you think that the author deliber-
ately made his mystical visions diffi cult to
understand in order to confuse “outsiders”
who might be hostile to his group?

2. Martin Luther thought that Revelation did not
truly reveal the nature of God and Christ.
Discuss the ethical strengths and religious lim-
itations of John’s view of the Deity and the di-
vine purpose.

3. Revelation repeatedly shows God’s kingdom
triumphing only to be engaged again in fur-
ther battles with evil, until the symbol and
source of evil—the Dragon of Chaos—is fi nally
exterminated by fi re. Do you think that
Revelation’s frequently repeated battles be-
tween good and evil indicate a continuing
cycle in which divine rule (the kingdom) alter-
nates with wicked infl uences on humanity—a
cycle in which each nation and individual par-
ticipates until the fi nal judgment? Cite specifi c
passages to support your answer.

4. Apocalyptic works such as 1 Enoch, Revelation,
2 Esdras, and the Apocalypse of Peter contain
horrifi c visions of the afterlife in which con-
demned souls suffer unending torment in hell.
How do you reconcile Christianity’s belief in
an infi nitely loving God with a doctrine of eter-
nal punishment for sinners? If suffering on
earth can be a learning process that brings in-
sight and wisdom, what ethical purpose does
the pain of the damned serve? Would a sane
human father condemn a disobedient child
to unendurable torment—without hope of re-
lease? Why do many religions ascribe this prac-
tice to God? In what ways do offi cially endorsed
fears about the afterlife tend to support reli-
gious authorities and institutions?

5. Although their suggestions were later con-
demned by the church, some early Christian
leaders, such as Origin, believed that God’s
unlimited love would eventually result in the
redemption of all human souls. If God de-
sires the salvation of all souls, how do you
think he would accomplish this objective?
How would Origin’s doctrine of universal sal-
vation work to enhance human appreciation
of divine glory?

shows the Dragon fi nally defeated and creation
renewed. The Lamb’s marriage to heavenly
Jerusalem, descended to earth, reveals that the
end purpose of history is the joyous union of hu-
manity with the presence and image of God. In
John’s ultimate vision, the original goal and essen-
tial goodness of creation are realized. In contrast
to Revelation’s emphasis on cosmic events and the
ultimate completion of God’s purpose, some later
Christian apocalypses focus largely on personal es-
chatology. This shift from macrocosmic to micro-
cosmic concerns is particularly evident in the
Apocalypse of Peter, a second-century- ce work
that graphically depicts the consequences of Jesus’
Second Coming for individual sinners. Expanding
imaginatively on Revelation’s image of a “lake of
fi re,” this pseudonymous apocalypse graphically
describes the sufferings of the damned, a portrayal
of eternal torment that infl uenced many later
Western writers, including Dante and Milton.

Questions for Review

1. Defi ne the term apocalypse as a literary genre,
and explain how the Book of Revelation un-
veils realities of the unseen spirit world and
previews future events.

2. Identify and discuss the characteristics of apoc-
alyptic literature. When and where did this
type of visionary writing originate, and what is
its main purpose?

3. Connect John’s visions with conditions prevail-
ing in his own time. What events taking place
during the late fi rst century ce would cause
Christians to despair of the present evil world
and hope for divine intervention in the near
future?

4. Identify and explain some of the myths of cos-
mic confl ict that John incorporates into his
vision of the universal struggle between good
and evil. In the ancient view of the world, why
is disorder commonly identifi ed with evil and
an orderly creation synonymous with good?

5. Why did Hellenistic-Jewish apocalyptists select
Enoch as the bearer of eschatological revelations?
What topics does the Book of 1 Enoch address?

6. In what way is 2 Esdras a theodicy, confronting
issues about divine justice as it is manifested in
Israel’s historical sufferings? What portrayals of
the afterlife do 2 Esdras and the Apocalypse of
Peter provide?

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456 p a r t s i x g e n e r a l l e t t e r s a n d s o m e v i s i o n s o f e n d t i m e

Press, 2011. Examines the book’s historical
context and reviews traditional and scholarly
interpretations.

Fiorenza, Elizabeth Schussler. The Book of Revelation:
Justice and Judgment. Philadelphia: Fortress Press,
1985.

Josephus, Flavius. “Josephus’ Discourse to the Greeks
Concerning Hades.” In Josephus: Complete Works.
Translated by W. Whiston. Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Kregel, 1960. Presents fi rst-century Jewish views of
the afterlife similar to those postulated in the
Synoptic Gospels and Revelation.

