History Essay - Paper Answers

How did the indigenous people of Latin America react to Iberians? How did they adapt to Iberian culture (that is, how did indigenous cultures and societies change during the colonial period)? How did they resist Spanish and Portuguese rule? How did the responses and experiences of sedentary, semi-sedentary, and non-sedentary indigenous people differ during the colonial period, and how were they the same (if at all)? Did indigenous people and their cultures die out during the colonial period, as popular belief suggests? Please address the colonial period as a whole from the eve of the conquest to the end of the colonial period. Please also do not just focus on sedentary Inca and Aztec societies; take into account the various different other Native peoples of colonial Latin America.

You must cite at least one primary source (historical document), like the excerpts from Victors and Vanquished or the text book Colonial Latin America: A Documentary History (by Mills, Taylor, and Graham). You must cite two other sources as well. The paper should be 5 – 7 pp., have an intro and conclusion, and citations, with a works cited or references page.

Course Review

Commonalities of all Natives
Lack guns, germs, and steel at first. Disease hit all; non and semi-sedentaries hit hardest.
Have no concept of a united Indian race. Remain largely divided until end of colonial period. Non- and semi-sedentaries sometimes do unite in confederations when under stress.
Distrustful of all outsiders to their communities, black, mixed, Spanish or other Indians.
At the bottom of Spanish racial hierarchy (though non and semi-sedentaries often live outside mainstream Iberian society, so it doesn’t matter much to them).
Even so they keep a lot of collective power as nations that Africans, castas (mixed race), and sometimes even Spaniards don’t have.

characteristics
Non-sedentary
Small, mobile populations
Few resources that interest Iberians except the land they are on.
Hunt, gather, lack hierarchies and states.
Lack familiarity with concept of “work,” make poor slaves, though still occasionally taken by slavers.
Semi-sedentary
Small to moderate size populations.
Occasionally have some valuable resources like gold or pearls.
Some hierarchy, at least partly agricultural.
Iberians may turn to enslaving them, but their numbers can’t handle pressure of constant slavery.
Iberians moderately interested in exploiting them.
sedentary
Very large populations.
Several commercially viable resources.
Entirely agricultural.
Hierarchical, live in states and often empires.
Work-based society.
Rarely enslaved by Iberians, large populations exploitable through indirect rule makes slavery unnecessary.

First Contact
Non-sedentary
Nearly always violent from the first encounter (and often constant warfare until the end).
Iberians uninterested in them and leave them alone unless they are on valuable land (e.g. silver mines in N. Mexico)
Conquest is virtually impossible, Iberians settle away from them.
Semi-sedentary
Greatest variation. Sometimes peaceful first encounters (Taíno, Brazilians), other times not (Florida).
Iberians usu. interested in enslaving them or obtaining trade goods (brazil wood), but this is often quickly exhausted.
Conquest can take years. Iberians usually settle away from them.
sedentary
Military conquest is the normal Iberian response. Conquistadors will fight the dominant power and ally with their enemies.
Few large rebellions after defeat of the local imperial power.
Spaniards turn to exploiting their labor and wealth through non-slavery institutions.
Spaniards settle in large cities around their settlements.

Politics and society
Non-sedentary
Tribes, bands, clans etc. may go extinct from disease and warfare. Often unite to form powerful confederations (e.g. Comanche).
Retain traditional forms of leadership (e.g. chiefs) and political culture.
Remain independent and apart from colonial society except when Iberians
Lack of distinct social classes remains, sometimes adopt slavery, outsiders they take as captives assimilated or enslaved.
Semi-sedentary
May also go extinct, may also unite to form confederations (e.g. Seminoles)
May retain older structures and authorities, sometimes borrow Hispanic cabildo (council) and titles (e.g. Maya)
Villages and political units may remain independent from colonial society (Seminoles), or may be partly integrated into empire (e.g. Pueblos, Mayas)
Class stratification may increase, may also practice slavery or taking of captives
Sedentary
Mostly keep borders and territories intact, but as units of the viceroyalties.
Defy congregación or attempts to merge communities.
Native political units (altepetl, ayllu) survive with their leaders, but are integrated as semi-autonomous Hispanic-style provinces, districts, and towns into the república de indios (Indian jurisdiction of Spanish empire).
Leaders organized into cabildos (councils) and given Hispanic titles (gobernadores, etc.), though retain traditional duties.
Noble/commoner distinction persists. Preconquest noble lineages and dynasties survive.

Acculturation
Non-sedentary
Limited borrowing of Hispanic material culture, mostly technology, weapons, and livestock through trade or theft.
Retention of languages with little borrowing of Iberian words.
Keep family structures and kinship.
Religion mostly unaffected.
Semi-sedentary
Varied the most.
Often moderate borrowing of Hispanic material culture.
Often keep their languages but borrow some Iberian words.
Often keep family structures with some gradual shifts towards Iberian models.
Often borrow limited elements of Christianity (crosses, saints, etc.)
Individuals in missions or from groups nearly extinct frequently completely assimilated.

Sedentary
Heavy borrowing of Hispanic material culture, blending with elements of native material culture.
Borrow several Spanish words and phrases.
Family structure evolves towards nuclear family.
Accept Christianity, but tailor it to their customs.

Labor and Exploitation
Non-sedentary
Only few refugees and slaves work in Spanish empire.
Unwilling to work and opposed to coercion unless defeated.
Have no tribute to pay.
Semi-sedentary
Populations are often enslaved throughout the colonial period, though this declines with the rise of the African slave trade.
Encomiendas do not last long given small populations and disease.
Larger settlements pay some tribute.
Mission Indians, refugees, and naborías (outsider Indians) provide free or wage labor.
sedentary
Slavery only a desperate resort in the beginning, cannot be legally enslaved.
Large populations make encomienda a more feasible option, outlawed eventually though.
Unwilling/unsuited for sugar and other cash crop work, Africans and slaves used for this.
Pay tribute extensively.
Rights to labor transferred to crown as repartimiento, sometimes leased to private Spaniards. Used for mining and public works.
Haciendas employ indiv. Indians and naborías.

Resistance
Non-sedentary
Very fierce resistance throughout colonial period. Either dominate/expel Iberians through united guerilla warfare or die trying.
Semi-sedentary
Populations hardest hit by conquest and colonization will assimilate completely as refugees, never threaten Iberians.
Some mission Indians rebel.
Many form strong confederations and defeat or preserve independence from Europeans like the non-sedentaries (e.g. Mapuche* or some Maya).
Most partly accept Spanish rule after some resistance (e.g. most Maya) but will rise up when most threatened (Pueblos, see Pueblo Revolt)
*Mapuches can be considered non- or semi-sedentary for the purposes of your paper.

Sedentary
After conquest, usually do not threaten wide-scale anti-colonial revolts.
Exceptions are the Andean revolts of late 1700s (Tupac Amaru II, Juan Santos)
Small-scale local revolts over changes to law or corrupt officials are frequent but never threaten the big picture.
Resistance through other means: the courts, “foot-dragging,” playing dumb, or just not following orders etc.

Explanations
Non-sedentary
Limited contact with Iberians so less opportunities to culturally borrow
Hunter-gatherer lifestyle at odds with Iberian society. Conquest by Iberians would mean an end to their world so they resist as much as possible.
Semi-sedentary
Greatest range of contact/similarity with Iberians. Groups with less contact or similarities to Iberians (Mapuche or Floridans) could be prone to fierce resistance. Opposite for groups with more (Maya).

Sedentary
Extensive contact with Iberians who settle around them.
Already very similar to Spanish society and culture, so the changes are not traumatic.
Can retain much of their lifestyle so being conquered is not such a big deal, at least at first.
Have access to courts, local revolts can usually resolve the biggest problems.

Celso A. Mendoza

Tasting Empire: Chocolate and the European
Internalization of Mesoamerican Aesthetics

MARCY NORTON

When the Spanish and Portuguese arrived in the Americas, the inhabitants there
made a cacao liquor whicb was diluted in bot water seasoned with pepper and
other spices . . . all these ingredients gave this mixture a brutish quality and a
very savage taste . .. The Spanish, more industrious than the Savages, procured
to correct the bad flavor of this liquor, adding to this cacao paste different fra-
grances of the East and many spices of this country [Spain]. Of all these in-
gredients we have maintained only the sugar, vanilla, and cinnamon.’

W R I T T E N AT THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, this account of the E u r o p e a n
assimilation of chocolate is one of the earliest versions of the myth that suffuses
modern scholarship: the notion that because Spaniards found the Indian form of
chocolate unappetizing, they “procured to correct the bad flavor” by eliminating
strange New World spices and adding sugar. Contrary to popular and scholarly opin-
ion, the reason for chocolate’s success with Europeans was not that they eould insert
it into existing flavor complexes and discursive categories, masking indigenous fla-
vors with sugar and Mesoamerican symbolism with medical excuses. The Spanish did
not alter chocolate to fit the predilections of their palate. Instead, Europeans un-
wittingly developed a taste for Indian chocolate, and they sought to re-create the
indigenous chocolate experience in America and in Europe. Europeans in the New
World and then the Old World somatized native aesthetic values. The migration of
the chocolate habit led to the cross-cultural transmission of tastes (an appetite for
spices such as vanilla and pepper, the color red, and a foamy froth). Over time, the
composition of chocolate did evolve, but this was a gradual process of change linked
to the technological and economic challenges posed by long-distance trade rather
than a radical rupture in the aesthetic preferences of chocolate consumers.-

Farts of this article were presented at the International Seminar on Atlantic History at Harvard Uni-
versity (199H), the Shelby Cullom Davis Center at Princeton University (2001), the Klugc Center at the
Library of Congress (2Ü03). and the Mid-Atlantic Association of Renaissanee Scholars (2003). I ben-
efited greatly from participants’ questions and responses. I wish to express my gratitude to James
Amelang, Johanna Bockman, Rosemary Joyce, Rita Norton, Ethan Pollock, Adam Smyth, Gillian Weiss,
and Andrew Zimmerman, as well as the editors and anonymous reviewers at the AHR, for reading
various drafts and offering helpful comments. 1 also wish to acknowledge my debt to Sophie D. Coe and
Michael D. Coe’s groundbreaking chocolate scholarship.

‘ Antonio Lavedán, Tratado de los usos, abusos, propiedades y virtudes del tabaco, café, té y chocolate
(1796; facs. ed., Madrid, 1991), 214.

^ “Cacao” refers to tbe seed kernels of the fleshy pods of the cacao tree {Theobrama cacao). “Choc-
olate” refers to consumable substances in which a primary ingredient is eacao; before 1800, it almost
always refers to a beverage.

660

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Tasting Empire 661
When and how do societies assimilate foreign things? In the eontext of early
modern globalization, this question has been taken up by scholars working in three
historiographie traditions—histories of imperial expansion and colonialism, con-
sumerism, and food. Although there has been surprisingly little dialogue across these
fields, their approaches can be eategorized in similar ways: they tend toward bio-
logieal and economic essentialism, on the one hand, and toward cultural function-
alism, on the other. By revisiting the reasons that Europeans came to develop a taste
for chocolate, it becomes clear that both essentialist and functionalist models of taste
are inadequate. The first Europeans who learned to like chocolate were neither ful-
filling physiological destiny nor embodying a socially desirable ethos.
Among the many advanees in studies of colonialism and imperialism is the rec-
ognition that colonialism is no longer only something done to someone else; struggles
and endeavors in the periphery ehanged the society and culture, as well as the econ-
omy, ofthe métropole.^ Traditionally, historians interested in the material exchanges
between métropole and periphery have considered “goods” as a static category.
Alfred Crosby’s landmark study The Columbian Exchange takes for granted the uni-
versal character of migrating things. Crosby shows how Europeans eventually in-
corporated potatoes, maize, tomatoes, and other New World crops into their food-
ways, while American soil became a hospitable site for sugar plantations and wheat
farming; and how pathogens crossed oeeans and precipitated démographie eatas-
trophe.^ This literature largely ignores the question oí why Europeans adopted cer-
tain goods from colonies, taking for granted the cheap sustenanee of maize and
potatoes, the luxurious tastiness of chocolate, and the insidious addictiveness of to-
bacco. Environmental histories sueh as this do not consider the Ameriean or Eu-
ropean social context, whieh largely determined what and how novel New World
flora and fauna were appropriated.^
Another set of scholars have taken the opposite tack in studying European adop-
tion of colonial goods, or, conversely, indigenous appropriation of metropolitan
goods. In Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pa-
-‘ Ann Laura Stoler and Frederick Cooper, “Between Metropole and Colony.” in Cooper and Stoler.
eds.. Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World (Berkeley, Calif., 1997), L Phenomena
once viewed as exclusively internalist European developments—scientific innovations, nationalist iden-
tities. Enlightenment epistemologies. and modern anthropology, among others—-have now been linked
to dynamic relations between European centers and colonial peripberies. See Londa Scbiebinger, “Fo-
rum Introduction: Tbe European Coloniai Science Complex.” Isis 96 (2005): 52-55; Pamela H. Smith
and Paula Findlcn. eds.. Merchants and Marvels: Commerce. Science, and Art in Early Modern Europe
(New York. 2002); Londa Schicbingcr and Claudia Swan, eds.. Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and
Politics in the Early Modern World (Philadelphia. Pa., 2005); Jorge Cañizares Ésguerra. How to Write the
History ofthe New World (Stanford, Calif., 2001 ); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections
on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. 2nd ed. (London, 1991), 56-57; Linda Colley. Britons: Forging
the Nation, 1707-1837 (New Haven, Conn., 1992); Colley. Captives: Britain. Empire, and the World. 1600-
1850 (New York, 2002); Andrew Zimmerman. Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany
(Chicago. 2001); Antonio Barycnx, Experiencing Nature (Austin. Tex.. 2006). These arguments find tbeir
place alongside an older, but renewed and vibrant, debate concerning tbe role of European expansion
in the development of modern capitalism: see below.
*’ Alfred Crosby. The Columbian Exchange: The Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (West-
port, Conn.. 1972). Works in tbis tradition include Elinor G. K. Melville./I Plague of Sheep: Environ-
mental Consequetices ofthe Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge, 1994). and Jared Diamond. Guns, Germs,
and Steel: The Eates of Human Societies (New York, 1997).
•”‘ Crosby’s environmental determinism is even more in evidence in tbe sequel Ecological Imperi-
alism: The Biological Expansion of Europe. 90Ü-/900 (Cambridge, 1986), esp. I45-17Ü.
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662 Marcy Norton
cific, a study of how Westerners and Pacific Islanders have used each other’s material
artifacts, Nicholas Thomas contends that “objects are not what they were made to
be but what they have become” and rejects “stabiiiz[ing] the identity of a thing in
its fixed and founded material form.”” For Thomas, Europeans’ collections of stone
tools, feather dresses, carved bowls, weapons, and other museum-worthy artifacts
“performed the . . .operationof standing for a voyage and the work of science.”Such
an argument parallels that made by J. H. Elliott in his seminal study of how and when
Europeans “assimilated” the New World discoveries into their intellectual frame-
works. He found that Renaissance naturalists and ethnographers could see New
World goods only through the grid inherited from classical models exemplified in the
work of Aristotle, Galen, and Dioscorides^
Culinary historians have similarly argued that existing food and drug paradigms
go a long way toward explaining when and how Europeans incorporated unknown
foodstuffs or drugs into their diets and apothecaries. According to culinary historian
Alan Davidson, the reason some New World consumables met with more success
than others was Europeans’ “ability to fit them into the European scheme of things,
to make analogies between them and familiar foodstuffs.” This logic informs similar
studies which argue that New World turkeys and beans caught on quickly because
Europeans recognized them as kin to familiar fowl and legumes; or that maize suc-
ceeded in places such as northern Italy where people already relished pulmentum
(polenta) made from millet or barley. In contrast, it is argued—problematically—
that potatoes and tomatoes were initially treated with suspicion because of their
similarity to poisonous belladonna.^ A similar framework has explained Europe’s
embrace of tobacco: its purported therapeutic effects matched the European ob-
session with the quest for a universal panacea.**
” Nicholas Thomas, Entangled Objects: Exchange. Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific
(Cambridge. Mass., 1991). 4, 184, 125-126, 143, 153. Similarly, Marshall Sahlins developed the idea of
“commodity indigenization” to argue that non-Western cultures did not passively accept European
goods but incorporated them on their own terms, in ways that were consistent with their cultures; Sahlins.
“Cosmologies of Capitalism: The Trans-Pacific Sector of “the World-System,’ ” Proceedings ofthe British
Academy 74 (1988): 1-51. Jordan Goodman uses Sahlins’s model lu help account for tobacco’s success
in Europe; Goodman, Tobacco in History: The Cultures of Dependence (London. 1994), 41-42.
^ J. H. Elliott. The Old World and the New. 1492-I650 (Cambridge, 1970), 8, 15. Other works in
this tradition include Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other, trans.
Richard Howard (New York, 1984); Anthony Pagden. The Fall of Natural Man {Cambridge, 1982);
Stephen Greenblatt, Man-elous Possessions: The Wonder ofthe New World (Chicago, 1991 ); and Claudia
Swan, “Collecting Naturalia in the Shadow of Early Modern Dutch Trade.” in Schiebinger and Swan.
Colonial Botany.
** Alan Davidson, “Europeans’ Wary Encounter with Potatoes, Tomatoes, and Other New World
Foods,” in Nelson Eoster and Linda S. Cordell, eds., Chilies to Chocolate: Food the Americas Gave the
World (Tucson, Ariz., 1992), 3. Ken Albala writes that “the key” to explaining a food’s acceptance “ap-
pears to be whether the new food was considered analogous to something already standard in the diet
or could be substituted in a recipe with comparable results”; Albala, Eating Right in the Renaissance
(Berkeley, Calif., 2002), 233-238. The idea of “analogousness” is often an important mechanism for the
absorption of new goods and is one that I discuss below in accounting for changes in chocolate’s com-
position, but it does not apply in the initial phase of European assimilation of chocolate. Both volumes
suggest that more research is needed on the diffusion of tomatoes and potatoes, for the notion that there
was considerable resistance to them rests on literary sources, whereas evidence from the inventories of
a Sevilian hospital show their regular use by the late sixteenth century; Earl J. Hamilton, American
Treasure and the Price of Revolution in Spain. ¡50J-1650 (New York, 1965). The hospital inventories
record regular purchases with no speeial explanation; see, for instance. Archivo de la Diputación de
Sevilla, Hospital Cinco Llagas, lib. 110, 1591-1595.
^ Among others, see Sarah Augusta Dickson, Panacea or Precious Bane: Tobacco in Sixteenth Cen-
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Tasting Empire 663
The “cultural-functionalist” model is also apparent in theoretically informed his-
tories of consumption. The work of sociologist Pierre Bourdieu is both illustrative
and influential. In Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste, Bourdieu
actively disputed Platonic and Kantian traditions (whose heirs are biological de-
terminists) that accept a natural and universal capacity to discern the inherently
beautiful or excellent. Instead, he sought to show the contingent and contextual basis
of aesthetic determinations. His thesis is that “taste classifies, and it classifies the
classifier. Social subjects classified by their classifications, distinguish themselves by
the distinctions they make, between the beautiful and the ugly, the distinguished and
the vulgar, in which their position in the objective classifications is expressed or
betrayed.” Bourdieu argued that seemingly subjective pleasures accord with social
hierarchies.!*^ The particular form that the human capacity to discriminate between
sights, sounds, touch, and flavor (alias taste) takes at a given historical moment, he
affirmed, serves the interests of those in power.
Echoing the findings of sociologists from Thorstein Veblen to Bourdieu, cultural
historians, by and large, have eschewed biological or economic determinism and
instead theorize taste as socially constructed. The cultural-functionalist model of
taste is apparent in what is perhaps the most innovative and important study to date
on the intermingled history of colonialism and consumerism, Sidney Mintz’s Sweet-
ness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History. Its central thesis is that the
seemingly unquenchable desire for sugar in the modern world is not simply the out-
come of the tongue’s biologically based affinity for sweetness, but rather the his-
torical result of a conjuncture of factors. As Mintz traces sugar’s transformation from
a medicinal additive to a luxury good among the upper classes, he argues that sugar
“embodied the social position of the wealthy and powerful.” He points to “sugar’s
usefulness as a mark of rank—to validate one’s social position. To elevate others,
or to define them as inferior.” Sugar use traveled down to other classes in large part
because their members accepted the meanings of their social superiors: “those who
controlled the society held a commanding position not only in regard to the avail-
ability of sugar, but also in regard to at least some of the meanings that sugar prod-
ucts acquired . . . the simultaneous control of both the foods themselves and the
meanings they are made to connote can be a means of a pacific domination.”” For
Mintz, like Bourdieu, class hegemony is based on a trickle-down interpretation of
the diffusion of taste.
Some scholars have faulted the “emulation” model for assuming an “identity
between this ‘trickle-down’ phenomenon and imitative behavior.” An astute critic,
Colin Campbell, points out that “the fact that a merchant or shop-keeper was now
tuty Literature (New York, 1954): Goodman, Tobacco in History, 41-44. I offer another interpretation
of tobacco’s transculturation—similar to the one offered here for chocolate—in Marcy Norton. Sacred
Gifts, Profane Pleasures: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate, ¡492-1700 (Ithaca, N.Y., forthcoming),
expanded from my dissertation, “New World of Goods: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate in thé
Spanish Empire, 1492-1700” (University of California. Berkeley, 2000).
^^’^’\eTTc^ouTÚ’\G\i, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste.Xxam.K\c\\aTÚ’H\ct{C?íxn-
bridge, Mass., 1984). 6. 3; Loïc Wacquant, “Taste,” in T. B. Bottomore and W. Outhwaite, eds.. The
Btackwell Dictionary of Twentieth-Century Social Thought (Oxford. 1992). 662.
‘̂ Sidney W. M’miz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Susar in Modern History (New York 19851
140, 139, 153, 166-167. ‘ ‘ ‘
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664 Marcy Morton
both able and willing to purchase a product previously a characteristic of superior
aristocratic consumption patterns does not necessarily mean that he sought to im-
itate an aristocratic way of life.” He proposes replacing the “emulative thesis” with
an approach that “accord[s] a central role to the subjective meanings which, in re-
ality, accompany and inform conduct.” This leads Campbell to argue that the novelty
of consumer behavior in eighteenth-century England was that it was informed by a
“romantic” sensibility that distinguished it from previous forms of consumption, as
it was marked by “a distinctive form of hedonism, one in which the enjoyment of
emotions as summoned through imaginary or illusory images is central. . . combined
with the ranking of pleasure above comfort.”‘- A few historians have taken Camp-
bell’s lead to relate new forms of consumer behavior to a prevailing “ethos,” and so
attribute the seemingly sudden fondness of British consumers for coffee and then
tea to emerging ideals of “virtuosi” (marked by “limitless curiosity”), “masculine
rationality,” and then “feminine domesticity” in seventeenth- and eighteenth-cen-
tury England.’^ Yet while distancing themselves from “functionalist” interpretations
of consumer behavior, all of these scholars share with their “functionalist” prede-
cessors an idealist conception of behavior: in other words, bodily comportment fol-
lows abstract values; behaviors manifest an “ethos.”‘*
These scholars have performed a great service by debunking the notion of the
rational consumer who acts simply in attempting to maximize function use-values of
goods or to fulfill biological destiny. Yet this reductively rational or biological actor
has been replaced by the reductive consumer who consumes solely in order to man-
ifest her or his social identity, or the one to which he or she aspires. In its current
form, the history of consumers has been written largely in a way to replicate already
existing narratives of modernization—the emergence of the court consumer, the
public-sphere consumer, the bourgeois consumer, or the romantic hedonist con-
sumer. Moreover, not all concur that “modern consumption” originated in eigh-
teenth-century England. Others locate its origins in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century
Renaissance Europe, or seventeenth-century Netherlands. In accordance with the
fracas about periodization and geography, a major fault line divides those who be-
lieve that modern consumption was a phenomenon initiated among court society and
emulated by bourgeois, and those who consider the new middle classes of northern
Europe to be the significant innovators.’^ An offshoot of this debate concerns dis-
‘̂ Colin Campbell, “Understanding Traditional and Modern Patterns of Consumption in Eigh-
teenth-Century England,” in John Brewer and Roy Porter, eds.. Consumption and the World of Goods
(London, 1993). 40, 42, 48; Campbell. The Romantic Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (Oxford, 1987).
I-‘ Brian Cowan. The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence ofthe British Coffeehouse (New Haven,
Conn., 2005), 11; Woodruff D. Smith, Consumption and the Making of Respectability, 1600-1800 (New
York, 2002).
‘•* Thus 1 categorize them as “cultural-functionalist” theorizers of taste, since for them “taste” is still
a function oí an abstract ethos.
1-̂ Among the eighteenth-century partisans, see Neil McKendrick, John Brewer, and J. H. Plumb,
The Birlhofa Consumer Society: The Commercialization of Eighteenth-Century Engkmd (London, 1982),
and Maxine Berg and Elizabeth Bger. eds.. Luxur\’ in the Eighteenth Century: Debates. Desires, and De-
lectable Goods (New York, 2003). For the Renaissance view, see Richard Goldthwaite, Wealth and the
Demand for Art in Italy. ¡300-1600 (Baltimore, Md., 1993); Goldthwaite. The Building of Renaissance
Florence: An Economic and Social History (Baltimore, 1980); Chandra Mukerji, From Graven Images:
Pattems of Modern Materialism (New York, 1983); Lisa Jardine. Worldly Goods: A New History ofthe
Renaissance (New York, 1996); and Paula Findlen. “Possessing the Past: The Material World of the
Italian Renaissance,”/ÎH/Î 103, no. 1 (February 1998): 83-114. Jan de Vries insists that “modern con-
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Tasting Empire 665
tinguishing “modern” from “traditional” consumption or “New Luxury” from “Oid.”‘^
Scholars’ inability to agree on when the quintessential modern consumer emerged
and what his or her salient eharacteristies were suggests that such distinctions are
mostly semantic and thus too arbitrary to be useful.
But it is indisputable that a genuinely new consumer phenomenon was the ac-
celerating demand for novel, luxury “groceries”—the exotie imports of tobacco, cof-
fee, and tea, as well as chocolate, and the massive explosion in sugar consumption.
One measure of this transformation is that whereas in 1559 “non-European gro-
ceries” accounted for less than 9 percent of the total value of English imports, by
1800 that proportion had risen to almost 35 percent.’^ There is a heated debate about
the impact of overseas expansion on Europe’s domestic economies and, ultimately,
its modernization; yet those who ascribe to both “internalist” and “externalist” in-
terpretations of European modernization seem to agree that the demand and trade
in these Atlantic commodities had far-reaehing economic effects. In line with both
Adam Smith and Karl Marx, Kenneth Pomerantz and Robin Blaekburn argue that
the colonial trading eompanies and profits from the slave trade and slave-based plan-
tation economies—fueled by European demand for tropical groceries—were a pre-
requisite for industrialization and the European economic takeoff.i« But even some
of those who reject the view that profits from Atlantic commerce directly fueled the
peculiar European dynamism that culminated in the Industrial Revolution think that
the mass desire for overseas luxury imports—tobacco, sugar, cacao, coffee, and t e a –
affected the European economy significantly, albeit indirectly.”’ For one, cravings
sumer behavior made a decisive advance . . . in the seventeenth-eentury Dutch Republic”; de Vries,
“Luxury in the Dutch Golden Age in Theory and Practice.” in Berg and Eger. Luxury in the Eighteenth
Century. 41. For seventeenth-century origins, see also Linda Levy Peck, Consuming Splendor: Society and
Culture in Seventeenth Century England (Cambridge, 2005). Concerning the bourgeois vs. aristocratic
origins of modern consumption, the classic debate was between Werner Sombart and Max Weber. Those
who see tbe locus of tbe consumer revolution in eighteentb-century Britain point to tbe ascendant mid-
dling elasses. while those who locate it earlier focus on courts. For de Vries, the urban society of the
Golden Age Dutcb Republic generated modern consumer behavior; “Luxury in the Dutch Golden Age.”
For an overview on tbe debates, see Jean-Cbristophe Agnew. “Coming Up for Air: Consumer Culture
in Historical Perspective.” in Brewer and Porter. Consumption and the World of Goods, 23-25. and Craig
Clunas, “Modernity Global and Local: Consumption and the Rise of tbe West.”v4//fi 104 no 5 (De-
cember 1999): 1497-1511.
“̂ Campbell, 7″/ieJÍ(jmo/ií(c£í/ííc; Joyce Appleby, “Consumption in Early Modern Social Thought,”
in Brewer and Porter, Consumption and the World of Goods. 172; de Vries, “Luxury in the Duteb Golden
Age.” 43. 50-53.
I’ Carole Sbammas. “Changes in English and Anglo-Ameriean Consumption from 1550 to 1800,”
in Brewer and Porter. Consumption and the World of Goods. 178. See also Sidney W. Mintz, “The Chang-
ing Roles of Food in the Study of Consumption,” in Brewer and Porter. Consumption and the World of
Goods. 266; Fernando Ortiz, Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar, trans. Harriet de Onís (1947; rcpr.,
Durham, N,C., \995); Gooaman, Cultures of Dependence: Goodman. Tobacco in History: Sophie D. Coe
and Miebael D. Coe, The True Hi.story of Chocolate {London, 1996); Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy,
and Andrew Sberratt. eds.. Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London. 1995); James
Walvin, Emits of Empire: Exotic Produce and British Taste, 1660-1800 (New York, 1997); Smith. Con-
sumption and the Making of Respectability.
‘̂ Jan de Vries. The Economy of Europe in an Age of Crisis, 1600-1750 (Cambridge. 1976). 141;
Elliott, The Old World and the New ; Robin Blackburn. The Making of New World Slavery {London, 1998),
363.376; Kenneth Pomerantz, The Great Divergence: China. Europe, and the Making of the Modern World
Economy (Princeton. N.J.. 2000). 194. See also Mintz, Sweetness and Power.
I” De Vries. The Economy of Europe. 145; David Eltis. The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas
(Cambridge, 2000), 270-276; Jan de Vries and Ad van der Woude. The Eirst Modern Economv: Succe,ss,
Eailure. and Perseverance ofthe Dutch Economy, 1500-1815 (Cambridge. 1997), 350, 502.
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666 Marcy Norton
for these stimulants may have motivated people to work harder to earn the cash
necessary to supply their new habits, in what Jan de Vries has coined the “Industrious
Revolution.” And with the demand for tobacco, chocolate, coffee, and tea came
yearnings for accessory implements, spurring European manufacturers to produce
porcelain chocolate pots, imitation Chinese teacups, clay pipes, and snuffboxes. The
newfound love of American tropical groceries stimulated commerce in Europe as
well as its colonies.-”
Despite this increasing emphasis on the importance of “luxury groceries” for
transformations in European culture and economy, scholars have failed to recognize
the primacy of chocolate in the pantheon of tropical imports. By the eighteenth
century, coffee and particularly tea would overtake chocolate in terms of mass quan-
tities imported,-‘ yet the latter was the first stimulant beverage consumed in sig-
nificant quantities by Europeans. This fact is overlooked in even the most recent
studies of the arrival of stimulant beverages into Europe. At best, chocolate is ig-
nored; more often, scholars wrongly assume that chocolate followed coffee. This
mistaken view has led many to explain the diffusion of chocolate as a consequence
of the popularity of coffee.-^ Yet chocolate had a significant presence in Iberia by
the 1590s. and had spread northward by the 1620s.-^ Coffee, on the other hand, did
not gain a permanent foothold in England until the 165()s (despite English traders’
involvement in its commerce in the inter-Asian market in prior decades), and in
Spain until the end of the eighteenth century; tea’s ascendance did not begin until
the end of the seventeenth century in Britain.̂ “^ The common view that coffee con-
-*’ Jan de Vries, “Between Purchasing Power and the World of Goods: Understanding the Household
Economy in Early Modern Europe.” in Brewer and Porter, Consumption and the World of Goods. 85-132,
and dc Vries, “TJie Industrious Revolution and the Industrial Rc\olution,” Journal of Economic History
54 (June 1994): 249-27(1: de Vries, European Economy. 41. For tobacco, coffee, tea, and chocolate’s
indirect contribution to particular sectors such as tobacco processing, snuff iind pipe manufacture, and
porcelain in the “Hrst modern economy” of the Dutch Republic, sec dc Vries and van der Woude. The
First Modern Economy. 3(15-311. 324-329.
-I Jordan Goodman, “Excitantia: Or How Enlightenment Europe Took to Soft Drugs,” in Goodman,
Lovejoy, and SherraU, Consuming Habits. 126.
— For instance, Davidson suggests that chocolate was accepted when an “analogy was eventually
made with coffee,” so that it “could then be slotted into place as a luxury beverage with stimulating
qualities”; “Europeans” Wary Encounter,” 3. Sec also Mintz, Sweetness and Power. I l l : David T. Court-
wright, Eorces of Habit: Drugs and the Making of the Modern World (Cambridge, 20Ü1), 19; Cowan, The
Social Life of Coffee. 75. Wolfgang Schivetbuseh is wrong that ehoeolate remained an “exclusively Span-
ish phenomenon” in the seventeenth eentury: Schivelbuseh, Ta.stes of Paradise: A Social History of Spices,
Stimulants, and Intoxicants, trans. David Jacobson (New York, 1992), 91.
-̂ On Spain, sec below. Chocolate’s place in early-seventcenth-century northern Europe has not
received the attention that it deserves, but available evidence is suggestive. The first treatise devoted
to chocolate in England (a translation of Antonio Colmenero dc Ledesma’s treatise) appeared more than
twenty years before the first coffee treatises: compare A Curious Treatise of the Nature and Quality of
Chocolate . . . Put into English by Don Diego de Vades-forte (London, lf)4()) with Cowan. The Social Life
of Coffee. 314-326. Colmenero de Ledesma wrote in 1631, “the number of people who nowadays drink
Chocolate is so great that it is not only in the Indies where this drink originated and began, but also
in Spain, Italy, and Flanders it is already very common”: Curioso tratado de la naturaleza y calidad del
chocolate (Madrid, 1631), lr. Records from 1624 show Jesuits in New Spain shipping choct)late through
Seville to Rome: Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla (hereafter AGI), Contratación (hereafter CT) 825,
no. 8. Also, translations proliferated of Colmenero de Lcdesma’s CunoiO fra/üdo in English (1640, 1652,
and 1685), French (1643. 1671), Latin ( 1644), and Italian ( 1667, 1678, 1694). Wolf Mueller, S/MOÍTÍJ/J/JÍÍ-
des Kaffee, des Kakao, der Schokolade, des Tee und deren Surrogate bis zum Jahre (Krieg. 1960). Given
the close links between European nobility and Spanish aristocrats’ devotion to chocolate by Ihe 1620s,
it is logical that non-Iberian nobility would have had opportunities lo acquire a taste for ehoeolate.
–• The lirst European encounters with coffee took place in the late sixteenth century, mostly in
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Tasting Empire 667
sumption led to chocolate consumption in Europe is backward. Rather, it seems,
chocolate helped pave the way for coffee by creating a craving among consumers for
dark, bitter, sweetened, hot stimulant drinks.-^ Chocolate, like the caffeinated drinks
that followed it, may have also increased demand for sugar, since it was an important
vessel for sugar. One cannot fully understand the aecelerating popularity of sugar
without paying attention to the reasons for the diffusion of stimulant beverages.-^
CHOCOLATE SCHOLARSHIP LIES AT THE INTERSTICES of culinary, colonial, and consumer
history, and like these, it gravitates toward biological essentialism or cultural func-
tionalism. Chemical and neurophysiological studies that have isolated and identified
powerful psychoactivc compounds provide support for chocolate’s inherent attrac-
tiveness, or even addictive qualities. Cacao contains stimulating methyixanthines
(small amounts of caffeine and abundant but weaker theobromine), even more po-
tent amphetamine-like phenylcthylamine, pleasure-producing cannabinoids, and
cholesterol-lowering flavonoids. The fat and sugar in chocolate also may stimulate
the brain to produce opiates.” The view that chocolate may hold universal appeal
regions under Ottoman control, but il was not imported for European consumption until the mid-sev-
enteenlh century. Cowan, The Social Life of Coffee, 5H-M; Jean Leclant, ‘”Coffee and Cafés in Paris,
1644-1693,” in Robert Forsterand Orcst Ranum, eds., FiWi^«/it/DmiÄ://;///.sion'(Baltimore, Md., 1979).
Chocolate remained hegemonic in Spain until the end of the eighteenth century, when coffee began its
triumphant ascendance; Charles E. Kany, Life and Manners in Madrid, ¡750-lHOO (Berkeley, Calif
1932), 151.
-•̂ Direct evidence that coffee was recognized as a cognate of chocolate is Carta qve escrivló vn Médico
cristiano, que estava curando en Antiberl, a vn Cardenal de Rama, sobre la bebida del Calmé o café [n.p.,
16-], University of California, Berkeley, Bancroft Library. In the early seventeenth century, a Spanish
doctor who was visiting an unidentified locale in the Ottoman Empire viewed “this new drink eoffee . . .
so common among the Turks, Persians, and Moors” through chocolate-tinted glasses. He designated the
special coffee cups used by the Turks, Moors, and Persians with the hispanized pre-Columbian term used
for chocolate vessels: yVcara.c. He referred to the vessel used to hoil the water as “a glass pot or a tin-
covered chocolatera with a spout.” He noted that “they add a spoonful of ground sugar as with Chocolate,
and stir it with a silver spoon and drink it by sipping it like Chocolate, as hot as they can take it.”
Throughout Europe, many early treatises grouped together chocolate, coffee, and tea: Dufour, Traitez
nouveaux; [Jacob Spon], Usage du caphé, du thé et du chocolate (Lyon, 1671); John Chamberlayne, The
Natural History of Coffee, Thee, Chocolate, Tobacco (London, 1682); Tractatvs novi de potv caphé; de
Chinensivm thé: et de chocolata (Paris, 1685); Nicolas Blegny, Le bon usage du thé, du caffé et du chocolat
(Lyon, 1687).
–<' Mintz, Sweetness and Power, 150; Smith, Consumption and the Making of Respectability, \2\. Why have scholars failed to recognize the actual relationship between chocolate and coffee? Part of the answer may lie in the anachronistic projection of contemporar\' chocolate (low in cacao, high in milk and other additives) onto the prevalent early modern formula, which prescribed a large amount of stimulating cacao and no milk. And perhaps long*standing assumptions about Dutch and British e.\- ceptionalism and the teleological recognition that ihcse precocious economic modernizers ultimately derived the mosl economic benefit irom the trade in Asian and Atlantic goods has led scholars to focus on the success of these goods in the northern European context and to ignore the Iberian Atlantic. Yet British and Dutch economic prowess should not obscure the fact that the European demand for stimulant beverages originated in the Spanish Americas, followed by the Iberian Peninsula, and then moved north- ward. For studies that redress the neglect of Iberia in the development of Enlightenment epistemology and the scientiHc revolution, respectively, see Cañizares Esguerra, How to Write the Histoiy of the New World, and Barrera, Experiencing Nature. -'' Biochemists have identilied more than tbree hundred chemical eompounds in cacao and subjected several of them to intense experimentation. There is ongoing research and still much ambiguity about how these compounds work on the nervous system. See Bennett Alan Weinberg and Bonnie K. Bealer, The World of Caffeine: The Science and Culture of the World's Most Popular Drug (New York, 2001), AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW JUNE 2006 Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza 668 Marcy Norton because of a jigsaw-like fit between its active compounds and "propensities of the human body" is persuasive.-*^ One cannot ignore the powerful psychoactive prop- erties of cacao and its role in human history. However, this alone is an insufficient explanation for Europeans' acquisition of a taste for chocolate.^'' One shortcoming of the purely pharmacological explanation should be imme- diately obvious: habit-forming properties may account for the continued use of choc- olate, but not for its initial success. Another problem with this explanation is that the seventy-year time lag between the first European encounters with chocolate and its wide-scale use in Europe makes untenable assertions of instant addiction. More- over, the fact that cacao contains compelling psychoactive compounds does not help explain the varying and evolving forms that chocolate has taken throughout history. Perhaps the most persuasive rebuttal to the theory that Europeans instantly rec- ognized the aesthetic and psychoactive attractions of chocolate is that the empirical evidence demonstrates the opposite. Those with only scant exposure to the drink tended to find it disgusting, as indicated by the experience of the Milanese adven- turer Girolamo Benzoni. He came across chocolate in Nicaragua in the middle of the sixteenth century, and famously wrote that it "seemed more a drink for pigs, than a drink for humanity. I was in this country for more than one year, and never wanted to taste it."-*" The Jesuit José de Acosta likewise disparaged chocolate, asserting that those who had not grown up with it "could not have a taste for it," and likening the frothy foam that capped the drink to fcces.^' While the powerful chemical com- pounds in cacao may help to explain some of its enduring attraction, they clearly cannot account for why people began to consume chocolate or for the particular ways in which they used it. The historians who have paid attention to chocolate by and large eschew bio- logical explanations and employ cultural-functionalist assumptions to account for its assimilation into European foodways. They assume that Europeans appropriated the Indian beverage on their own terms—that they found it "analogous" to existing drink categories; that it matched the ethos of "decadent" court society; that its stimulant effects were appropriate to the needs of an ascendant bourgeoisie; or that they tink- ered with the recipe until it satisfied their palate, and ensconced it in a familiar medical paradigm to veil its exotic origins. Eric Wolf was one of the first of many to hypothesize that American import commodities provided stimuli for global cap- italism by invigorating both transatlantic commerce and laborers: "Among the pan- 217-219, 223, 231-232, and E. D.Tomaso, M. Beltramo. and D. Piomclli. "Brain Cannabinoids in Choc- olate," Nature 382 (]9%): 667. ~*^ Eric Wolf referred to Europe's "'Big Fix"; Wolf, Europe and the People without History (Berkeley, Calif.. 1982), .322. -•' On the insufficiency of biological explanations for the triumph of sucrose, see Mintz, Sweetness and Power. 5-6: Goodman, "Hxcitantia," 127. There may be •"universal" parameters in which contingent taste is developed. For instance, people generally avoid lethal poisons, and certainly studies have shown that babies respond immediately to sugar. But within these parameters there is much that is culturally specific about taste. •^"Quoted in Sophie Coe. America's First Cuisines (Austin, Tex., 1984), 109; Girolamo Benzoni, Historia del Mondo Nuovo (Venice, 1565), fol. 102. •̂1 José de AcosVà. Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Sevilla, 1590), fols. 163r-164v. Diego Duran relayed that when Cortés and his men were first offered chocolate, they viewed the drink with suspicion and refused to try it; Angel María Garibay K., ed.. Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas de la Tierra Firme, 2 vols. (Mexico, D.F., 1967), 2; 509-.^ H). Translations arc my own unless otherwise noted. AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW JUNE 2006 Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. 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Mendoza Tasting Empire 669 opiy of products destined for consumption in the industrializing areas a few are clearly not staple foodstuffs or industrial products but rather stimulants . . . favored because they provided quick energy in a period when more intense and prolonged performance was demanded from the human body."-̂ ^ Sidney Mintz likewise argues that such beverages, along with sugar, helped to fuel industrialization by providing laboring classes "stimulus to greater effort." Wolfgang Schivcibusch developed a similar hypothesis, counterposing coffee and chocolate, apparently ignorant of the latter's earlier ascendance. He viewed the former as the liquid manifestation of the Protestant ethic that lay beneath the economic modernization of northern Europe while characterizing chocolate as the potion that matched the decadent, aristocratic ethos of the declining powers of southern Europe." A significant claim made in the cultural-functionalist vein is that Europeans ini- tially found chocolate repugnant, so they doctored it until it matched the sensibilities of their palate, most notably by sweetening it and eliminating strange and often spicy additives. According to preeminent chocolate authorities Sophie D. Coe and Mi- chael D. Coe, To cross the ethnocentric taste barrier and be accepted as a normal beverage by the Spanish- born and the creóles, the cold, bitter usually unsweetened drink had to undergo its own process of hybridization. The first transmutation was that the whites insisted on taking choc- olate hot rather than cold or at room temperature, as had been the custom among the Aztecs . . . Secondly, it came to be regularly sweetened with cane sugar. Thirdly, Old World spices more familiar to the invaders, such as cinnamon, anise seed, and black pepper, began to be substituted for native flavorings like "ear flower" and chili pepper (this never could have been too popular with the invaders, anyway).-̂ •' Echoing the assertion ofthe eighteenth-century author quoted in the opening epi- graph, these and many other modern authorities—no doubt also influenced by cur- rent forms of chocolate that seem to bear little resemblance to the peppery liquid favored by pre-Columbian (and the first European) consumers—assume that the evolution of chocolate was marked by a radical rupture inaugurated by picky colonial drinkers.^^ According to this view, not only did the invaders transform chocolate's material basis, but they also swathed it in a new ideological husk. "The Spaniards had stripped it of the spiritual meaning which it had for the Mesoamericans," the Coes continue; "for the [Spanish] invader, it was a drug, a medicine, in the humoral system to which they ail had adhered."-^" Europeans attempting to fix these sub- stances in a classificatory scheme invoked the Galenist humoral medical context most •̂^ Wolf, Europe and the People without History. 111. •" Mintz, Sweetness and Power, 186; Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise. 34, 38-39. 87-93. '" Coe and Coc, The True History of Chocolate. 112-115. See also Dauril Alden. "The Significance of Cacao Production in the Amazon Region during the Late Colonial Period: An Essay in Comparative Economic History,"" Proceedings of ¡he American Philosophical Society I2Ü, no. 2 (April 1976): 105. '-' An exception to this view can be found in Ross W. Jamieson, " t h e Essence of Commoditication: Caffeine Dependencies in the Early Modern Wor\d." Journal of Social History 35, no. 2 (2001): 269-294, which argues that Europe's acquisition of cafteinated drinks was dependent on a "dynamic history of interaction with cultures that struggled in complex relation to Increasing European power" and that "All caffeine drinks came to Europeans embedded within the cultural practices of the non-Europeans who were using them" (287). •'" Coe and Coe, The True History of Chocolate, 126; see also Goodman, "Excitantia," 132; Solange Alberro, Del gachupín al criollo: O cómo los españoles de México dejaron de serlo (Mexico. D.E., 1992) 76-77. AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW JUNE 2006 Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. 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Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza 670 Marcy Norton familiar to them. Many authors assume that the early success of chocolate, as well as other stimulant beverages, was due to its acceptance as a medicine, and only later was it appreciated as an object of recreation and pleasure. There is much that these accounts offer, but they fail to explain how chocolate got a foothold among European consumers in the Americas and then Europe. Past studies of colonial appropriation have focused on formal collecting endeavors and systematic scientific practices but have not paid attention to other sites of material transmission. In the case of chocolate, fundamental vectors of cultural transmission were social networks that emerged in colonial and imperial contexts, the informal and formal relationships that emerged between European missionaries and Indian subjects, conquistadores and tributaries, market buyers and vendors, and those be- tween clergy and merchants who moved often and easily within an integrated Spanish Atlantic world. During the early history of chocolate among Europeans, the trans- mission of taste did not accord with the top-down structure of society. Instead, it flowed in the opposite direction: from the colonized to the colonizer, from the "bar- barian" to the "civilized," from the degenerate "creóle" to the metropolitan Span- iard, from gentry to royalty. The European taste for chocolate emerged as a con- tingent accident of empire. From this revisionist account of chocolate's diffusion to Europeans, an alterna- tive way of understanding taste emerges—overdetermined by neither biology nor ideology, but rather autonomous and contingent. In line with the scholarship of cul- tural functionalists, the history of chocolate reveals weaknesses with environmental determinism that neglects the soeial context in which resources, foods, and microbes crossed cultures." But consistent with the Platonic-Kantian "biological" tradition, taste functions as an autonomous force, not a dependent manifestation of ideology, mentalité, ethos, or social identity.^" Social conditions can accidentally affect the body in ways that have far-reaching consequences. In the case at hand, Spanish meth- ods of colonization and imperial organization led Europeans in the colonies and métropole to internalize Mesoamerican aesthetics, which in turn inaugurated Old World demand for stimulant beverages. A T THE TIME THE SPANISH ARRIVF.D ON THE SCENE in the early sixteenth century, the use of cacao in beverages was a unifying trait of linguistically and geographically diverse communities encompassing Mesoamerica, and perhaps even extending be- yond its frontiers.-^^ Since the finicky cacao tree flourishes mostly in tropical lowland " For excellent examples of environmental history that foreground tbe dialectical relationship be- tween environment and culture, see William Cronon. Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England ( New York, 19S3), and Cronon, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York, 1991). '̂ Tbc bistory of chocolate also indicates tbe way tbat colonial histories bavc suffered from an overemphasis on "discourse determinism" at the expense ot" embodiment or "lived experience" in co- lonial encounters and exchanges; see Lynn M. Mcskcll and Rosemary A. Joyce. Embodied Lives: Figuring Ancient Maya and Egyptian Experience (\Amuon, 2003). In tbinking about the role of tbe body in history, I have also found useful the notion oí habitus developed in Pierre Bourdieu. The Logic of Practice (Stanford, Calif.. 199Q). •̂ '' Mesoamerica is the geographic area covered by tbe Mayan area of Central America and southeast Mexico, the Oaxacan zone, the Gulf zone of Veracruz and Tabasco, western Mexico, and the central AMERICAN HISTORK AL REVIEW JUNE 2006 Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. 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Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Tasting Empire 671 climates, many pre-Columbian consumers had access to cacao only through long- distance trade. The Mexica (Aztecs) who dominated much of Mesoamerica at the time of the Spanish arrival obtained their cacao supply through tribute (almost half came from cacao groves in Soconusco on the southern Pacific Coast), as well as voluntary long-distance trade."*" Despite the different languages, long-standing enmities, and geographic expanses separating Mesoamerican communities, cacao and chocolate were a common in- terest, even obsession. That cacao beans functioned as currency throughout the re- gion underscores their pan-Mesoamerican embrace. From Nicaragua to northwest Mexico, there was a fundamental sameness among the modes of consumption, ritual contexts, and symbolic resonances of chocolate. Everywhere, the prevailing cacao concoction was consumed as a beverage, sometimes hot and sometimes cold, mixed with maize or not, and often sweetened with honey and spiced with chili peppers, vanilla, and other fragrant flora. The starting point for all of them was the same. Cacao nibs—what are commonly called "beans," or the seeds inside the pulpy mass of the cacao fruit—were dried and fermented to increase their "oily and buttery" qualities. They were then toasted until the nibs turned from brown to black and sloughed off their husks, and finally they were ground between two stones (one of which had a fire burning beneath) known as a metate. (A similar process still char- acterizes chocolate production.) The paste that resulted was perishable and would spoil within a week. If formed into hardened tablets, however, it would last for up to two years.'*! J\^Q f^^.^i beverage was made by dissolving the cacao paste in water and mixing in diverse additions (maize, spices, honey). Sixteenth-century dictionaries from the Zapoteca, Nahua, and Mayan regions had distinct terms for cacao drinks, but they all included entries for '"the beverage of cacao with maize," "the beverage of cacao with chili peppers," "the beverage of cacao alone," and "the beverage of cacao with dried and ground flowers." Náhuatl speakers designated as atexH a beverage composed of water, cacao, and maize, pre- pared cold and sometimes enhanced with the spices described below. Tzone was highlands. Paul Kirchhoff, "Mesoamerica," Acta Americana I. no. 1 ( 1943): 92-107, classified cacao as one of the unifying features of this region, along with the coa (planting stick); maize cultivation and its preparation with lime: paper; and ritual human sacrifice for religious purposes. On the origins and development of pre-Columbian cacao and chocolate, sec Allen M. Young, The Chocolate Tree: A Natural History of Cacao (Washington, D . C , 1994), 5-18; Coe and Coe, The True History of Chocolate; [Karen Dakin and S0ren Wichmannj, "Cacao and Chocolate: A Uto-Aztecan Perspective," Ancient Me- soamerica 11 (2000): 55-75; John S. Henderson and Rosemary A. Joyce, "Brewing Distinction: The Development {)f Cacao Beverages in Formative Mesoamerica," in Cameron McNeil, ed.. The Origins of Chocolate: Cacao in the Americas (Gainesville, Fla., in press). •"' "Mexica" refers to the Nahua-speaking Indians who were settled in Tenochtitlán and whom co- lonial Spanish identified as Aztecs. I will use the terms "Aztecs" and "Nahuas" more or less inter- changeably, and "Mexiea" to refer to the tribally affiliated group of Tenoehtitlán. For the eultivation of pre-Columbian cacao, see John F. Bergmann. "The Distribution of Cacao Cultivation in PTC-CO- \umh\un Ameñca." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 59 {1969): 85-96; Rene F. Millón, "When Money Grew on Trees: A Study of Cacao in Ancient Mesoamerica" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1955), 107-127: Murdo J. MacLeod, Spanish Central America (Berkeley, Calif., 1973), 69-70. •̂ ' The creolized doctor Juan de Cárdenas provided a detailed description of cacao preparation and chocolate; Cárdenas. Problemas y secretos maravillosos de las Indias (159\), cà. Angeles Duran (Madrid, 1988), 136-1.37, 144-145, Writing for a European audience in 1636, Antonio de León Pinelo provided a very similar description; León Pinelo, Question moral: Si el chocolate quebranta el ayuno eclesiástico (Madrid, 1636), fol. 5v. AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW JUNE 2006 672 Marcy Norton made of equal quantities of toasted corn and cacao and "served as a refreshing food and not as a medicine." Chilcacautl was the beverage composed of cacao and chili peppers. Finally, there was the cacao beverage of cacao, water, and flower spices, known asxoc/i/flyfl cacautl. the beverage described by the great Franciscan ethnog- rapher Bernadino de Sahagún as "honeyed chocolate made with ground-up dried flowers." This eacao preparation became hegemonic among creóles and then Span- iards in the Old World/^ The "ground-up dried flowers" wQve xochinacaztli (also known -ds gueynacaztle), mecaxóchitl, and llixochill. Xochinacaztli probably referred to tbe thick ear-shaped petal on blossoms of Cymbopetalum penduliflomu a tree of the custard-appic family that grows in the tropical forests of Veracruz, Oaxaca, and Chiapas. The taste has been described as akin to that of black pepper with "a hint of resinous bitterness," and compared to nutmeg, allspice, and cinnamon. Mecaxóchitl are small flowers (probably Piper sanctum and related to black pepper) with a spicy, floral edge rem- iniscent of anise. Tlixochitl we know as vanilla ( Vanilla planifoUa).^^ This flower spice constellation had an aneient lineage, in evidence in Mayan cosmological and sacred texts of the Popul Vuh.-̂ ^ Chili peppers added a further bite to many renditions. Achiote [Bixa orellana, also known in English as annatto) tinged the drink red and imparted a slightly musky flavor (sometimes compared to paprika and saffron). And honey was used to sweeten many cacao drinks. Mesoamerican chocolate was fre- quently topped with a foamy froth produced by pouring the liquid from one container into another from a "certain height until it produced a foam, and the fatty parts, with an oil-like quality, rose to the surface." (See Figures 1 and 2.) Finally, chocolate was imbibed from drinking vessels made for that purpose. During the pre-Hispanic era, flnely painted lacquered gourds and ceramics were manufactured exclusively for chocolate—some of them painted with designs, others colored in a "smoky" tone. Known in Náhuatl as tecomatl (for eeramic cups) and xicalli (for the calabash va- riety), these vessels were among the tribute items levied by Moctezuma.'