Metzger, Bruce M. Breaking the code: Understanding the
Book of Revelation. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1993
(reprint, 2006). A concise and accessible intro-
duction to the book’s complexities, emphasizing
the author’s use of symbolism.

Osborne, Grant O. Revelation. Grand Rapids, Mich.:
Baker, 2002. Argues that the apostle John wrote
Revelation and that the book is a prophecy of fu-
ture events, views different from those presented
in our text.

Perkins, Pheme. The Book of Revelation. Collegeville,
Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1983. A brief and read-
able introduction for Roman Catholic and other
students.

1 Enoch
Charlesworth, James H., ed . The Old Testament Pseu-

depigrapha, Vol. 1: Apocalyptic Literature and Testa-
ments, pp. 5–89. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday,
1983. Includes a translation and extensive expli-
cation of 1 Enoch (the later books of 2 and 3
Enoch are also included).

Nickelsburg, George W. E., and Vanderkam, James
C. I Enoch. Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 2004.
A new English translation based on all available
texts, including the Dead Sea Scrolls.

2 Esdras
Humphrey, Edith M. “Esdras, Second Book of.” In K. D.

Sakenfeld, ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the
Bible, Vol. 2, p. 309–313. Nashville: Abingdon
Press, 2007. A perceptive reading of the Jewish
apocalypse, with attention to the later Christian
additions.

Meyers, Jacob M. 1 and 2 Esdras. Anchor Bible.
Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1974. Translations
with helpful commentary.

The Apocalypse of Peter
Bernstein, Alan E. The Formation of Hell: Death and

Retribution in the Ancient and Early Christian Worlds.

Terms and Concepts to Remember

the abyss
alpha
apocalypse (literary

form)
apocalyptic literature
Armageddon
Domitian
Dragon
Enoch
Ephesus
Ezra
Gog
Laodicea

Magog
Michael
Millennium
Nero
Patmos
Pergamum
Philadelphia
Pseudepigrapha
Sardis
Serpent
Smyrna
symbol
Thyatira

Recommended Reading

Revelation
Barr, David L., ed. Reading the Book of Revelation: A

Resource for Students. Atlanta: Society of Biblical
Literature, 2003. A collection of essays analyzing
Revelation in its historical and social context.

Batto, Bernard F. Slaying the Dragon: Mythmaking in
the Biblical Tradition. Louisville, Ky.: Westminster
John Knox Press, 1992. Devoted mainly to the
Hebrew Bible; also shows how New Testament
writers used archetypal myths to express their un-
derstanding of Christ and the cosmic battle be-
tween God and the primordial Dragon of Chaos.

Bauckham, Richard. The Theology of the Book of Revelation.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Collins, A. Y. “The Apocalypse (Revelation).” In R. E.
Brown et al., eds., The New Jerome Biblical
Commentary, 2nd ed., pp. 996–1016. Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1990. A close reading of
the text that places John’s visions in their original
Greco-Roman social and historical context.

———. Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse.
Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1984. A care-
fully researched, clearly written, and rational
analysis of the sociopolitical and theological
forces affecting the composition of John’s visions.

Collins, J. J. The Encyclopedia of Apocalyptism, Vol. 1:
The Origins of Apocalyptism in Judaism and
Christianity. New York: Continuum, 2002. A col-
lection of essays, many insightful, on the apoca-
lypic worldview.

Duff, Paul B. “Revelation.” In M.D. Coogan, ed.,
The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Books of the Bible,
Vol. 2, pp. 256–271. New York: Oxford University

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c h a p t e r 1 9 c o n t i n u i n g t h e a p o c a l y p t i c h o p e 457

Fox, Robin Lane. Pagans and Christians. New York:
Knopf, 1987. Includes discussion of Christian es-
chatology, the legal basis of Roman persecutions,
and the cult of martyrdom.

Turner, Alice. The History of Hell. New York: Harcourt
Brace, 1993. Discusses the social and legal envi-
ronment of Rome in the second century ce that
provides a context for Christian ideas about hell.

Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993. A
comprehensive study of evolving ideas about
the afterlife and the infl uence of Greco-Roman
beliefs on Christian eschatology.

Ehrman, Bart D., ed . The New Testament and Other
Early Christian Writings: A Reader. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1998. Includes the
complete text of the Apocalypse of Peter.

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