*-'' (See Fig- •'- Alonso de Molina, Vocabulario en lengua castellana y mexicana, 2 vols. (1571; facs. ed., Madrid, 1944), 1: I9v: 2: lOv. The Zapotec-Spanish dictionary includes these entries for "cacao": "a fruit like pine nuts that is drunk as a beverage" lpiz()ya), "a cacao drink oí ihcsc made wiih water" (niçapizàya), "cacao in this way with chili peppers" (niçapizôya quina), "cacao in this way with certain things that have fragrance" {niçapizàyachina), and "cacao made this way to drink raised high [e.g., with foam}" {tocani- çapizàyachlna); Juan de Córdoba, Vocabulario castetlano-zapotcco, ed. Wigbcrtü Jimenez Moreno (1578; facs. ed., México, D.F., 1^42), f)4v. Commissioned by Philip II in the 157()s to investigate the materia medica of New Spain, Francisco Hernández conducted extensive interviews with indigenous authorities and described the preparation of various cacao beverages; Hernández, Obras completas. Tomo 2: Historia naturia de Nueva España, 2 vols. (Mexico, D.F., 1959), 1: 303-305, 100. Bernardino de Sahagún, The Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New Spain, trans. Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles Dibble, 12 vols. (Santa Fc, N.Mex., 1950), 8:13, 39. For similar Maya preparations, see Coe and Coe, The True History of Chocolate. 63-(í4. •*-' Coe and Coe, The True History' of Chocolate, 89-9]. •••' Susan D. Gillespie and Ana Luereeia E. de MaeVean, "Las Flores en el Popol Vuh," Revista Universidad del Valle de Guatemala 12 (2002): 10-17. -'S On achiote, Ucrnánúcz, Historia natural, 1: 27-28; on sweeteners. The Florentine Codex, S:i3, 39, and below; on foam, Hernandez, Historia natural, 1: 305; The Florentine Codex, 10:26, 93. The importance of chocolate foam is also suggested by the fact that Sahagiin's informants listed aerating stirring stieks among the ruler's chocolate paraphernalia; The Florentine Codex, 8:13, 40; 9:6, 27; Bernai Díaz del Castillo, Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Nueva España, intro. and ed. Joaquín Ramírez Cabanas (México, D.F., 1964), ehap. 91,155-156. A Maya vase from the Late Classie period (600-900 A.P.) depicts the frothing process by showing a woman pouring the liquid from one vessel into another; Coe and Coe, The True History of Chocolate, 52. On drinking vessels, Frances F. Berdan and Patrieia Rieff Anawalt, AMERICAN HÍSTORK AI. REVIEW JUNE 2006 Tasting Empire 673 FIGURE 1: Codex Tudela. fol. 3r. From a manuscript painted in New Spain ca. 1553. this image depicls a Nahua woman, of high social rank (as suggested by her fine cloak), frothing chocolate by pouring it from a height. A similar representation of chocolate-frothing occurs on a curamic piece used for serving chocolate by Maya from the Late Classic period (A.D. 6()()-9fl()). 21 x 15.5 cm. Ink on vegetable-fiber paper. Reproduced courtesy of the Muscü de America, Madrid, Spain. AMERICAN HISTOHICAI. REVIEW JUNE 2006 674 Marcy Norton DELCHISTOBJE DE Modo di bailare. s í vnifcono infierne dugento, e trecento, & áncora tre^s qmttro mila, conforme alia Tro- uinmAom fono gmteaßaiopoca, &nettatQ benijßmamtnie Lt pmT^a.douehanm da baüa- reyVno di loro p^ffa amntl à guidare la andando qitaft jempre indietro , riuol qmkbe y()ha,& coß uaîiglialtri,â tre^ tro lo fi%étamin ordinan':(a^quegl¡ che fuor â cantare certe lor FIGURE 2: Girolamo Bcnzoni, La Historia del Mondo Nuovo (Venice, 1572), fol. 104v. This engraving, which also appeared in the I5f)5 edition, depicts Mayan revelers. Although disdainful to Benzoni, chocolate was integral to keeping the Mesoamerican celebrants awake for the nocturnal festivities. In the lower right corner, a figure froths the chocolale. Shelfmark: xE14I.B42. Reproduced courtesy of the Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkelev. AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIF;W JUNE 2006 Tasting Empire 675 v,.-^»«».. OJIP ^^Hí4tím..^ FiGURt- 3: Codex Mendoza, foi. 47r. Alihough this manuscript was commissioned and compiled ca. 1541-1542, tbe tribute lists thai ii includes are thought to be based on pre-Hispanic prototypes. The loads of cacao and chocolate-drinking vessels were among the items tbat the Aztec ruler levied from tributaries. Ink on European paper. Shelfmark: MS. Arcb. Seld.A. I. Reproduced by permission of the Bodleian Library, Oxford University, England, ure 3.) Mesoamericans appreciated chocolate for its psychological effects as well: "when an ordinary amount is drunk, it gladdens one, refreshes one, consoles one, invigorates one,"- '̂' Drinking chocolate was a complex somatic experience for pre- Columbian and colonial Indians. The emphasis put on flower spices, the frothy foam, the special drinking vessels, and the requistte reddish hue shows that chocolate was valued not only for its effects on the taste buds, but also for the stimulation of the olfactory, tactile, visual, and affective senses. IT WAS NOT UNTIL 1519, when Cortés began the march on Mexico that culminated in the fall of the Aztec Empire, that the stage was set for Europeans' education in and eventual adoption of chocolate. Within a few years ofthe fall of Tenochtitlán in 1521, Spanish military control coalesced throughout central Mexieo.^^ Colonial policies eds.. The Essential Codex Mendoza (Berkeley, Calif., 1997), 47r. 68r, "Commentary," 1: 219; Molina, Vocabulario mexicana. 93r, 158v; The Florentine Codex. 9:7, 35. 9:6, 2S. The Florentine Codex also refers to vendors who specialized in different kinds of gourd containers, including those for chocolate; 10:21, 78. *"• The Florentine Codex, 11:6, 119. See also Hernández. Historia natural. 1: 3Ü5. •" Tbe first known European encounter with cacao came in L502, during Columbus's fourth voyage, when bis crew captured a Mayan trading vessel off the Honduran coast and diseovered among its eargo cacao beans, later described by Christopher's son Fernando as "those aimonds whieb in New Spain are AMERICAN HISTORICAL RF-VIEW JUNE 2006 Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. 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Indian demographic catastrophe and Spanish pressure to overproduce led to the decline of traditional pre-Hispanic cacao-producing regions in southern Mexico (Ta- basco and Soconusco) and to the development of new regions for cultivation or intensification of cacao production in the Sonsonate region in Guatemala and El Salvador.-^« Although Spanish policies and cupidity transformed the geography of cacao cultivation, the crop itself, if not the indigenous producers, flourished under the colonial regime. In the sixteenth century, Spanish policy encouraged (or rather demanded) that Indian tributaries augment cacao production; cacao had been a trib- ute item under Aztec rule, and the new imperial overlords, the Spanish, envisioned that wealth could be secured through its continued sale to indigenous consumers. Given that the existing evidence suggests that Europeans' first encounters with chocolate were overwhelmingly negative, how did this Mesoamerican beverage in- gratiate itself among Europeans in the Indies, Spain, and beyond? That chocolate became a success in Spain was due to the social organization of the Spanish Empire. Spaniards in the New World absorbed many elements of the material practices con- nected to pre-Columbian chocolate. Despite their position at the apex of the social hierarchy, colonists in sixteenth-century Mexico were enveloped within an Indian cultural milieu and were susceptible to native acculturation.-*'' Even with Indians' catastrophic mortality in the face of Old World pathogens and increasing European emigration, Spaniards still constituted only a small minority in their most densely settled areas.'^" In mid-sixteenth-century Mexico City, for instance, Indians vastly outnumbered Spaniards, and people of African descent almost equaled the Spanish in number: Spaniards and their "pure" descendants made up only 5 percent of the population in Mexico City in 1570, and still only 10 percent by the mid-seventeenth century.''' used for money": quoted in Coe and Coe, The True History of Chocolate. 107. There is no indication that the Spanish explorers knew anything about the use of cacan as the basis for beverages. •"̂ By the lale sixteenth ccntur>‘, Guatemala had become the prime producer of cacao. But after
Spanish exploitation exhausted the labor supply and the delicate ecology of that region, production
moved southward to the Guayaquil region in Ecuador and the area around Caracas in Venezuela and
more than compensated for (and contributed to) the drop-off in Guatemala. In net terms, lotal eacao
production continued to increase in Ihe seventeenth century in Guatemala. Alden, “The Significance
of Cacao Production,” 103-106: MacLeod, Spanish Central America, 68-94, 235-252: Eduardo Arcila
Farias, Comercio entre Venezuela y Mexico en los siglos xvi y x\’ii (Mexico, D.F., 1950): Charles Gibson,
The Aztecs under Spanish Rule {Stanford, Calif., 1964), 335, .•Î48-349.
”” Albcrro examines this process of acculturation generally in Del gachupín al criollo. For an ar-
chaeological perspective on Europeans’ acculturation to native foodways, see Enrique Rodríguez-Ale-
gría, “Eating Like an Indian: Negotiating Social Relations in the Spanish Colonies,” Current Anthro-
pology 46 (20Ü5): 551-573.
•’̂ ” Perhaps 1,500,000 people lived in the Valley at the time of conquest; the Indian population had
declined to 325.000 by 1570, and it continued to decrease until the mid-seventeenth century, according
to Gibson, The Aztecs under Spanish Rule. 141. Around 8,000 Spaniards arrived in New Spain before 1560,
and almost as many again by 1580, according to Peter Boyd-Bowman, “Patterns of Spanish Emigration
to the Indies until 1600,” Hispanic American Historical Review 56 (1976): 601.
‘̂ Alberro, Del gachupin al criollo. 55: Ida Altman, Emigrants and Society: Extremadura and America
in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley, Calif., 1989). 325: R. Douglas Cope, The Limits of Racial Domination:
Plebeian Society in Colonial Mexico (Madison, Wis., 1994), 13-22; Colin Palmer, Slaves of the White God
(Cambridge, Mass., 1979).
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Spaniards learned to like chocolate because of their continued material depen-
dence on Indians. Colonial spaces of dependence included households where women
labored as wives, concubines, and servants. Cross-cultural contacts flourished in in-
timate settings, some voluntary, others coerced. Both a drastic shortage of Spanish
women’̂ 2 ^nd a conscious and explicit strategy of appropriation and conquest through
matrimony led to many marriages, as well as less formal domestic unions, between
Indians and Europeans in the early sixteenth century.” ‘̂ Historians have long com-
mented on the role of Indian wives in acculturating Spanish men (and creating cul-
turally mestizo households) to Indian dietary and domestic practices.^^ The role of
women as cultural intermediaries has particular salience for the history of chocolate,
since numerous sources disclose that women were charged with its preparation in
pre-Columbian and eolonial Mesoamerica.^s (See Figures 1 and 2.) As emigration
increased the pool of Spanish women, elite Spaniards no longer married Indian
women (although commoners continued to do so), but Indian women still dominated
the domestic sphere.^” In the Yucatán, for example, Maya domestics created a cul-
turally indigenous milieu for creóles: “Creole children spent their infancy, literally
from birth and their early childhood in almost the sole company of Maya women,”
writes Nancy Farriss, “suckled by Maya wet nurses commandeered from the villages,
reared by Maya nurses, and surrounded by Maya servants.”-^^
Indian villages were another place in which colonists became the unwitting stu-
dents of native teaehers. Maintained as political units by the Spanish colonial regime,
these Indian enclaves were constantly penetrated by non-Indians: the encomenderos
and corregidores, accompanied by their retainers and servants, came to collect tribute
and demand laborers for tbeir agricultural and building enterprises, while friars,
clerics, and their assistants built churches and convents in and near pueblos to spread
” Not only did the number of emigrants spike in the seeond half of the sixteenth century, but their
social composition changed from the early years, in which the predominant soeial element was single
men desiring to be conquistadors. In the seeond half of the eentury, a greater proportion were women,
and more of the men were merchants, artisans, lay or ecclesiastical bureaucrats, and their servants—the
latter accounted for more than half of the male emigrants in the years between 1595 and 1598. Women
constituted less than 7 percent of the migrants before 1540, and more than 25 percent in the period after
1560. These figures apply lo Spanish emigration to the Indies as a whole, but it seems obvious that they
would partieularly characterize emigration to New Spain—an area identified as a major settlement re-
gion for Europeans and therefore in need of administrators and wives; Boyd-Bowman, “‘Patterns of
Spanish Emigralion to the Indies until 1600,” 583-584, 599. Pedro Carrasco has ealeutated that out of
a total of sixty-five married men in Puebla in 1534, twenty were married to Indian women. While the
sixty-five men included both conquistadors and later arrivals, the latter (of lower social standing) were
more likely to be married to Indian women than were Ihe eonquistadors, who nevertheless made a
statistically significant showing in the cross-cultural unions.
^’ Pedro Carrasco, “Indian-Spanish Marriages in the First Century of the Colony,” in Susan
Sehroeder and Robert Haskell, eds., Indian Women of Early Mexico (Norman, Okla., 1997), 88. These
cross-eultural unions continued even though marriages with Spanish women remained the socially es-
teemed preference for Spanish men.
-”•’J. H. Parry, ryie5/)i/ii/.ï/z iVíí/)( /̂-íje£m/j/>-í-(1966; repr., Berkeley, Calif., 1990), 123; Coe and Coe,
The True History of Chocolate, 110-111; Alberro, Del gachupín al criollo, 71-73.
*̂ Díaz del Castillo and Sahagún were unequivocal that it was women who prepared and served
chocolate at traditional Aztee banquets; Coe, America’s First Cuisines, 75, 78, 103. Diego Valadés,/íe-
tórica Cristiana (Perugia, 1579), 172-173.
‘̂’ Alberro, Del gachupín al criollo, 72.
” Nancy Farriss, Maya Society under Colonial Rule: The Collective Enterprise of Surxdval (Princeton,
N.J., 1984), 112.
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678 Marcy Norton
their faith and enforce orthodoxy.”^^ During visitations, the Spaniards continued their
education in chocolate, along with other facets of Mesoamerican culture. Indian
tributaries and parishioners, following traditional pre-Hispanic practice, welcomed
the Spanish lords and priests with chocolate. Toribio de Benavente (often known by
his Náhuatl nickname. Motolim’a), one of the twelve Franciscan friars who inau-
gurated conversion efforts in New Spain, described the reception that he and his
fellow missionaries received in Indian villages:
[The friars] visited and baptized three or four villages in one day . . . and tnany titnes they
gave [the friars] who carried out this mission chocolate, which is a drink that is used frequently
in this land, especially in the hot season . . . [T]he lord marquis Hernando Cortés . . . ordered
that they show much reverence and hospitality to the priests, as they used to show to the
mitiisters of their idols. And so they showed the same reception to the Spanish.”‘
This passage demonstrates how the direction of cultural influence was independent
of that of power dynamics. Despite—or because of—the colonial relations of sub-
ordination, Indians’ cultural practices infiltrated colonists’ milieu. Similar receptions
of friars and colonists continued into the seventeenth century.””
Another setting for initial chocolate encounters was the marketplace, an Indian
institution. Lists compiled in the mid-sixteenth century of goods sold at markets in
Mexico City, TIaxcala, and Coyocán include cacao, chocolate, and the gourd con-
tainers used for drinking chocolate.”‘ A Spaniard who spent time in New Spain dur-
ing the 1570s clearly viewed these markets as an Indian space, albeit one wherein
Europeans and others moved freely, and found chocolate: ‘ i n all of the neighbor-
hoods there is a plaza where every fifth day or with greater frequency are celebrated
markets not only in Mexico City but in all of the cities and villages in New Spain,”
he wrote, “in which congregate a numerous multitude of men and women . . . The
varieties of fresh and dried fruits, indigenous and from our land [e.g., Spain], sold
there cannot be enumerated, and that which is held in higher appreciation than all
of the others is the cacaotl [cacao].””- Another Spaniard, the physician and author
Bartolomé Marradón, who visited Mexico some years later, took a less sanguine view
of such transactions:’^”
The usage of chocolate is so familiar and so frequent among all of the Indians, that there is
not a square or market where there isn’t a black woman or an Indian woman with her aunt,
her Apstlet (which is a clay vessel), and her molinillo (which is a stick like the needles they
^*^ Gibson, The Aztecs under Spanish Rule.
^̂ Toribio de Benavente, Historia de los indios de la Nueva España, intro. and ed. Claudio Esteva
Fabregat (México, D.F.. 2()ül). 13!. I modified the translation in Toribio Motolinía. Motolinía’s History
of the Indians of New Spain ¡Historia de los Indios de la Nueva Españu]. trans, and ed. Francis Borgia
Steck (Washington, D.C, 1931).
”” Thomas Gage, The English-American, His Travail by Sea and Land: or, A New Sur\’ey of the West-
India’s (London, 1648), 25.
‘•’ James Lockhart. The Nahuas after the Conquest: A Social and Cultural History of the Indians of
Central Mexico. Sixteenth through Eighteenth Centuries (Stanford. Calif., 1Q93), 1S7; Gibson. The Aztecs
under Spanish Rule, 353, 356.
“- Francisco Hernandez. Antigüedades de la Nueva España, trans, and notes by Joaquín Garcia Pi-
mentel (México, D.F.. 1445), 80, 82.
”•’ Bartolomé MíiTráúún, Diálogo del u.w del tabaco . . . y de chocolate y otras bebidas (Sevilla, 1618).
Not being able to consult the only known exemplar in the Vatican, 1 have relied on the French translation
“Dialogue du Chocolate,” in Traitez nouveaux et curieux du café, du thé et du chocolat, trans. Philippe
Sylvestre Dufour (Lyon. 1685), 423-445.
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use to spin yarn in Spain), and their containers to collect the run-off and eool the foam (off
the chocolate]. These women first put a section of the paste or a square of chocolate in water
and dissolve it, atid after removing a portion of this foam .. . they portion it into vessels called
Tecomates . . . Then the women distribute it to Indians, or to Spatiiards who surround them.
The Indians are great impostors, giving to their plants Indian names, which renders them in
high repute. We ean say that of the Choeoiate sold in the marketplace and stands.””
Marradón anxiously reveals the marketplace as a meeting point among cultures, one
where the normative order is thrown out of balance. Women—particularly Indian
and blaek women—became the purveyors of desirable knowledge and edible and
potable substances, while Spaniards were the seekers and buyers.”^
As the demographic and social composition of colonial society changed during
the sixteenth century, creóle and mestizo spaces became important for chocolate
socialization as well. Religious houses served as nodes of transmission, in that they
were spaces where people from both sides of the Atlantic met, socialized, and shared
experiences. The experience of Thomas Gage, a young clerical recruit to the Do-
minican Order who came to Mexico lured by tales of easy riches, reveals how rituals
of hospitality could lead to chocolate inauguration. Gage recalled how, after dis-
embarking in Veracruz, the Dominican novitiates participated in a procession to the
cathedral, and then their supervisor “entertained us very lovingly with some sweet-
meats, and every one with a Cup of the Indian drink called chocolate.”*^” An au-
tobiographical aside in the physician Antonio Colmenero de Ledesma’s Curious
Treatise on the Nature ami Properties of Chocolate (1631) affords another glimpse of
transmission in creóle spaces. He described his initiation into chocolate consumption
when, “arriving hot [in the Indies], visiting sick people and requesting a little bit of
water to refresh” him, he was instead “persuaded to drink a jicara [gourd cup] of
chocolate . . . which plaeated [his] thirst/'”^ When Europeans arrived in the Amer-
icas, they became integrated into social networks—organized around family, occu-
pation, or religious order—which exerted considerable pressure for them to conform
to local customs.
As there was nothing intrinsically appealing about chocolate, how did a taste for
the beverage develop in Europe? It took a while. Chocolate had no significant pres-
ence in Spain until the very end of the sixteenth century, and it became well es-
tablished in Seville only in the first decades of the seventeenth century. ‘̂« Before then,
small quantities of chocolate arrived in Spain infrequently and erratically. For in-
stance, an abusive encomendero (the conquistador-turned-Spanish lord who received
tribute from Indians) ordered his subjects to prepare a thousand pounds of “ground
cacaoready to drink” for his voyage to Spain in 1531/”’A retinue of Indians brought
Prince Philip (the future Philip II) a gift of chocolate in 1544.™ Yet both contem-
‘”* Marradón, “Dialogue,” 431-433.
”^ For other references to caeao and chocolate sold in the colonial “Indian” marketplaee, see Loek-
hart, Nalntas, 187; Gibson, The Aztecs under Spanish Rule, 353, 358-360.
“•^ Gage, The English-American, 23.
”•’ Colmenero de Ledesma, Curioso tratado, fols. 6r, 6v.
”** Pierre Chaunu and Huguette Chaunu, Seville et l’Atlantique, ¡504-1650, 8 vols. (Paris, 19S6-
1959), 6, pt. 2: 1043, 2129, 4439, 4440, 4452, 4462.
”•̂ Noticias relativas at pueblo de Tepellaoxtoc (Méxieo, D.F., 1944), 18.
™ Coe and Coe. The Truc Histor;,’of Chocolate, 130-133. Oliva Sabuco de Nantes, a singularly enig-
matic female physician, made a passing mention of caeao In her medical advice book intended for a
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680 Marcy Norton
porary commentators and tax registries for American imports attest that chocolate
was not a regular trade item until the 1590s.̂ i The first work about chocolate to be
published with a Spanish readership in mind was printed in 1624.̂ – By the 1620s,
thousands of pounds of eaeao and chocolate were imported into Spain annually.
Venezuela exported more than 31,000 pounds between 1620 and 1650, and more
than 7 million pounds between 165Ü and 1700.̂ -‘
A critical mass of aficionados with New World experience had to develop in Spain
before a market for the beverage could exist. A necessary, though not sufficient,
condition for the arrival in Europe of chocolate as an object of consumption was the
degree of social contact between mainland and colonial Spaniards. Return migration
has been estimated at between 10 and 15 percent.^’* A study of passenger lists dis-
closes that two groups in particular—clergy and merchants—crossed the Atlantic in
both directions most frequently.^^ Not surprisingly, members of these communities
appear among the vanguard of consumers who initiated chocolate neophytes in Eu-
rope. As in the New World, religious houses were important nodes for such social-
ization. When the representatives of religious orders (procuradores) attended gen-
eral meetings in Europe, they made sure to “‘carry with them great wealth, and gifts
to the Generalls, to the Popes and Cardinals and Nobles in Spain, as bribes to fa-
cilitate whatsoever just or unjust, right or wrong they are to demand.” Among these
“gifts” were “a little wedge of Gold, a Box of Pearls, some Rubies or Diamonds, a
Chest of Cochineal, or Sugar, with some boxes of curious Chocolate, or some feather
works of Meehoacan.”^” A 1634 lawsuit brought against a ship’s captain by a Jesuit
in Seville for two large containers of lost chocolate that had been shipped from the
brethren in Veracruz provides ample detail of how his order may have facilitated the
transmission of the habit.”̂ ^ Some of the shipment was destined for the “procurador
general” based in Seville, and some was to be shipped on to “brother Antonio who
Spanish mainland audience, Nueva fitosofia de ¡a naturaleza del hombre (Madrid, 1588), fols. 132. 176,
t83r-v.
1̂ León Pinclo. writing before 1636, estimated that chocolate had been in common use among Span-
iards for about forty or fifty years: Question moral, fol. 8v. Tomás Hurtado wrote around 1645 that it
had had a presence on Ihe Iberian Peninsula for about fifty years; Hurtado, Chocolate y tabaco: Ayuno
eclesiástico y natural (Madrid, 1645), fol. 19.1 examined the cargo lists of eight ships returning from New
Spain between 1588 and 1591; only one ship listed a shipment of chocolate—one box with no more than
forty pounds of chocolate in 1591; AGL CT 4390, 2595. Of the cargo lists I examined for twenty ships
returning from New Spain in 1595, I found four with chocolate shipments, each of about fifty pounds;
AGL CT 4389.
^’ Santiago de Valverde Turices. Un discurso de chocolate (Sevilla, 1624).
•̂’ Arcila Farias, Comercio entre Venezuela y México. 51-61. 72-73. 106, 143-145. These numbers,
however, do not reñect the total amount of cacao imported, for they do not include cacao from New
Spain or Guatemala, which were still vital producers until the mid-scvcnteenth century, nor the con-
siderable trade in smuggled cacao; see Wim Klooster, Illicit Riches: The Dutch Trade in the Caribbean,
1648-1795 (Leiden, 1995).
-̂’ Ida Altman has estimated around 10 percent; Emigrants and Society, 248. Using ship manifests,
Auke P. Jacobs found that between I59K and 1621. 944 passengers iraveled from New Spain to Castile,
which he calculates asa 14 percent rate of “return migration”; Jacobs, Lo.s movimientos migratorios entre
Castilla e Hispanoamérica durante el reinado de Felipe II!, ¡598-1621 (Amsterdam, 1995), 150-151. See
also James Lockhart. “Letters and Peoples to Spain.” in Fredi Chiappelli. ed.. First Images of America,
2 vols. (Los Angeles, 1976), 2: 791-793.
^̂ Jacobs, Los movimientos migratorios, 160.
•”’ Gage, The English-American, 7-8.
^’ AGI, CT 825, no. 8.
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Tasting Empire 681
resides iti Rome.” Likewise, the earliest shipments of chocolate—along with choc-
olate-drinkitig paraphertialia—were destitied for tnembers of Seville’s elite mer-
chant class in such limited quantities as to suggest that it was for their household
consumption.^^
Having crossed the “taste barrier,” the chocolate neophytes fully embraced the
beverage in the manner in which it was presented to them, having no alternative way
to think or feel about it. The taste for chocolate encompassed not only gustatory
appreciation but also the olfactory, visual, tactile, and cognitive senses. Europeans
in both the New and Old World learned to like chocolate in its full Mesoamerican
complexity, adopting the whole spectrum of cacao beverages that surrounded them.
Juan de Cárdenas, a Spanish-born doctor transplanted to and educated in Mexico,
lauded chocolate concoctions that were identical to those described as Indian bev-
erages.^” Their acceptance is further indicated by the hispanization of the Náhuatl
terms—for example, aiexili became aiole. The Spanish provided the literal transla-
tion orejuelas (“little ears”) for the Náhuatl terms for the flower spices gueynacaztle
(“great ear” in Náhuatl) and xochinacaztli (“flowery ear”). They hispanized mec-
axóchitl into mecasuchil, and baptized tlixochitl as vanilla (“en nuestra romance
vainillas olorosas”).^^^
While Cárdenas gave pride of place to the flower-spiced cacao beverage, he also
recommended the other cacao drinks. Atole, which was “consumed and sold in all
of the Mexican plazas and streets,” he opined, was “that which is most refreshing
and most quenches the thirst and provides the most sustenance” of all the cacao
beverages.«’ As described by Cardenas, Europeans in the New World selected the
cacao beverages that best fit their needs or temperament, choosing the more com-
mon atole when they wanted something refreshing and sustaining, and favoring the
spicier, more potent chocolate at other times. Colonists and visiting Spaniards
adopted the full array of cacao beverages made by Indian women in villages, markets,
and households throughout the sixteenth century.
All these forms likewise arrived in Spain in the early seventeenth century. In the
first years of chocolate’s diffusion in Europe—beginning with Spain—there was little
difference between the types of chocolate consumed by creóles, Indians, and Ibe-
rians. A 1636 source testified that “in this court” there were “Mexicans” (Indians)
and “persons of the Indies” (creóles) using chocolate in the same manner as they
had in the Americas (with maize and honey).«- These New World arrivals were the
first to use chocolate in the Old World, and they brought their chocolate with them,
as it was prepared in the Amcricas.^^ At the beginning of its diffusion, there was not
“̂ Among the illustrious chocolate purchasers in the period 1591-1602 were Antonio Armijo, de-
scribed as “one of the most powerful Sevillan merchants at the end of the sixteenth century”; Pedro
Mendoza, who atnasscd tnore than 4 million maravedís in 1596, and “thus was one of the wealthiest
Indies traders”; and Cristóbal de Ribera. See Eufemio Lorenzo Sanz, Comercio de España con América
en la época de Felipe //, vol. 1; Los mercaderes y el tráfico indiano ( Valladolid, 1979). 336, 380, 395. Their
chocolate purchases were registered in AGI, CT 2595, 4389. and 4412. The small quantities (one box
apiece, which ranged between 20 and 100 pounds)—particularly in comparison with the massive amounts
of bullion and dye goods they were importing—suggest auto-consumption.
”” Cárdenas, Problemas, 145-146.
«” Ibid., 140-142.
«’ Ibid., 146.
^^ León Pinelo. Question moral. 7v.
‘^^ For itistance, in the fleet tax records of 1585, only chocolate, and not cacao, was imported; AGI,
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682 Marcy Norton
FtGURE 4: Antonio Ponce (16ü8-1677)M Still Life of Peaches. Fi.sh. Chestnuts, a Tin Hate and Sweet Box and
Two Mexican Lacquer Cups, In Spain, it became increasingly common by the late 163()s for still lifes to depict
chocolate accoutrements. In this painting, cbocolate is signified by Ihe lacquered gourds known asjYciira.v and
the molinillo used to froth chocolate (W/?/)ÍT/Í’/Í), perched on a container holding ground cacao. The presence
ofthe gourds and frother demonstrates tbat chocolate engaged Iberians’ tactile and visual senses in much the
same way it did their Mcsoamerican anteccssors. Reproduced courtesy of tbe Galería Caylus, Madrid. Spain.
sufficient technical knowledge to warrant bringing the raw materials, so chocolate
itself was transported. It was not until the 1630s that chocolate artisans populated
Madrid in detectable numbers.*̂ -* This trajectory makes clear that European choc-
olate was not just similar to American chocolate. It was American chocolate.
Europeans who had grown up with the drink in the New World—or who had been
immersed in an Indian milieu for a sufficient time—not only acquired a taste for the
thick chocolate, but consumed it in the manner that it had been long consumed in
Mesoamerica. Likewise, Spaniards assimilated the cacao complex in its entirety, and
tried to maintain the sensory sensations that went with traditional chocolate even
across the ocean divide. Royal legislation from 1632 hints at Spaniards’ appreciation
for the chocolate-flavoring agents vanilla and mecaxóchitl. That year the crown levied
a special tax on chocolate consumption in Spain, and the levy singled out these two
additives as essential raw ingredients of chocolaté.»*^ The Jesuit who sued a ship
captain for the loss of valuable chocolate and cacao also charged the defendant with
the disappearance of cargo comprising “orijuelas,” “mecasuchial,” and “achiote,” as
well as vanilla—in other words, the essential Mesoamerican chocolate spices.***’ It is
widely held that the Spanish did not maintain the practice of combining maize and
cacao in a beverage as was customary in Mesomaerica. Yet a description of choc-
C r 4389. In 1602, the fleet tax records show six boxes of chocolate and two boxes of cacao; AGI. CT
4412.
«•* Matilde Santamaría Arnaíz, “La alimentación de los españoles bajo el reinado de los Austrias”
(Ph.D. diss.. Universidad Complutense, Madrid. 1986), 712-713.
«̂ “Sobreerservieio”delosdüsmillonesymedio”(l634), AGI, Consulados, leg. 93, no. 9. The 1632
edict (reissued In 1634) to implement a new kingdom-wide tax or monopoly on ehoeolate specified that
duties were to be paid on mecazuchil (‘/: real/lb.) and vanillas (12 reales/lb.), as well as cacau and man-
ufactured ehoeolate. Manufactured chocolate was to be taxed at 1 real/lb., cacao at ‘/; real/lb.
«” AGI, CT 825, no. 8. The spellings orijuetas and mecasuchial are irregular variants oi orejuelas and
mecasuchil, the Spanish terms for tbe Nabua-named A-ofAmufíizí/í and mecaxóchitl.
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Tasting Empire 683
olate-making techniques in the court in 1636 testifies to the use of maize, as does
a 1644 lawsuit, which also mentions “mecasuchil,” “orejuelas,” and achiote.«^
Spanish appreciation and somatic expectations of chocolate were not restricted
to the taste buds but encompassed visual and tactile preferences. Like native Me-
soamericans, Creoles and Spaniards learned that the beverage was better with
achiote, which was praised by Cárdenas for enhancing chocolate with a “red and
pleasing color.”«» Another author expressed the “truth” that achiote was necessary
for giving a “better taste, color, and flavor to chocolate.”«” As the initial reaction of
the Jesuit José de Acosta reveals, the foam hardly had immediate appeal to Spanish
senses. Yet post-conquest connoisseurs in Mesoamerica and Spain alike came to
agree with pre-conquest aficionados that chocolate was incomplete without a foamy
head. Just as pre-Columbian artifacts make clear that foam was fundamental to choc-
olate consumption, so does the iconography of sixteenth-century creóles and mes-
tizos, and seventeenth-century Spanish art. The molinillo (chocolate-frother) used
to produce the foam became standard in representations of chocolate in seven-
teenth-century Spain. (See Figures 4, 5, and 6.) ‘̂” The Spanish also learned from
Mesoamericans that chocolate must be sipped from a special vessel—the tecomate,
a cup fashioned from clay, or ihc jicara, a lacquered calabash gourd (hispanized from
the Náhuatl tecomatl andxicalli)y^ Ship manifests indicate that in the late sixteenth
and early seventeenth centuries, Ibcrian-based chocolate consumers bought teco-
mates and jicaras along with chocolate and cacao imports.*’- Likewise, early chocolate
still lifcs depict the lacquered gourds as part of the conventionalized chocolate ser-
vice. (See Figures 4 and 5.)
Europeans did, of course, add their own “inventions” to chocolate. The com-
position of chocolate and its paraphernalia evolved as it moved from pre-Columbian
to colonial America and then to Europe. However, there was no conscious effort by
“Europeans” to radically reinvent the substance. Instead, modifications came about
‘̂ ^ León Pinelo, Question moral, 8r. A 1644 lawsuit against a vendor accused of selling chocolate
illegally in Madrid mentiotis that the choeolate’s ingredients included “mecasuchii” (mecaxóchitl). “ore-
juelas” (xochinacaztli), achiote, and “harina de malz” (cornmeal); Archivo Histórieo Nacional, Madrid
Sala de Alcaldes, Lib. 1231.
‘*̂ Cárdenas, Problemas, 142-143.
‘*’* Valverde Turices, Un discurso, fol. Al-v.
•̂^ Foam references include Cárdenas. Problemas, 145-146; Marradón, “Dialogue”; León Pinelo,
Question moral. 8.
“‘ Molina, Vocabulario mexicana, 93r, 158v. I wish to thank Margaret E. Connors McQuade for
helping me identify the materials from whieh the vessels were fashioned and explaining the significanee
of the bucara tradition.
“= AGI, CT 4389, buyer 392; 4412, buyer 13, 601; 4413, buyer 708; 4424, fols. 210, 245, 296v; 4440,
fols. 132, 133, 139; 4462, 3L5r. That these were meant to be used with chocolate is indicated by their
beitig paired with it in the manifest, e.g., “un caxon de chocolate y xicaras”; AGI, CT 4424, fol. 245. See
also León Pinelo, Question moral. 8r. For other still life paintings that depict paraphernalia for making
and drinking chocolate, sueh a^ jicaras made of lacquered gourds and/or porcelain and ehocolate-froth-
ers, by artists including Juan de Zurburán, Francisco Barrera, and Franciso Barranco, see Tres siglos de
pintura (Madrid, 1995), 140, 142; and ?C\.GÍ ChcTvy, Arte y naturaleza: El bodegón español en el Siglo de
Oro, cd. Conchita Romero, trans. Kars Barzdevies (Madrid, 1999). plates 82, 86, 87, On this genre, see
also William B. Jordan and Peter Cherry. Spanish Still-Life from Velazquez to Goya (London. 1995). I
am grateful to William Jordan for helping me locate the still life in Figure 4 (as well as identifying
Antonio Ponee as its artist), and to José Antonio de Urbina of Galena Caylus for allowing me to re-
produce it. Mr. Urbina also relates that the celebrated court painter Juan van der Hamen y León, who
was an apprentice in Ponee’s studio, later painted the identical ehoeolate service that is depicted in the
upper-left-hand corner of Figure 4 in a painting auctioned by Christie’s in 1996.
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684 Marcy Norton
because of gradual tinkering motivated by efforts to maintain—not change—the
sensory impact of chocolate. The most famous modification was the addition of
sugar. Contrary to the popular view that the Spanish invented the idea of sweetening
cacao, native Mexicans and Mayans already sweetened many of their cacao bever-
ages with honey. Since the Spanish recognized both sugar and honey as sweeteners,
switching one for the other represented a slight modification but not a major di-
vergence from the concoction as they had first tasted it. Sugar can be seen as a
substitute for honey, in which the intention is to approximate the taste of the original,
not to radically change it. Cárdenas mentioned that some dissolved the cacao tablets
in hot water with a “touch of sweetness, which makes it very pleasing,” but notably,
he did not indicate whether the addition was sugar or honey, suggesting their in-
terchangeability.” Likewise, the chocolate authority Antonio de León Pinelo rec-
ognized honey and sugar as performing the same function in chocolate, although he
suggested that Spaniards preferred their chocolate sweeter.”-*
Another arena for Spanish “invention” was spices. Spanish colonists modified
traditional Mesoamerican chocolate by adding or substituting spices esteemed in the
Old World—cinnamon, black pepper, anise, rose, and sesame, among others—in
place of the native flower spice complex, achiote, and chili peppers. Cárdenas, the
creolized doctor, indicated that Spaniards innovated with the recipes by using Old
World imports, yet he insisted that “the fragrant spices of the Occidental Indies”
were superior, since they “do not give us the excessive heat of those brought from
the Oriental Indies.”‘”^ Similarly, the Madrid physician Colmenero de Ledesma rec-
ommended spices from the New World, but acknowledged that Old World substi-
tutes might be more practical. He suggested that the rose of Alexandria could replace
mecasuchil {mecaxóchitl), because both substances possessed “purgative” qualities
(perhaps the fact that mecaxóchitl and rose are flower blossoms also suggested the
latter as a suitable substitute for the former).^” He offered Old World black pepper
as an alternative, albeit inferior, to Mexican chilies, enumerating the preferred kinds
native to Mesoamerica (chichotes, chiltecpin, tonalchies, and chUpatlagual).”‘^ It
seems likely that cinnamon, too, which became ubiquitous in chocolate preparations
by the late seventeenth century, caught on because it had both the spicy aspect of
chili pepper and the floral attributes of the flower spice constellation. When Span-
iards tinkered with the recipes by using Old World spices, they were actually trying
to simulate the flavors offered by less available New World flowers.^^
Maize did eventually disappear from European chocolate beverages, it is true.
Yet cacao beverages employing maize, such as atole, did not become largely extinct
in Spain as a result of distaste. Rather, it seems that maize fell out of use because
‘^^ Cárdenas, Problemas, 140. 142-143. 145-146.
‘*’* León Pinelo, Question moral. ST, He wrote, “the Indians who invented [ehoeolate]. it is without
doubt, tbat in much water they added enough honey in order to sweeten it and a bit of caeao, with nothing
else . . . tbe Spanish augmented tbe sweetness witb sugar.” He also mentioned, however, that Spaniards
from the Indies used honey as well as sugar.
“^ Cárdenas, Problemas. 140, 142-143, 145-146.
“*” Colmenero de Ledesma, Curioso tratado, on tbe preference for chilies, fols. 4v. 8r; on the wonders
of aebiote (confirmed via the experiments of ‘”physicians of the Indies” on sheep—early animal testing),
varieties of chilies, and substitutions, fois. 6r, 8r.
^̂ Ibid., fol. 6r.
«̂ Cárdenas, Problemas, 140, 142-143. 145-146.
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íF 5: Antonio de Pereda. .S7J7/ Life with an Ebony Chest (1652). This masterpiece (which is reproduced
in color on the cover) is dedicated to New World sensory delights. On the left is a chocolatera, in which
chocolate paste and sugar were dissolved together. The mohnilla for frothing chocolate is to its right. On the
tray below arc three kinds oí jicaras (ehoeolatc-drinkíng eups); the two in front are made of Iberiiin ceramics,
and the one in back is likely a poreolain piece imponed from Asia. The spoon—a conventional element in early
modern chocolate slill lifes—was probably meant to scoop the foam off the lop. a European variant of the
tortoiseshell spoons used by Mesoamericans for the same purpose. On the righl, wooden containers contain
cacao paste, and a clump of white sugar is ready for use. Among the vessels sitting on top of the chest is another
jicara, a splendidly decorated gourd imported from New Spain. Biscuits, favored for eating alongside chocolate,
resi in the foreground. The chest could have been a storehouse lor the cacao: the lock and key remind viewers
of the value of its luxurious contents. The painting also illustrates another American-inflected sensory tradition:
the red ceramic vessels, probably manufactured in Tonolá (outside Guadalajara in New Spain) and known as
búcaros, were celebrated for the aromatic earthy qualities they imparted to water. Oil on canvas, 80 x 94 cm.
Collection of William Coesvelt, Britain, IHI.5. Reproduced courtesy of the State Hermitage Museum, St. Pe-
tersburg, Russia.
Spanish consumers internalized Mesoamerican definitions of luxury, and because
maize-less chocolate fared better in long-distance travel. Atole was generally pre-
pared with a highly perishable viscous cacao paste. But the traditional Mesoamerican
preparation of hot chocolate without maize employed the “tablet” form of cacao.
Cacao in this form could last “at least two years,” making it suitable for the lengthy
voyage across the Atlantic.”^ So the predominance of the maize-free cacao beverages
”” Cárdenas describes the preference for the perishable ehoeolate for caeao in ibid., 145.
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686 Marcy Norton
FiGUKL fi: Detail. La Chocolaiada. aXlributcú to the workshop ot LIorcnç Passoles (Barcelona, 171U). The mural
entitled The Chocolate Party illustrates ¡tn aristocratic gathering. It leaves no doubl that chocolate remained
fundamental to elite sociability in the eighteenth century, and it underscores bow the beverage’s aficionados
continued to prize the foam on top, as the scene displays the gentlemen, rather tban their servants, engaged
in frothing the cbocolate. Reproduced courtesy of Museu de Cerámica, Barcelona. Spain.
seems likely related to problems of storage posed by long-distance travel. It is also
possible that Nahuas viewed the maize and cacao beverages as more quotidian, and
the spicy, flowery cacao beverage as more of a special-occasion drink. In turn, if
Spanish internalized such connotations, the elite who were vital to chocolate’s trans-
atlantic passage may have had a preference for the more “luxurious” chocolate.’™
In other words, it is possible that Ihe disappearance of maize from Spanish chocolate
is actually evidence of Spanish absorption of Mesoamerican values.
Finally, developments in vessels used for drinking chocolate demonstrate the
dynamic of interwoven change and continuity and the error in seeing a sudden rup-
ture in the history of chocolate. Over time, wealthy chocolate consumers in both the
New and Old World increasingly replaced ceramic cups and hollowed gourds with
porcelain and mayólica vessels. But while these were fashioned from new materials,
they maintained a similar size and shape as well as the Náhuatl name.”” {See Figure
5.) The continuity is made particularly clear by the fact that chocolate consumers in
Spain adopted the Nahuatl-derived term jicara for their porcelain cups.
In New Spain, and even more so in the Iberian Peninsula, Spaniards experi-
mented with substitutes for Old World spices. But when they did so, their aim was
to approximate original flavors, not to introduce new palate sensations. The view that
Spanish “improved” on the chocolate of pre-Hispanic America is found in self-jus-
tifying Spanish texts by the eighteenth century. That chocolate had conformed to
European taste was a myth that supported the Spanish ideology of conquest: it pre-
supposed that the colonists brought their civilization to barbarians rather than the
opposite. In fact, Europeans inadvertently internalized Mesoamerican aesthetics
and did not modify chocolate to meet their existing tastes. Rather, they acquired new
ones, a reality at odds with colonial ideology.
“”‘ Aceording to The Florentine Codex, the chocolate served to tbe highest-ranking lords on special
occasions did not include maize; 8:13. 39. Cárdenas’s description suggests the quotidian/luxury distinc-
tion among cacao beverages; Problemas. 146.
I'” Donna Pieree. “Mayólica in the Daily Life of Colonial Mexico,” in Roin Farwell Gavin. Donna
Pierce, and Alfonso Pleguezuelo, eds.. The Story of Spanish and Mexican Mayólica (Santa Fe. N.Mex.,
2003), 253-254, 259.
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Tasting Empire 687
SCHOLARSHIP IN THE CULTURAL-FUNCTIONALIST TRADITION that concerns consumption
in general and chocolate in particular assumes that taste follows discourse, that
bodily practices reflect a dominant ideology, a guiding mentalité, or a prevailing
ethos. The case of chocolate suggests a more complicated relationship between taste
and discourse. For both Spanish colonists in the New World and Iberians in the Old
World, chocolate-drinking habits drew attention to the paradoxes and tensions
within the colonial project. Some have seen tbe fact that chocolate was discussed
within a medical paradigm as an explanation for how Europeans came to embrace
chocolate and remove its potentially idolatrous associations. Yet the medical par-
adigm neither led to Europeans’ adoption of chocolate nor resolved the fraught
issues concerning cultural difference. Instead, the “medicalization” of chocolate was
a consequence, not a cause, of the challenge that this novel taste posed for colonial
ideology. It emerged, first, because of the defensive posture assumed by creóles as
they attempted to deny charges that those of European ancestry living in the Amer-
icas were less civilized than their counterparts resident in the Old World, and later,
as metropolitans recognized their assimilation of a practice that emerged out of a
non-Christian and non-European culture.”^-
Colonial officials in the métropole believed that Europeans born and raised in
the New World degenerated so much that the latter became little better than Indians.
Such ideas, grounded in environmental theories of the day, led metropolitan officials
to prohibit Creoles from holding clerical offices in the late sixteenth century. They
claimed, for instance, that “the greater part” of Europeans in the New World “take
the nature and customs of the Indians, since they are born in the same climate and
reared among them.”‘”^ At the same time, by the late sixteenth century, creóles
themselves worried about the possibility of reverse acculturation. Authorities fretted
about the enduring, even renewed, idolatry among the majority Indian population,
and, even more problematic, its influence on people of European and mestizo de-
scent, particularly in plebeian contexts in which people of differing ancestry lived
cheek by jowl.'”^ Inquisition dossiers attested that white colonists, as well as those
of “mixed blood,” sought out native curanderos for assistance, so as to restore stolen
goods, gain the affection of a beloved, or resolve other life difficulties. This phe-
nomenon indicated disturbing failures in the evangelical project. Moreover, from the
point of view of creóle authorities, it also inverted the natural social order, since it
‘”‘ On the formation of white creóle identities, see D. A. Brading, The Eirst America: The Spanish
Monarchy. Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State. ¡492-}867 (Cambridge, 1^92), 2-3; Anthony Pagden,
“Identity Formation in Spanish America,” in Nicholas Canny and Anthony Pagden. eds.. Colonial Iden-
tity in the Atlantic World, 1500-1800 (Princeton, N.J., 1987), 51; Pagden. Spanish Imperialism and the
Political Imagination: Studies in European and Spanish-American Social and Political Theory. 1513-ÎH30
{New Haven, Conn., 1990), 91; Jorge Cañizares, “New World, New Stars: Patriotic Astrology and the
Invention of Indian and Creole Bodies in Colonial Spanish America, 160U-1650,” AHR 104, no. 1 (Feb-
ruaiy 1999): 35.
‘”‘ Brading, The Eirst America, 200, 297.
‘”•* Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán, Medicina y magia: El proceso de aculturación en la estructura colonial
(México, D.F., 1963); Aguirre Beltrán, El proceso de aculturación y el cambio sociocultural en México
(México, D.F., 1970); Solange Alberro, Lev Espagnols dans le Mexique colonial: Histoire d’une accul-
turation (Paris, \992).A\hcno, Inquisition et Société au Mexique, 157!-l 700 (Méxko, D.F., 1988); Serge
Gruzinski, The Conquest of Mexico: The Incorporation of Indian Societies into the Western World, lath-
18th Centuries, trans. Eileen Corrigan (Cambridge, 1993); Georges Baudot. Utopie et Histoire au Mexique
(Toulouse, 1977). On such plebeian contexts, sec Cope, The Limits of Racial Domination.
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW JUNE 2006

688 Marcy Norton
made those at the bottom of the social echelon—Indians—into sought-out author-
ities.
Colonists’ fondness for chocolate seemed to give credence to metropolitans’
charge of creóle difference and to affirm tbe vulnerability of colonial subjects of all
castes to acculturation to native ways. Chocolate cleaved Americanized Spaniards
from new Iberian arrivals; the latter noted and often balked at the peculiar habits
and tastes of their creolized compatriots, while the former squirmed under the de-
risive condescension of haughty peninsulares. In Problems and Marvelous Secrets of
the Indies, a manifesto of creóle legitimacy, Juan de Cárdenas acknowledged the
criticisms of”those doctors in Spain [who] without understanding and inquiring what
it is condemn everything about [chocolate].”‘”^ The Spanish Jesuit José de Acosta,
after spending a year in New Spain, noted derisively that it was a “crazy thing” how
those Spanish women “fashioned in the manner of this land will die for this black
chocolate while those who are not so fashioned are disgusted by it.”””‘ Iberian dis-
dain for chocolate became tantamount to peninsular denigration of creóles.
Chocolate was associated with various forms of colonial “idolatry.” Jacinto de la
Serna, intent on identifying and extirpating idolatrous practices in the Yucatán,
wrote in 1656, “it is worthy to note that blacks, mulattos and some Spaniards, having
left tbe hand of God . . . search out Indians, whom they pay” for services with various
drugs. And he alleged that “in this city of Mérida . . . these Indian women put in
chocolate enchanted things that bewitch their husbands.”‘”” Inquisition cases also
confirmed the linkages between chocolate and sorcery, particularly associated with
women of all castes. For instance, Maria de Riviera, identified as a mulatto woman
in Puebla, in order that one of her paying customers might capture the affection of
a man, instructed her client to grind cacao and add “certain powders and give the
said chocolate to the said man to drink.” Inquisition records from New Spain and
Guatemala in the seventeenth century contain many cases like these, revealing choc-
olate as a crucial medium for the effective deployment of cures, love potions, and
spells.'”«
Juan de Cárdenas’s Problems and Marvelous Secrets of the Indies (1591) contains
the first extensive discussion of chocolate in the context of European consumption.
That he inserted chocolate within a medical discourse cannot be separated from his
defensiveness about creóles’ claims to equality with peninsulares, nor from his fears
about enduring Indian “superstition” and colonists’ susceptibility to it. Cárdenas was
motivated to write about chocolate in large part because of its ambiguous status. He
bristled at the criticisms of “those doctors in Spain” who “condemn everything
‘”•”̂ Cárdenas, Problemas, 140.
‘”«’ Acosta. Historia natural, fols. I63r-t64v.
‘”•’ Jacinto de la Serna, “Tratado de las supersticiones, idolatriacas, hcchicerias y otras costumbres
de las razas aborígenes de Mexico,” in de la Serna, Tratado de las idolatrías, supersticiones, dioses, ritos
hechicerias v otras costumbres gentílicas de las razas aborigénes de Me.xico. ed., notes, and intro. Francisco
del Paso y Troncoso. 2 vols. (Méxieo, D.F., 1953). I: 279.
1″̂ Bancroft Library, Ms. 96/93, “Processo y causa criminal contra Maria de Rivera mulata libre
natural y vezina de la Ciudad de la Puehla dc los Angeles” (1652). fols. 3r-v. Similar cases are doc-
umented and analyzed in M. Á. Méndez, “Una relación conflictiva: La Inquisición novohispana y el
chocolate,” Caravelle 71 (1998): 9-21, and Martha Few, “‘Chocolate, Sex, and Disorderly Women in
Late-Seventeenth- and Early*Eighteenth-Century Guatemala,” Ethnohistory 52 (2003): 673-687, http://
ethnohistory.dukcjournals.Org/egi/reprint/32/4/673. I appreciate that Martha Few first brought these
cases to my attention.
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Tasting Empire 689
about” chocolate. He thought that the lack of consetisus on chocolate in the New
World was also a problem: “In terms of the harms and benefits, I hear every person
with his own opinion: some despise chocolate, considering it the inventor of nu-
merous sicknesses; others say that there is nothing comparable in the world . . . there
is no one who does not present his or her judgment to the populace.”‘””
Cárdenas’s concern for chocolate’s ambiguous status related to the anxiety that
permeates his work about marking the line between creóles and Indians. He ex-
pressed concern for Spaniards’ recourse to Indian healers, lamenting that he had to
listen every day to 2,000 tales and so many other stories, fables, and nonsense concerning
those who cast spells, or another who expelled a bag of worms because of a potion or patle
they gave, and this business does not stop here but they want you to believe that there are
herbs, powders, and roots that have properties to make two people fall in love, or hate each
other. . . and the ignorant multitude (vulgo) are persuaded not only to believe this, but also
to believe and imagine (mostly barbarous and stupid people) that herbs and potions can be
taken that predict the future (a matter reserved only for God).””
The shadowy characters to whom Cárdenas alluded—those who dispensed cures to
the ”multitudes”—included “a certain black slave” and “these Indians who are great
dissimulators and elamorers.”‘”
To rescue chocolate from its associations with “colonial idolatry” and its potential
as a medium for cultural contagion. Cárdenas asserted that chocolate could be made
European and sanitized from pagan associations through application of Old World
medieal principles. The act of prescribing provided the illusion that acculturation to
Indian material ways could be mediated and safeguarded against unseemly and dan-
gerous cultural contamination. Following the model provided by other European
writers concerned with materia medica. Cárdenas began his discussion of chocolate
by providing it with a humoral profile using the hot/eold and wet/dry categories de-
ployed by the classical authority Galen (131-201 A.D.) and adopted by medieval and
Renaissance physicians. ” ‘ He explained that cacao was composed of three parts with
different and contradictory properties, but that humorally speaking, its cold qualities
predominated. In turn, he described the variety of cacao beverages and prescribed
them according to individuals’ temperament, location, age, and other factors af-
fecting humoral balance. After describing the confusing multitude of opinions con-
cerning chocolate, Cárdenas promised that “Only the divine Hippocrates can deliver
us from this confusion with that much cited sentence that says: ‘Not all for everything,
but each thing for what it is,’ which is a way of saying that we do not want to give
‘”^ Cárdenas, Problemas, 146.
” ” Ibid., 265-266.
1″ Ibid., 270, 273.
” – In framing his discussion of New World materia medica in this way. Cárdenas adopted the model
established by Nicolás Monardes, a Sevillan trader and physician, who wrote the best-selling and much-
translated Historia medicinal: De las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales, que sirx’en al uso
de Medicina (Sevilla. 1565-t574). Although Monardes did not discuss cacao or chocolate, he offered a
prototype of sanitization in his discussion of tobacco. For Cárdenas’s debt to Monardes and Monardes’s
publications as a pivotal turning point in European representations of the New World, sec Norton, “New
World of Goods.” 54-62, 104-112, 177-I9Ü. More recently see Daniela Blcichmar, “Books, Bodies, and
Fields: Sixteenth-Century Transatlantic Encounters with New World Materia Medica,” in Schiebinger
and Swan, Colonial Botany, 83-99.
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690 Marcy Norton
one single thing to all subjects, to all complexions, to all illnesses.””” While others
have viewed the insertion of chocolate into the classical medical paradigm based on
Hippocrates and Galen as a cause of its success in Europe, it is better understood
as an effect: a way that creóle—and soon-to-follow Iberian—authorities found to
reconcile their taste for an Indian delicacy with an ideology of cultural superiority.
In writing about chocolate. Cárdenas reacted to, rather than caused, the widespread
popularity of chocolate among creóles. Likewise, this medical discourse followed,
not preceded, chocolate’s insinuation among Spanish consumers in Europe. A Di-
alogue Concerning the Use of Tobacco, Chocolate, and Other Beverages, the first trea-
tise that addressed chocolate consumers in Spain, was published in 1618, at least
twenty years after chocolate had a detectable presence among consumers there.
Despite Cárdenas’s efforts, the Indian legacy of ehoeolate continued to haunt
some as the substance migrated to Europe. The author of the Dialogue, Bartolomé
de Marradón, was an Andalusian physician (or apothecarist) who typified the van-
guard of metropolitan chocolate drinkers: he traveled to the Indies (New Spain
and/or Guatemala) at least twice and had family who migrated there.”‘* Marradón’s
text reveals the unresolved tension between the medical framework and the lingering
anxieties about chocolate as a vector for spreading Indian culture. As evidenced by
the title, Marradón constructed his treatise as a dialogue between characters named
“a Physician” (presumed to be Hispanic), “an Indian,” and “a Bourgeois.” The phy-
sician personage has few kind words for chocolate—he found its fiavor distasteful,
its effects unhealthy, its use unchristian, and its essence deplorably Indian. Yet, with
the figure of the “Indian,” Marradón revealed the paradox in Spanish dependence
on chocolate. The Indian recounts witnessing a Spanish priest—who was supposed
to be proselytizing to his fellow native—so beholden to chocolate that he was com-
pelled to interrupt Mass to guzzle it. The Indian spoke: “I once saw in a port town
where we disembarked to purify water a priest saying Mass who was obliged by ne-
cessity—being exhausted—to sit on a beneh, and drink a tecomate full of chocolate,
and then God gave him the energy to complete the Mass.””‘^ That the priest relied
on chocolate during Mass indicates how in adopting chocolate, Spanish civilizers
themselves fell victim to Indian idolatry. Interpolated into the most central rite of
Catholicism—the transformation of wine and bread into the blood and flesh of
Christ—was chocolate drinking, a practice intertwined with heathen idolatry. Pro-
viding more evidence for this perversion, the “Bourgeois” adds that clerics took to
drinking chocolate while in ehurch.
The conclusion of the dialogue makes explicit the notion that chocolate was not
neutral material, sanitized through medical discourse, but rather a vessel for the
spread of Indian heresies. The last words in the conversation come from the Indian:
he relates that Spanish women use “this beverage to give occasion to avenge their
jealousies, learning and using spells from Indian women, who are the great masters,
having been taught by the Devil.” He describes murders due to the spells of these
women and cautions that “it is very good to abstain from Chocolate, in order to avoid
I’-‘ Cárdenas, Problemas, 139, t46.
I ‘•• AGL CT 536U, no. 8; CT 34Ü7. no. 8. Marradón was nicknamed “médico [physician] de Marchena”
in Dufour, but in the AGI documents he appeared as a boticario.
”^ Marradón, “Dialogue,” 436-438.
AMERICAN HIS’IORICAL REVIEW JUNE 2006

Tasting Empire 691
familiarity and frequenting with a people so suspected of sorcery.”!”- Through his
ventriloquism of the Indian character, Marradón sought to make clear that chocolate
could not be separated from its cultural lineage, one that made Europeans appren-
tices to Indians, whom he portrayed as masters—or rather mistresses—of sorcery,
or even diabolism. In doing so, he ensured that notions prevalent in colonial Me-
soamerica, as indicated by the attention that chocolate-dispensing healers and sor-
ceresses drew from Inquisition authorities, migrated to Spain. The 1618 Dialogue
underscored the ironies inherent in European adoption of chocolate in a world
where ostensibly the Spanish were sowers of civilization, not apprentices to Indiati
culture.”^
Most studies of eonsumption in general, and those of stimulant beverages in par-
ticular, assume or seek to demonstrate that tastes reflect social hierarchies, or an
ascendant ethos. In other words, taste is a function of other social phenomena. The
case of chocolate demonstrates another possibility: that taste, instead of naturalizing
ideologies of hegemony, ean reveal internal contradictions in ideological appara-
tuses. In Spain and Spanish America, Europeans’ taste for chocolate did not bolster
a normative hierarchy that elevated European colonists over Indian subjects, or
Christians over pagans. Instead, it brought unwanted attention to the failures of the
colonial civilizing and evangelical project and revealed the civilizers’ vulnerability to
cultural metamorphosis and Christians’ potential for internalizing idolatry.
Not quite so abstract as ideas and not so tangible as goods, taste—understood
here as embodied habits and aesthetic dispositions—formed part of the “Columbian
Exchange.” These embodied habits and aesthetic dispositions have a history that
exists in relation t o ^ b u t not dependence on—other historical phenomena. In the
case of chocolate, particular social conditions, namely Spaniards’ sustained prox-
imity to Indian cultural milieus and the social integration of the Spanish Atlantic
world, account for Europeans’ acquisition of a new taste. This taste, rather than
bolstering a monolithic imperial ideology, spotlighted its internal contradictions.
Taste, here, is an autonomous force that affected, rather than reflected, discourse.
“Mbid., 444-445.
“^ Subsequently, cultural authorities in Spain and throughout Europe—physicians, pharmacists,
theologians^hewed more closely to Cárdenas than to Marradón and emphasized the medical virtues
of chocolate (when it was used in moderation). However, a subtext remained concerning the potentially
unchristian aspects of chocolate consumption; see Norton, “New World of Goods” or Sacred Gifts,
Profane Pleasures.
Marcy Norton is an Assistant Professor in the History Department at George
Washington University. She is completing a book on the histories of tobacco and
chocolate between 1492 and 1700, forthcoming from Cornell University Press
in 2007. She will continue investigating the intersections of culture and nature
in her next project, which concerns dogs and people in the early modern world.
AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW JUNE 2006

Celso A. Mendoza

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The Conquest (or rather not!) of the frontiers And the establishment of Spanish royal authority Week 7

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The takeaways: Even the sedentary areas take a long time to conquer. After the Aztec Empire falls, there is still Michoacán and Oaxaca to subdue. And the neo-Inca in Peru do not fall until the 1570s. Conquistadors get their wealth in encomiendas , native communities retained as estates providing labor and tribute. All of the in-fighting of the conquistadors, their abuses, and indigenous uprisings convince the crown they cannot trust conquistadors to govern the Americas. By the 1560s the Hapsburg kings of Spain bring in priests, royal officials, and viceroys to establish order and take power away from conquistadors. Laws are passed limiting or eliminating encomiendas . New Spain and Peru become viceroyalties. Even then only parts of Mexico and Peru are solidly conquered. Semisedentary people like the Maya take years to subdue; they can readily hide in the jungles when under attack. Semisedentaries in Paraguay absorb Spanish settlers into their culture Nonsedentary people like the Mapuche and Comanche are never conquered and form powerful confederations that dominate Spaniards. Nomadic people have no cities to destroy, no powerful leaders to kidnap, and they gain guns, steel, and horses to use for themselves. As Brazil moves toward a plantation economy using indigenous slavery, the once-friendly semi- sedentaries become alientated and move further into the Amazon and resist. The responses of non- and (especially) semi- sedentaries to Iberians are more diverse than those of the sedentary empires. In general, non- sedentaries fiercely resist and defeat Spaniards instantly, and semi- sedentaries receive Spaniards in peace at first, resisting later when abuses become unbearable. Both are harder to defeat than sedentary empires.

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The conquest of Mexico in 1521? After the conquest, Spaniards are still scrambling for gold. Spanish control very little of Mexico outside of Mexico City. Not all of the areas of the Aztec empire are part of “New Spain” in August, 1521: Oaxaca doesn’t immediately fall. The Tarascan Empire (Michoacán) is also unconquered. The North ( Chichimecs ) and South (Mayas) are completely unconquered and will remain so for a long time.

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Oaxaca Home to several related indigenous groups (Zapotecs, Mixtecs , Mixes and others) part of the Aztec Empire. In 1521, some indigenous communities in Oaxaca reach out to Cortés in peace after they hear what happened to Aztecs Military resistance is overwhelmed in many places by conquistadors and native allies, but many groups, especially Mixes, continue to fight until the middle of the century. Oaxaca is sedentary but decentralized – there are several ethnic groups with none clearly on top. More dominoes to knock down.

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Michoacán Site of the Tarascan Empire, which preserved its independence from the Aztecs, defeating them several times. The Cazonci or emperor of the Tarascans receives the Spaniards in peace after the conquest of the Aztecs. Unbeknownst to Spaniards, the Tarascans still believe themselves to be independent and pay tribute to both the Cazonci and Spain. Finding out about this, conquistador Nuño Guzmán de Beltrán puts the Cazonci to death. It takes almost 10 years after the conquest of the Aztecs to truly conquer this large area.

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With this, the Aztec Empire and its enemies are conquered… but where’s the gold? With very little wealth what is there to give conquistadors as rewards? Indigenous communities: altepetl in Mexico, ayllu in the Andes. These communities are “given” to conquistadors as encomiendas , with the Native residents serving on an estate for conquistadors (they are not *technically* slaves!). Caciques (local leaders) organize labor and mediate. Cortés gets a huge estate spanning Oaxaca and Morelos, including sugar plantations and black slaves. Those who are satisfied give up the conquistador life and settle down. Not everyone was happy with their lot which leads to major disagreements and fights… Encomiendas are controversial!

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Some are not happy and want more, like Cristóbal de Olid who goes to Honduras to start his own independent colony in 1523 Cortés sends some of his own men to arrest him – which they do. Cortés himself even ventures there. Conquistadors who feel they don’t get their just rewards move out, trying to conquer other places to finally gain wealth. Conquistadors are happy to stab each other in the back (sometimes literally) and often quarrel. Chaos and anarchy reign throughout Spanish America.

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In Peru, Pizarro and his betrayed partner Diego de Almagro spill over into civil war Disagreement over which cities they will receive as part of their governorship leads to violence between their supporters (Spanish, black and indigenous) The conquistador factions and their followers fight at the Battle of Las Salinas (1538). Francisco Pizarro’s side wins, Almagro is executed. Almagro’s mestizo son (Diego de Almagro II) gets revenge and assassinates Pizarro in 1541 as part of a conspiracy to become governor of Peru. His plot fails and he is executed the next year. All this violence! Do you think Spanish king Charles V wants to trust these people to govern?

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Cortés himself loses the trust of the Crown Partly on suspicion of murdering his first wife, partly because of royal scheming and intrigues, Cortés is exiled from Mexico. In Spain, Cortés wins back the favor of Charles V, but the king denies him governorship. Cortés “only” gets the title of Marqués del Valle. The Crown does not readily trust conquistadors to rule. Cortés dies in Seville in debt from further expeditions, largely unappreciated.

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The Crown sends priests to evangelize… and keep tabs on the conquistadors “The Twelve” the first Franciscan friars arrive in Mexico in 1524 to convert the conquered Aztecs. Mexico gets its first Bishop, Juan de Zumárraga in 1530. Peru gets Dominican friars. Friars of different orders (regular clergy) argue and fight almost as much as conquistadors do over territory and jurisdiction. Some of them grudgingly admire the conquistadors while condemning their abuses.

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One Dominican Friar, Bartolomé de Las Casas, stirs up a storm Las Casas is a Dominican friar who campaigns for indigenous rights. He writes “A Brief Account of the Destruction of the Indies” in 1552, telling all of Europe of abuses against Indians, inspiring many of Spain’s enemies. He wanted to abolish encomienda because of its abuses (he also wants to bring down the Franciscans, his rivals). Debated Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in Valladolid in 1550 over indigenous rights. This would inspire the Crown to crack down further on Encomenderos /Conquistadors

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End result? (Most) encomiendas are abolished and conquistadors and their heirs are furious The New Laws of 1542 (inspired by Las Casas) call for the end of encomienda within a generation. Gonzalo Pizarro (Francisco’s brother) rebels against Spanish government with other conquistadors, killing the first viceroy of Peru, Blasco Núñez Vela in 1544. The next viceroy of Peru, Pedro de la Gasca , captures and beheads Gonzalo in 1548. In Mexico, Cortés’ sons are accused of planning a conspiracy to restore conquistador rule. Both are tried and tortured in 1567 and exiled to Spain. Hundreds are accused, tortured, and executed. All the while black and indigenous protests disturb the peace in Mexico City.

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The crown replaces the violent, seditious conquistador leaders with royal officials, especially viceroys Antonio de Mendoza (in office 1535 – 1550), viceroy of New Spain, and his Peruvian counterpart Francisco de Toledo (1569 – 1581) crack down on conquistador civil war and sedentary indigenous protests. They appoint royal civil officials to manage the viceroyalties. They establish stable, “peaceful” royal authority in (Central) Mexico and Peru for almost 3 centuries. They gradually strip conquistador families of their encomienda and institute repartimiento (native labor draft like the Inca mita )

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Now are we at the end of the conquests? The relative “success” of Cortés and Pizarro inspires a scramble for new places to conquer, even with the royal crackdown. Those who missed out on the bigger conquests, or who feel they didn’t get their due move out to new territory. Nothing would ever be like Mexico and Peru, however. The semi and non sedentaries on the periphery would always be more challenging and have less to offer when conquered.

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The closest would be the conquest of the real “El Dorado” (sort of): the Muisca Confederation of Colombia (1537 – 1540)

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The Musica were a sedentary empire occupying much of modern Colombia. Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada encounters the Muisca after looking for a land route to Peru in 1537 Natives there sacrificed gold objects and jewels (which they didn’t have much of). Quesada thought he found El Dorado. The Muisca had two leaders: the Zipa of the south and the Zaque of the North. Quesada and his 800 men make alliances and take down enemy leaders one by one in 1537. They install a puppet ruler Aquiminzaque Aquiminzaque rebels (like Manco Capac of the Inca!) but is later executed in 1540 as the last Muisca ruler

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This is probably how you think of the Maya

ppt/slides/slide18.xml
But after ~900 CE, Mayans became semi-sedentary slash-and burn farmers in small villages “El Castillo” in Tulum (bottom right), was the largest structure still standing when Spaniards got there. The famous pyramids and palaces were mostly gone and with them, their former sedentary life. The Maya became semi- sedentaries by the time Spanish showed up. This wasn’t a “collapse” or regression. This was a response to environmental limits of Central American rainforests. The semi- sendentary character of Maya society in the colonial period meant conquest would not be easy or rewarding.

ppt/slides/slide19.xml
After the conquest of the Aztecs in 1521, Cortés sends several captains into Guatemala and other Mayan lands. Pedro de Alvarado captures the Kiche Mayan capital in 1524, but other towns later are just abandoned when conquistadors conquer them ( always with the help of allies). Mayans are small-scale semi-sedentary mobile farmers used to jungle life. They can flee into the rainforest when Spaniards get to be too much. Like other semi- sedentaries they are de-centralized: they are not empires, they don’t have universal rulers, and have to conquered one by one As soon as news of Peru gets out, everyone forgets about Yucatan, Guatemala, etc. and the Maya. Alvarado leaves for Ecuador (and just sells his weapons to other conquistadors). Why?

ppt/slides/slide20.xml
Francisco de Montejo is the only adelantado who stays… and doesn’t conquer Yucatán until 1546(!) Almost two decades! Even then, the Maya of the Petén Basin are independent… until 1697! Mayan populations are (relatively!) small, rebellious, and don’t produce resources that Spaniards want. Unpopular or unlucky conquistadors get encomiendas in the southern Mayan lands. Runaway slaves flee into the Central American jungles, along with renegade Mayans. This is not a place Spaniards want to be and there are few Europeans outside of Spanish cities like Mérida. Basically the Maya are never totally “conquered.”

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The non-sedentary North of Mexico is far worse for Spaniards The Aztecs barely have any gold, but the northern deserts are full of silver… and hostile natives. Miners heading to the north are faced with non-sedentary Chichimec nations determined to keep Spaniards out. This leads to the Mixtón war of 1540-42, one of the bloodiest. Otherwise gentlemanly Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza rips apart women and children and is secretly investigated as a result . Sedentary Aztec and Tlaxcallan allies help Spaniards, not their fellow “Indians” the non-sedentary Chichimecs . “victory” in the Mixtón only leads to a much longer war in the north: the Chichimeca war of 1550 – 1590. This is only “won” through peace and negotiation Non- sedentaries in the north of Mexico and American southwest would always be nearly impossible to fully conquer and mold into obedient subjects. Why?

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The Conquest (or rather not!) of the frontiers Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza 1 2020-03-03T22:50:55Z 2020-03-05T20:01:26Z

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6 2209 Microsoft Office PowerPoint Widescreen 89 21 0 0 0 false Fonts Used 4 Theme 1 Slide Titles 21 Arial Trebuchet MS Wingdings Wingdings 3 Facet The Conquest (or rather not!) of the frontiers The takeaways: The conquest of Mexico in 1521? Oaxaca Michoacán With this, the Aztec Empire and its enemies are conquered… but where’s the gold? Some are not happy and want more, like Cristóbal de Olid who goes to Honduras to start his own independent colony in 1523 In Peru, Pizarro and his betrayed partner Diego de Almagro spill over into civil war Cortés himself loses the trust of the Crown The Crown sends priests to evangelize… and keep tabs on the conquistadors One Dominican Friar, Bartolomé de Las Casas, stirs up a storm End result? (Most) encomiendas are abolished and conquistadors and their heirs are furious The crown replaces the violent, seditious conquistador leaders with royal officials, especially viceroys Now are we at the end of the conquests? The closest would be the conquest of the real “El Dorado” (sort of): the Muisca Confederation of Colombia (1537 – 1540) The Musica were a sedentary empire occupying much of modern Colombia. This is probably how you think of the Maya But after ~900 CE, Mayans became semi-sedentary slash-and burn farmers in small villages After the conquest of the Aztecs in 1521, Cortés sends several captains into Guatemala and other Mayan lands. Francisco de Montejo is the only adelantado who stays… and doesn’t conquer Yucatán until 1546(!) Almost two decades! The non-sedentary North of Mexico is far worse for Spaniards false false false 16.0000

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Indigenous experience in Colonial Latin America part 1 Semi- and non-sedentary peoples and the “frontier”

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For my Section 1 students, we forgot one sedentary empire (the real El Dorado!) But to be fair, many people forget about this one (though they shouldn’t!)

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The Muisca were a sedentary empire occupying much of modern Colombia (Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada) Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada encounters the Muisca after looking for a land route to Peru in 1537 Natives there sacrificed gold objects and jewels (which they didn’t have much of). Quesada thought he found El Dorado. The Muisca had two leaders: the Zipa of the south and the Zaque of the North. Quesada and his 800 men make alliances and take down enemy leaders one by one in 1537. They install a puppet ruler Aquiminzaque Aquiminzaque rebels (like Manco Capac of the Inca!) but is later executed in 1540 as the last Muisca ruler

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This is probably how you think of the Maya (Classic Era Maya, 200 – 900 AD)

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But after ~900 AD, Mayans became semi-sedentary slash-and burn farmers in small villages “El Castillo” in Tulum (bottom right), was the largest structure still standing when Spaniards got there. The famous large pyramids and palaces were mostly gone and with them, their former sedentary life. The Maya became semi- sedentaries by the time Spanish showed up. This wasn’t a “collapse” or regression. This was a response to environmental limits of Central American rainforests. The semi- sendentary character of Maya society in the colonial period meant conquest would not be easy or rewarding.

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This scene from the comic Aztec Empire shows Gonzalo Guerrero (a stranded Spaniard) who becomes culturally Maya, becomes a military commander and marries a Maya noble woman. Note their relatively modest house compared to Aztec palaces

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The battle of Potonchan , between Cortés and the Maya (before he went to conquer the Aztecs) in 1519 illustrates what war was like against the Maya (again credit to the web comic Aztec Empire , episode 3)

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Maya weapons, of course, can still do damage (always wear a helmet!)

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800 Maya dead, and 2 of Cortés’ men dead. Spaniards can defeat Maya armies on an open field. But the rest of the Maya will flee to the forest and there isn’t much loot to plunder. Read this Spanish account below (again, quoted from Aztec Empire )

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Cortés captured the leaders of Potonchan but they had little to give, except for info on a rich empire up north (Aztecs)

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The ransom from the captured Maya lords is disappointing to Cortés and his men

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The conquistadors are more interested in the slave girls that are offered to them by the Maya (One of whom would be the famous Malinche or Malinalli , a Mexican Nahua slave, how did she get there? 🤔)

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After the conquest of the Aztecs in 1521, Conquistadors return to Guatemala… and don’t accomplish much Pedro de Alvarado captures the Kiche Mayan capital in 1524, but other towns later are just abandoned when conquistadors conquer them ( always with the help of allies). Mayans are small-scale semi-sedentary mobile farmers used to jungle life. They can flee into the rainforest when Spaniards get to be too much. Like other semi- sedentaries they are de-centralized: they are not empires, they don’t have universal rulers, and have to be conquered one by one As soon as news of Peru gets out, everyone forgets about Yucatan, Guatemala, etc. and the Maya. Alvarado leaves for Ecuador (and just sells his weapons to other conquistadors when he gets there). Why?

ppt/slides/slide14.xml
Francisco de Montejo is the only adelantado who stays… and doesn’t conquer Yucatán until 1546(!) Almost two decades! Even then, the Maya of the Petén Basin are independent… until 1697! Mayan populations are (relatively!) small, rebellious, and don’t produce resources that Spaniards want. Unpopular or unlucky conquistadors get encomiendas in the southern Mayan lands. Runaway slaves flee into the Central American jungles, along with renegade Mayans. This is not a place Spaniards want to be and there are few Europeans outside of Spanish cities like Mérida. Basically the Maya are never totally “conquered” though many would be heavily influenced by Spanish culture.

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Mayan Guatemala and Central America (like Brazil, Caribbean, and other semi-sedentary places until plantations get started) becomes an under-settled periphery that Spaniards don’t want to go to The famous conquistador and chronicler of the conquest, Bernal Díaz del Castillo (pictured), gets a poor Maya encomienda in Guatemala because Cortés was suspicious of his connections to the gov. of Cuba. Díaz complains about it til the end. Mayans are technically Christian as a result of conquest, so they can’t even be enslaved (though they were often treated like slaves!) Guatemala wouldn’t produce valuable exports until independence in the 1850s when the cochineal and coffee industry took off.

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The non-sedentary North of Mexico is far worse for Spaniards The Aztecs barely have any gold, but the northern deserts are full of silver… and hostile natives. Miners heading to the north are faced with non-sedentary Chichimec nations determined to keep Spaniards out. This leads to the Mixtón war of 1540-42, one of the bloodiest colonial wars. Otherwise gentlemanly Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza rips apart women and children and is secretly investigated as a result. Sedentary Aztec and Tlaxcallan allies help Spaniards, not their fellow “Indians” the non-sedentary Chichimecs . “victory” in the Mixtón only leads to a much longer war in the north: the Chichimeca war of 1550 – 1590. This is only “won” through peace and negotiation Non- sedentaries in the north of Mexico and American southwest would always be nearly impossible to fully conquer and mold into obedient subjects. Why?

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The Southwest US (part of New Spain at the time!) shows some promise. For a little while. A few violent Spanish expeditions (in part searching for the mythical 7 Cities of Cíbola ) into the southwest occurred in the 16 th century. Not much until the infamous Juan de Oñate formally possesses New Mexico for Spain in 1598. Oñate is controversial to this day for his massacres and his orders to have the foot cut off of every Puebloan man who opposed him. The towns and multi-storied apartments of the Puebloans, though small by Aztec and Inca standards, were the closest things to Mexican Aztec cities in North America. Hence why they called it New Mexico .

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But “New Mexico” would not be another Mexico, in either wealth or population The semi-sedentary Pueblo Indians could not produce as much tribute and labor as larger Mexican and Aztec populations The Puebloans are also more rebellious and less tolerant of Spanish demands than Mexican Indians: The Pueblo Revolt of 1680 (led by Popé , pictured) killed or expelled all Spaniards in the area due to their harsh treatment of the Puebloans. Spaniards would only “reconquer” NM 12 years later by promising to be nice and offering to help defend them from Apache and Comanche raids. Like Guatemala/C. America, Caribbean, early Brazil, etc. the Southwest was sparsely colonized by Spaniards

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Florida is another “dud” for the Spanish Spaniards since Columbus knew about La Florida (originally all the east coast of the current USA). So why didn’t they “colonize” it until 1564? Powerful, aggressive, semi-sedentary natives killed all conquest expeditions until 1564. Boricuas might remember Juan Ponce de León who tried to conquer Florida and was killed by Colusa Indians. Spaniards only get colonization going when the French settle Florida in 1564. Then adelantado Pedro Menéndez de Ávila launches an expedition against them. He founds St. Augustine which never becomes much more than a fort. Ávila and other settlers mostly avoid Indians and focus more on fighting the French.

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Sedentary mound-building Mississippians inhabited parts of Florida for centuries But by the time Spaniards got there, Florida, like most of the east coast, was home to several semi-sedentary nations. The Creek/Yamasee emerged as one of the most powerful of them Unable to subdue the natives, Spaniards establish missions and presidios (churches and forts) to convert them. As with most other semi and non- sedentaries in N. America, this doesn’t work very well. Diseases brought by Europeans, and slave-raiding by British colonists in the Carolinas (assisted by willing Creek allies) drove many of these nations to extinction by the 1700s (Sound familiar? Think, across the Caribbean pond…)

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Refugees from these decimated nations along with runaway slaves formed the Seminole nation in the 18 th C. Like with many previous Indian nations in Florida, the Spanish could never, and often didn’t even bother trying to, keep the Seminoles under control. They did not have much settlement or power in La Florida. It was English colonists, and later the United States, who fought more often with Seminoles. When the Spanish left Florida and the USA took over (1821), the Seminoles were fighting a war against the independent USA. As with several other Indian nations, the Seminole outlasted Spanish rule and were not defeated/conquered until after the independence era.

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The famous Spanish mission system stretches from Florida to California (and S. America) Missions existed as a way to convert (and subdue) more rebellious and difficult to conquer semi and non-sedentary natives (and to give jobs to friars who missed out on the Mexican and Peruvian jackpot) Intact powerful nations virtually never join the missions (the Comanches would never have lived in them!). It’s mostly Natives whose communities have declined and have nowhere to go. Once stuck in missions, some Natives become tired of the constant labor and rebelled. Diseases accelerated rapidly in the crowded conditions and claimed the lives of thousands. Missions were (in)famously responsible for bringing about the near-genocide of California Indians under the watch of Fr. Junípero Serra (1713-1785).

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A typical Spanish mission

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Around the same time another powerful Indian nation forms: the Comanches In the 1700s, after mastering horse riding (with horses rustled from Europeans) the buffalo hunting non-sedentary Comanches moved into the Southwest and plains, conquering other Natives (esp. Apaches, their mortal enemies) and Spanish settlements. They carved out a vast territory known as the Comanchería including parts of Texas, Oklahoma, New Mexico, and Utah. The farming semi-sedentary people and Spanish colonists there are subjected and incorporated into the Comanchería . Some historians have said it functioned like a virtual empire. Comanches launch raids into northern Mexico even after Mexico gains independence. Colonial New Spain and later Mexico are powerless to stop them. The damage from the raids makes it easier for USA to defeat Mexico in the Mexican American war (1846-1848)

ppt/slides/slide25.xml
The Comanchería only falls when the USA comes in with more powerful guns and large numbers of settlers Revolvers, repeating rifles, and approx. 600k Yankee settlers eventually overpower the 8k Comanches in 1875 after decades of war with USA. The final defeat of the Comanches should not obscure the fact that they maintained independence and dominated European colonies and American nations for a century and a half. Ditto for the Apaches. Their success was possible partly because they were not sedentary and could overpower more technologically advanced armies through speed, mobility, and stealth.

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The Mapuches were like the Comanche of South America Like the Comanche (and Seminoles), the Mapuche were different groups that united in the colonial period. And like the Comanche, the Mapuche overpowered and defeated Spanish colonists for centuries They are successful resisting the Inca and later the earliest Spanish conquistadors of Chile. Pedro de Valdivia founds Santiago (capital of Chile) in 1541, but Mapuches destroy the city later that year.

ppt/slides/slide27.xml
Like the Comanche, the Mapuche use Spanish horses and steel to turn the tables Their mobility on horseback and their metal weapons made from melted down Spanish steel prevents thorough Spanish colonization of the Southern Cone (Río de la Plata). The founding of Buenos Aires is delayed until 1580, after Mapuches destroyed the first settlement. The Mapuche emerge victorious after a century-long war ending in the 1650s, the Auraco War, stopping Spanish colonization. The cause of the war was Spanish attempting to enslave Mapuche to make them mine gold. Mapuche were unwilling to work for Spanish colonists. Spain: It’s [been] 3 centuries [that] I fight you. Die Please. Mapuches : Never! Spain: Ok, you won.

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Like with the Comanches, only the advanced gun technology and superior numbers of independent nations defeated the Mapuches in the 19 th c. The “Conquest of the Desert” launched by the modern nations of Argentina and Chile finally did what the Spanish could never do and subdued the Mapuche in the 1880s. The campaign was very similar to US wars against the very similar Comanches and Plains Indians also in the late 1800s. These were genocidal wars that resulted in Natives being sent to reservations. Regions with similar Indians would have similar histories

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And like the Comanche and others we’ve studied, the Mapuche are still around.

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Paraguay takes a more peaceful turn, largely because Spaniards forget about it After the founding of Asunción in 1537 (modern capital of Paraguay),the small population of conquistadors attempt to divide the semi-sed. Guaraní into encomiendas . But in the 1550s and 1560s, Native rebellions prevent this. Paraguay has very little to produce for the colonial economy. With no resources to exploit, there is little reason to exploit Guaraní Natives. Most of the Spanish colonists instead integrate into indigenous society, producing mestizo children who are Catholic but speak Guaraní (to this day Guaraní is widely spoken there). Jesuits founded a large chain of missions stretching from Paraguay into Brazil (more on this later) which are more harmonious than CA and SW missions.

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Forgotten (at first!) Brazil starts out like Paraguay Portugal largely ignored Brazil until the sugar and slave economy really got rolling in the 1600s. The few Portuguese colonists integrate into native Tupí society, like Caramuru (Diego Correia), who learns the local language and marries an indigenous woman.

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But when a trading, brazilwood economy moves towards plantations and mining, indigenous slavery increases Africans were not a first choice for slave labor. They were expensive to ship. Indigenous people were “cheaper” because they were more close-by. São Vicente is the first town in Brazil that succeeds partly because of the Indian slave trade. Indigenous people were more prone to running away (and dying) and harder to accustom to work. Like in the Caribbean, the coastal natives ( Tupi ) become virtually extinct in decades. Bandeirantes , Brazilian slave-hunters, head deep in the Amazon to capture the inland jungle natives ( Tapuia , who survive to this day)

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Portuguese slavery triggers the formation of Native confederations who fight back Tupi nations of Brazil unite as the Tamoio confederation. Ultimately, they are put down not through war, but through peace treaties with Jesuits, under the condition that they live in missions and accept Christianity.

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As elsewhere, missions in Brazil and Paraguay offer shelter and protection from slavery and rival Indians.. But at a price Jesuit friars found missions ( reducões ) throughout Brazil, Paraguay, and even Argentina, which take in Tupi -Guaraní natives. These mission Indians cannot (legally!) be enslaved and missions provide protection from enemies. The missions/ reducões also require Indians to cut their hair, give up their culture, become Christian, and adopt strict sex restrictions and segregation. Bandeirantes raid the missions for slaves at first, but the Jesuit friars organize native militias that fight back. These are much more successful than the missions in CA and the American SW. The population in South American missions actually grows. Considered one of the shining points of European-indigenous relations, it ends when the Jesuits are expelled in 1768

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The decline and expulsion of the Jesuits in 1768 leaves Brazilian and Paraguayan Natives vulnerable to slavery and exploitation once more As seen in the movie The Mission , taking place in Paraguay in the 1750s when the missions were falling apart (I wish we could’ve watched it in class!)

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We’ve covered the (colonial Spanish) history of the so-called “American frontier” Historian Frederick Jackson Turner claimed in 1893 that the creativity, strength, and courage needed to defeat Indians, Spaniards, and Mexicans on the frontier spurred US democracy and made America great. This has been a tremendously influential idea in American society. US culture has always idolized “the wild frontier”

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But one nation’s “frontier” is another nation’s homeland The frontier thesis makes it seem like the people we’ve studied so far in this lecture were just obstacles to US expansion. Bowling pins for Yankees to knock down. To Comanches, Apaches, Puebloans, etc. however, the frontier was their home and the center of their world. It was a dynamic, changing area where different nations battled for power, and the USA takeover was never certain South America had a very similar frontier with the Mapuches , but why don’t people think that the Mapuche wars made Chile and Argentina great? The American frontier is not as unique as one might think.

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Thinking of the frontier as a playground for European/”white” expansion also obscures one fact: Europeans were never in control until after the end of colonialism! Rather than being frontiers, these were centers of independent, powerful Indian nations. Outside of Mexico (central New Spain) and Peru, the sedentary heartlands, Spain had little effective control. Most Spanish “colonies” were a few towns and cities in a sea of Indian nations. Río de la Plata was basically Santiago (Chile), Buenos Aires, and Montevideo and surrounding hamlets. A better way to think of these areas is as peripheries , with Mexico and Peru being the cores.

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But why would Iberians even be in a “peripheral” area anyway? Precious metal deposits, e.g. Northern Mexico (silver mines, successfully exploited), Río de la Plata (some gold deposits, not much success against the Mapuche though) Growing food for the cores (e.g. Río de la Plata, Argentina and Chile had good land for ranching and farming, though Mapuche prevented a lot of this) Rest stops and shipping areas for travelers and commerce going to Spain (Caribbean) Later: sugar and valuable crop plantations (Caribbean and Brazil) Perhaps most importantly: defending the cores from pirates, hostile natives, and other Europeans!

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Spaniards only rushed to colonize Florida and California when other Europeans (Russians and French) were sending settlers there Pictured: Fort Ross, a Russian fort… in California!

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The Portuguese too! São Vicente, the first real European-style town in Brazil, is only founded in 1532 when pirates and French threatened Brazil. It later becomes a market for indigenous slaves.

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Few Iberians wanted to be in the peripheries, those who end up there are often desperate for success or opportunity Most of the settlers there were those who missed out on the big prizes of Mexico, Peru, and (for the Portuguese) Africa and India. Or low-ranking officials who couldn’t get better jobs in the cores. Cortés’ failed rival Pánfilo de Narváez went on a disastrous conquest expedition to Florida in 1528 (which took his life). Do you really think he would have gone to hostile Florida if he would have conquered Mexico instead of Cortés? Do you think Fr. Junípero Serra would have gone to far-flung California if he would have become Bishop of Mexico?

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Even so, Spanish/Euro presence, much less “control” in many of these places was minimal When looking at maps like these remember that they only represent European claims to land. Spanish America north of Mexico and South of Peru was home to only a few thousand settlers. The territory claimed by France was vast, but even less settled than Spanish America.

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So what can we say about general experiences of non and semi-sedentary indigenous people on the colonial periphery? Semi- sedentaries often greet Iberians semi-peacefully ( Taínos , indigenous Paraguayans and Brazilians), sometimes not (Puebloans, Mapuches * ) Some Iberians marry into indigenous society at first Usually the violence starts when Iberians start trying to take slaves. Almost all Natives on the periphery are subject to slavery ( Not the Maya though ). Non- sedentaries (always a minority, most Natives practiced some agriculture) are hostile from the beginning and fight to the end. Many semi- sed.s , like the Maya, preserve their culture by staying away from the small numbers of colonists. Others, like the Taíno who have limited escape options, go nearly extinct. * Mapuches grow some crops, but their mobility and other patterns resemble non- sedentaries

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Ironically, Iberian colonialism causes the growth of powerful Native leagues, unions, and confedrations on the frontiers Native groups that were once divided or enemies join together against Iberian conquerors or slave raiders, sometimes joining runaway black slaves ( cimarrones , where we get the word Seminole from). Examples we’ve covered: Comanches, Mapuches , Seminoles, Tamoios . None of these people existed as such or were united before the colonial period.

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Disease and slavery almost completely killed off Indians living in the coastal areas of the periphery. The choices for such natives were assimilation, running away, or mission life When their societies died out, surviving Indians of the Caribbean, California, coastal Brazil and elsewhere either joined still-free Indian nations inland or… … they assimilated into European society (like the young man in the picture taken from an Indian school in the USA, different place/time but same concept), or… … they lived in missions where they had to assimilate anyway but retained some separation from colonial society (and indigenous enemies)

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But many non and semi sedentaries would never be conquered until independence in the 1800s. The USA and the new Latin American nations did what colonial powers couldn’t… with the help of more powerful guns and larger populations. In general, the non- and semi- sedentaries resisted conquest and acculturation/assimilation far longer than sedentaries .

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Even still, many of these peoples survive today, some living “normal” lives as citizens in modern nations

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And some, living a lot like their ancestors, resist to this day

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Indigenous experience in Colonial Latin America part 1 Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza 1 2020-03-31T00:49:12Z 2020-03-31T08:03:14Z

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434 4147 Microsoft Office PowerPoint Widescreen 161 49 0 0 0 false Fonts Used 4 Theme 1 Slide Titles 49 Arial Trebuchet MS Wingdings Wingdings 3 Facet Indigenous experience in Colonial Latin America part 1 For my Section 1 students, we forgot one sedentary empire (the real El Dorado!) The Muisca were a sedentary empire occupying much of modern Colombia (Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada) This is probably how you think of the Maya (Classic Era Maya, 200 – 900 AD) But after ~900 AD, Mayans became semi-sedentary slash-and burn farmers in small villages This scene from the comic Aztec Empire shows Gonzalo Guerrero (a stranded Spaniard) who becomes culturally Maya, becomes a military commander and marries a Maya noble woman. Note their relatively modest house compared to Aztec palaces The battle of Potonchan, between Cortés and the Maya (before he went to conquer the Aztecs) in 1519 illustrates what war was like against the Maya (again credit to the web comic Aztec Empire, episode 3) Maya weapons, of course, can still do damage (always wear a helmet!) 800 Maya dead, and 2 of Cortés’ men dead. Spaniards can defeat Maya armies on an open field. But the rest of the Maya will flee to the forest and there isn’t much loot to plunder. Read this Spanish account below (again, quoted from Aztec Empire) Cortés captured the leaders of Potonchan but they had little to give, except for info on a rich empire up north (Aztecs) The ransom from the captured Maya lords is disappointing to Cortés and his men The conquistadors are more interested in the slave girls that are offered to them by the Maya (One of whom would be the famous Malinche or Malinalli, a Mexican Nahua slave, how did she get there? 🤔) After the conquest of the Aztecs in 1521, Conquistadors return to Guatemala… and don’t accomplish much Francisco de Montejo is the only adelantado who stays… and doesn’t conquer Yucatán until 1546(!) Almost two decades! Mayan Guatemala and Central America (like Brazil, Caribbean, and other semi-sedentary places until plantations get started) becomes an under-settled periphery that Spaniards don’t want to go to The non-sedentary North of Mexico is far worse for Spaniards The Southwest US (part of New Spain at the time!) shows some promise. For a little while. But “New Mexico” would not be another Mexico, in either wealth or population Florida is another “dud” for the Spanish Sedentary mound-building Mississippians inhabited parts of Florida for centuries Refugees from these decimated nations along with runaway slaves formed the Seminole nation in the 18th C. The famous Spanish mission system stretches from Florida to California (and S. America) A typical Spanish mission Around the same time another powerful Indian nation forms: the Comanches The Comanchería only falls when the USA comes in with more powerful guns and large numbers of settlers The Mapuches were like the Comanche of South America Like the Comanche, the Mapuche use Spanish horses and steel to turn the tables Like with the Comanches, only the advanced gun technology and superior numbers of independent nations defeated the Mapuches in the 19th c. And like the Comanche and others we’ve studied, the Mapuche are still around. Paraguay takes a more peaceful turn, largely because Spaniards forget about it Forgotten (at first!) Brazil starts out like Paraguay But when a trading, brazilwood economy moves towards plantations and mining, indigenous slavery increases Portuguese slavery triggers the formation of Native confederations who fight back As elsewhere, missions in Brazil and Paraguay offer shelter and protection from slavery and rival Indians.. But at a price The decline and expulsion of the Jesuits in 1768 leaves Brazilian and Paraguayan Natives vulnerable to slavery and exploitation once more We’ve covered the (colonial Spanish) history of the so-called “American frontier” But one nation’s “frontier” is another nation’s homeland Thinking of the frontier as a playground for European/”white” expansion also obscures one fact: But why would Iberians even be in a “peripheral” area anyway? Spaniards only rushed to colonize Florida and California when other Europeans (Russians and French) were sending settlers there The Portuguese too! Few Iberians wanted to be in the peripheries, those who end up there are often desperate for success or opportunity Even so, Spanish/Euro presence, much less “control” in many of these places was minimal So what can we say about general experiences of non and semi-sedentary indigenous people on the colonial periphery? Ironically, Iberian colonialism causes the growth of powerful Native leagues, unions, and confedrations on the frontiers Disease and slavery almost completely killed off Indians living in the coastal areas of the periphery. The choices for such natives were assimilation, running away, or mission life But many non and semi sedentaries would never be conquered until independence in the 1800s. The USA and the new Latin American nations did what colonial powers couldn’t… with the help of more powerful guns and larger populations. In general, the non- and semi-sedentaries resisted conquest and acculturation/assimilation far longer than sedentaries. Even still, many of these peoples survive today, some living “normal” lives as citizens in modern nations And some, living a lot like their ancestors, resist to this day false false false 16.0000

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Nasty, Brutish, and Short? The Americas before Columbus Week 2

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Who are Native Americans?

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Let’s start with what they are not… The are not a “race” Race is a social construct Many of the most common physical features of Native Americans are also found in East Asians anyway Many people in Native American nations have looked nothing like stereotypes

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They are not a culture or language group either There are several diverse Native American groups with unrelated languages who never considered themselves to be a common people until recently. This will be a very important point for understanding Latin American history

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They are not “Tribal” Why are Indians considered “tribal” and not these Scots?

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They were not “stone age,” they had some metals and were not all like stone age Europeans Stone age European village Native American “stone age” city

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So why do we use the term “Native American”/Indian/Indigenous? What did all Native Americans have in common that is useful for understanding Latin American history?

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They were all cut off from the rest of the world (save for a brief encounter with Vikings), and often from each other . This means…. No guns, germs, or steel (or draft animals)! Until the Columbian Exchange Lots of plants though!

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All natives had to contend with unfavorable geography that stifled communication and agriculture North-south axis, lack of navigable rivers and plenty of foreboding mountains pose problems Europe shared technology, animals, crops, and germs with Africans and Asians, whom they were aware of. Aztecs and Incas had no idea of each other’s existence, despite being relatively close. Imagine what would have happened if Native Americans could have easily shared developments with each other.

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Crops, animals, and tech either can’t spread throughout the Americas or they take a looong time. The rest of the world gets a head start. Copper smelting doesn’t get to Mexico until just before the Conquest

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All of these challenges meant that three kinds of Native American societies co-existed in 1491 (Europe had only sedentary cultures) Non-sedentary (“hunter gatherers,” nomadic; note: they didn’t have horses until after colonization! ) Semi-sedentary (farm for part of the year, then move, then move back next year) Sedentary (farm year-round, live in settled towns, cities, or villages, form “empires” like us ) These are responses to environments, not “stages of development.” None are necessarily better than the others.

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The non- sedentaries Lack agriculture (they live in places with poor land and plentiful game) Lack towns/cities/states Lack writing or records Often on the move chasing game

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Their lifestyle has several advantages No authorities or hierarchies Chiefs are only temporary Relative equality (wealth/gender) More play less work And most importantly…

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They’re hard as hell to conquer and kill Both indigenous and European empires have a hard time subduing them. Can’t conquer a people that have no settlements to conquer. Even today they exist in the Amazon. Europeans usually avoided them.

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Examples: Amazonian peoples, Mapuches , “ Chichimecs ”

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The semi-sedentaries Just like it sounds, they stay in one place for a while then move Rely on agriculture at least part of the year More inequality than non- sedentaries , lots of gender division, but women still have a good deal of power

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They generally practice swidden agriculture (slash-and-burn) This means they can’t stay in one site year-round.

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Examples Taínos Powhatans Puebloans* *also sedentary for part of their history, just like Mayans

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Sedentary Natives, aka “The Great Empires” Not the “greatest” except in size – just a response to different environmental conditions Heavily stratified society with different classes, some rich others poor Completely dependent on permanent agriculture, lived in the same settlements year round. Very few domesticated animals (like all other Natives before 1492).

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Only 2 sedentary civilizations Aztecs and Mesoamericans, but not Mayans* (*at the time of conquest) Inca and Andean peoples

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Sedentary civilizations dependent completely on agriculture Maize (Corn), beans, squash etc. grown on chinampas in Mesoamerica All that plus potatoes and manioc/cassava/yuca with the Incas and Andeans on terraced agriculture

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All this farming creates HUGE populations, along with wealth and class differences (just like in Eurasia and Africa). Gender roles are perhaps less rigid, than in Europe but still strict Nobles Commoners

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Just like in Eurasia/Africa there are kings…

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And priests…

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And warriors and armies…

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And monumental architecture

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And writing? Codices/ amatl Quipu

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The (classic!) Maya definitely had writing

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Some cultures go from sedentary to semi-sedentary Classic era Mayas (sedentary) Semi-sedentary Maya after the “collapse”

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Same with the Puebloans; it’s not “devolution” or “regression,” it’s about making the most of an environment Sedentary… … to semi-sedentary

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Mississipians too, remember Cahokia?

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All 3 kinds of societies had been evolving Cultural change had been going on since Natives first arrived in the Americas up to 20,000 YA. 8k YA agriculture independently invented in Mesoamerica and the Andes Maize developed 1k years later (this is a BIG achievement, not obvious!) Maize (or corn) still doesn’t spread throughout America until 500 AD (again, north-south axis and bad geography)

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Development of Mesoamerican civilization before the Aztecs Pre-classic: Olmec (1500 – 350 BCE) Classic: Maya (250 BCE – 900 AD) Classic: Teotihuacan 200 BCE – 750 AD

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Development of Andean civilization before the Inca Norte Chico 3000 – 1800 BCE (pre-ceramic) Chavín (1000 – 200 BCE) Tiwanaku (100 AD – 1000 AD)

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All 3 kinds made up 25% of the world’s population in 1491, most of them living in sedentary societies All made an impact on the environment, not just sedentaries 50-100 million people in the Americas, 25 mil in Mexico alone Far from a sparse wilderness Instead of criticizing them for being “primitive” we should consider it amazing that they achieved such large populations in spite of their challenges

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Ok, so why does this matter? How each colony develops depends partly on the kind of Native culture in it. Europeans react differently to each kind, and Natives also respond differently. The type of Native society present in an area is the greatest predictor of how colonization will unfold.

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Semi- sedentaries meet Europeans first. More exploitable than non- sedentaries , but hard to compel to work, often enslaved Europeans prefer them to non- sedentaries , but still don’t like settling around them so much. They’re a launch pad. As soon as sedentaries are “discovered” Iberians generally leave on conquest expeditions

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Pizarro and Cortés followed similar trajectories, from semi sedentaries to sedentaries

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Only wealthy, heavily populated “core”areas develop quickly amongst the sedentaries (Mexico, Peru) Only sedentaries have the population and resources to build wealth quickly Sedentaries are also already used to work

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Europeans wanted to create an urban environment familiar to them and get rich quick – can only do that with sedentaries Colonial Mexico City Colonial Lima

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Non- sedentaries aren’t on board with work or hierarchy, they resist, and are generally not useful to Europeans

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This is why Latin America developed a core-periphery structure Which areas are the cores and which are the peripheries? The cores are wherever the sedentary Indians are (Mexico, Peru) and the periphery is where you have non or semi sedentaries (i.e. everywhere else). Non sedentary Indians population centers tend to be more peripheral, e.g. Amazon, Argentina and Chile.

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And this is why Spain didn’t settle New England (no sedentaries there) leaving it to the English What if the Pilgrims or the Virginia Company (think John Smith) got to America first? What if the English encountered the Aztecs instead of encountering the Algonquians?

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Nasty, Brutish, and Short? Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza 1 2020-01-28T07:24:13Z 2020-01-28T19:52:33Z

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54 1444 Microsoft Office PowerPoint Widescreen 119 45 0 0 0 false Fonts Used 4 Theme 1 Slide Titles 45 Arial Century Gothic Wingdings Wingdings 3 Ion Boardroom Nasty, Brutish, and Short? Who are Native Americans? Let’s start with what they are not… The are not a “race” PowerPoint Presentation They are not a culture or language group either They are not “Tribal” They were not “stone age,” they had some metals and were not all like stone age Europeans So why do we use the term “Native American”/Indian/Indigenous? They were all cut off from the rest of the world (save for a brief encounter with Vikings), and often from each other. This means…. All natives had to contend with unfavorable geography that stifled communication and agriculture Crops, animals, and tech either can’t spread throughout the Americas or they take a looong time. The rest of the world gets a head start. Copper smelting doesn’t get to Mexico until just before the Conquest All of these challenges meant that three kinds of Native American societies co-existed in 1491 (Europe had only sedentary cultures) The non-sedentaries Their lifestyle has several advantages They’re hard as hell to conquer and kill Examples: Amazonian peoples, Mapuches, “Chichimecs” The semi-sedentaries They generally practice swidden agriculture (slash-and-burn) This means they can’t stay in one site year-round. Examples Sedentary Natives, aka “The Great Empires” Only 2 sedentary civilizations Sedentary civilizations dependent completely on agriculture All this farming creates HUGE populations, along with wealth and class differences (just like in Eurasia and Africa). Gender roles are perhaps less rigid, than in Europe but still strict Just like in Eurasia/Africa there are kings… And priests… And warriors and armies… And monumental architecture And writing? The (classic!) Maya definitely had writing Some cultures go from sedentary to semi-sedentary Same with the Puebloans; it’s not “devolution” or “regression,” it’s about making the most of an environment Mississipians too, remember Cahokia? All 3 kinds of societies had been evolving Development of Mesoamerican civilization before the Aztecs Development of Andean civilization before the Inca All 3 kinds made up 25% of the world’s population in 1491, most of them living in sedentary societies Ok, so why does this matter? Semi-sedentaries meet Europeans first. More exploitable than non-sedentaries, but hard to compel to work, often enslaved Pizarro and Cortés followed similar trajectories, from semi sedentaries to sedentaries Only wealthy, heavily populated “core”areas develop quickly amongst the sedentaries (Mexico, Peru) Europeans wanted to create an urban environment familiar to them and get rich quick – can only do that with sedentaries Non-sedentaries aren’t on board with work or hierarchy, they resist, and are generally not useful to Europeans This is why Latin America developed a core-periphery structure And this is why Spain didn’t settle New England (no sedentaries there) leaving it to the English PowerPoint Presentation false false false 16.0000

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Click to edit Master title style Click to edit Master text styles Second level Third level Fourth level Fifth level 4/23/2020 ‹#›

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The Colonial Latin American Indigenous Experience Pt. 2-2 (The Final Lecture!)

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Outline (finishing up history of sedentary native cultures and tying loose ends): “The Columbian Exchange” and its effects on Europe and Africa, too. Political survival amongst the sedentaries . The colonial silver-based economy and sedentaries ’ role in it (tribute, forced labor). Sedentary natives and the court system. Independence, rebellion, and resistance amongst the sedentary cultures.

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The Columbian Exchange (affected all Natives… and the world!)

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The separation of the Americas and Eurasia-Africa, meant that different plants, animals, and diseases evolved in each of these different “worlds” And when Columbus showed up, all of these life forms encountered each other, changing not only eco-systems, but entire societies and economies.

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The diseases and domestic animals that Europeans brought with them were disastrous for Natives Natives had no resistance to common Old-World diseases like smallpox, measles, and whooping cough This meant that devastating epidemics were common in colonial Spanish America, wiping out up to 99% of the population in some areas until the 1600s.

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It’s important to note that colonial abuses also killed many natives. Columbus’ enslavement and massacres of Taínos in the Caribbean, for example, sent the population plunging downward before the first outbreak of smallpox in 1518

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Regardless, disease was the biggest factor, sometimes wiping out whole communities before Spanish settlers even arrived

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Newly introduced cows, horses, pigs etc. provided food and work, but they grazed over Indian fields, destroying crops and starving communities

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Even so, sedentary populations were so huge (millions!) that they remained large after the epidemics non and semi-sedentary populations were smaller and thus harder hit. Many of them banded together in confederations during the colonial period (e.g. Mapuches , Comanches). Natives remained majority, though decreasing while Hispanic minority was increasing. Less Natives coming into contact with more Hispanics meant that native cultures of Latin America changed more than others under European rule (e.g. Philippines and India)

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Pre-Columbian Americas were lacking in domesticated animals, but abounded in plants that were more energy-rich, nutritious, and sometimes more addictive(!) than old world-counterparts

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The calorie-rich crops of the Americas, corn and potatoes, allowed the population of the Old World to soar Europe and Africa experienced a demographic boom at the time, while Native populations were dwindling (though still majority) This was partly because the poor now had access to maize (corn) and potatoes, which had far more energy than wheat

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The introduction of tasty or addictive Native plants like cacao (chocolate) and tobacco helped spur a rise in consumption

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Consumption had its start in the colonial era By this I mean the regular purchasing of non-essential, mass-produced items to fulfill a desire or addiction It’s a major part of society today

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Europe c. 1500 started to consume addicting “new” exotic things like sugar, tea, and coffee brought by explorers And with the rise of capitalism and industry, more and more people lived in cities, worked in factories and mills, and had more money to spend on these goods Coffee houses (pictured) sprang up all over Europe and were wildly successful.

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Native tobacco and chocolate (drunk, not eaten!) sold like crazy in European coffee houses

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But where to grow these crops? And who to cultivate them? Early (failed) experiments were made with using white indentured servants (workers who had a debt to pay off in exchange for travel to the Americas). Ditto with Native slaves, usually taken from non- or semi-sedentary peoples. The industrial scale, combined with the back-breaking labor to grow certain consumption crops like sugar meant sedentaries were often unwilling to do the work either sedentaries also couldn’t be enslaved!

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African slave labor was the “logical” choice (or rather the only choice)… but it had nothing to do with “race”

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Africa was no “shit hole” continent in the 1400s Africa received literacy, agriculture, large-scale architecture, and more from the Middle East and Mediterranean cultures. Africa was home to libraries and universities (and that’s not even counting Egypt). Africa could be a wealthy place in the Middle Ages. Home to one of the richest men of all time, Mansa Musa (1280 – 1337) of the Mali Empire. Europeans knew this, the depiction of Mansa Musa holding up his gold came from Europe. If Africa was so poor, why were Europeans so desperate to trade with her? Why were the Portuguese excited about exploring Africa?

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Most of medieval Africa was no more “primitive” than rural Europe like the Viking village on the right.

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Due to its major N-S axis, sedentary life and tech didn’t flow evenly, and many non- and sem-sedentary African societies survived (like in Americas)

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However, Africa was the only consistent source for strong, disease-proof, non-Christian males who could be forced to harvest crops (and easily identified by the color of their skin!) Plus, since the Portuguese conquest of Ceuta in 1415, Portugal had trade ties with African nations, who had a surplus of captured warriors they were only too glad to sell into slavery

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Iberians developed stereotypes about which African “tribes” were more fierce, obedient, or hard working But the truth is, Europeans enslaved Africans because they could (Africans were considered either pagan or Muslim) and Portuguese traders (with their African suppliers) made them readily available (but expensive!)

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No European country would colonize Africa for centuries, but Portugal got dibs on the best slave ports.

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Beginning in 1450, the Portuguese ( with the permission of African leaders! ) would build feitorias or slave forts along the coast. There they held slaves bought from other Africans, to be shipped across the sea

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It’s important to note that African kings and chiefs dictated the terms of the slave trade Portuguese and other Europeans had to ask for permission to build feitorias . African rulers charged them taxes and duties, and even seized their ships at times African leaders and lords didn’t want captured male warriors – most cultures have preferred women and children as slaves. Military men taken from your enemies are strong and dangerous to have around! The slave trade gave African leaders an opportunity to sell off enemy men they would have otherwise executed for exorbitant profit. Europeans would not dominate Africa until the 19 th c.

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It’s also important to note that Iberians only turned to expensive African slaves when Indian slavery didn’t turn out so well Large numbers of Africans were only shipped to the Americas (mostly Brazil) after 1600, when Indian populations hit a low point from disease. West and Central Africans were mostly immune to these Old World diseases, making them “great” slaves (they also couldn’t run away as easily, they didn’t know the land). Africans were extremely expensive to ship and purchase. Regardless, enslavement of non- and semi-sedentary Native Americans lasted on a smaller scale until the end of colonial times.

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Spain wasn’t as interested at first in growing sugar and export crops (they missed the boat on chocolate). They left it to the Portuguese, English, Dutch, and French. Spain was too busy mining silver to care so much about planting sugar and other consumption crops. Sugar growing required a huge investment in machinery and technical know-how. Portugal and other European nations were more interested in this (and had less other options). The result was that most slaves headed to Latin America went to Brazil (sugar and coffee capital!), infusing the country with African influences that last today.

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Spain did control slave trading rights, asientos, which it sold to other Europeans, mostly Portuguese at first, and later extensively to British

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Spain still imported many slaves early on, most of whom ended up doing work outside of plantations Hernando Cortés and a few other sugar planters did import Africans to work on their plantations. But mainland Spanish America was never too big on sugar. Most Africans who came to Spanish territory did manual labor (e.g. construction), skilled labor (e.g. tailoring, masonry, etc ), domestic service, or worked for business owners.

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The first slaves in Spanish America, after all, were valuable, respected, armed conquistadors, like Juan Garrido

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Slaves in Latin America could gain their freedom more easily than in other empires, usually by saving enough money A sizable free slave population emerged throughout Brazil and Spanish America. Many married sedentary Indians or Spaniards, creating generations of “mulattoes” and “zambos.” Free Africans were technically above Indians, since Africans knew about many old world technologies and practices (steel smithing , animal husbandry, etc.) Africans often felt superior to Indians and were employed to supervise them, leading many sedentaries to consider them to be abusive and bothersome. Relations between the two groups could be tense. Interracial marriages persisted.

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But colonial Latin America was no “racial democracy.” Slave were abused with abandon – house slaves only a little less so. “Good blacks endure the abuses of their master with patience and the love of Christ“ – Description of the horrors of slave live in Peru by Inca writer Guaman Poma.

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Slaves even purposely got in trouble with the Inquisition by cursing God – a jail cell was better than being with a cruel master Spaniards considered Africans more intelligent than Natives, but this meant that Africans knew right from wrong and could be judged like adults. Africans were thus tried by the Inquisition and never had their own courts like Indians did. Indians were seen as ignorant children and so enjoyed some legal protections. There were no such legal protections for Africans. Africans were seen as being able to take abuse, and so there was nothing wrong with abusing them.

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The huge numbers of palenques and quilombos (run away slave hideouts) and rebellions shows how awful slavery was Runaways were a constant problem in colonial Latin America. Escapees would band together and raid Iberian settlements, retreating back into the “wild.” Many would join Indian nations hostile to Iberians, like the Seminoles

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Plantation slavery (esp. in Brazil) was a horror in itself. Slave were literally worked to death. Slaves in Brazil rarely lived more than 8 years after arriving. In a sense, Iberians turned African bodies and lives into sugar and coffee, to be consumed by people across the ocean who never thought – or cared – about the effects of their consumption.

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The horrific journey to the Americas also consumed millions of slaves’ lives Spanish America would catch up to Brazil later in the colonial period when the Caribbean islands would become plantation areas, and Spanish demand for slaves grew.

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Slavery slowed down independence No surprise that areas with huge slave populations were the last to become independent (Brazil, Cuba, Puerto Rico). Elite whites there feared that with independence, bloody slave revolts (à la Haiti in 1791) would break out. Most of the Latin American nations with relatively little slavery abolish it and become independent more quickly.

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With independence and abolition, Africans, lacking the cohesiveness of indigenous communities, often assimilated Countries with the largest ties to slavery and the slave trade (Brazil, Caribbean nations) preserve the most African influences. But in places like Mexico and Peru, Blacks often fade into the population. They are forgotten in the 20 th century with the rise of mestizo ideologies stressing Spanish-Native ancestry.

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The Columbian Exchange thus changed the Americas, Europe, and Africa But many things (As we’ve seen) remained the same in the face of all these changes… like sedentary indigenous government

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Spanish America’s division into viceroyalties makes it seem like they rearranged the place

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But the Viceroyalties of New Spain (Mexico and C. America) and Peru ( Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador ) were based on the Aztec and Inca Empires (with added territory)

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BTW, when I say “The Andes” or “Peru,” unless I am talking about the modern country, I am talking about The Viceroyalty of Peru comprised mostly of modern Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador (sedentary heartland of S. America)

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Many of the districts, provinces, and communities of New Spain and Peru were based on Aztec altepetls and Inca ayllus In the case of New Spain, the capital of Mexico City was built (literally!) on top of the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan pictured: modern excavations of Aztec sites underneath the colonial cathedral of Mexico City

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Many (if not most!) of the towns, neighborhoods, and municipalities of modern Mexico and the Andean nations were once altepetls or ayllus (hence all the indigenous place-names) The altepetl of Tlaxcala (remember them?) survives today as a Mexican state

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The Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan survived as an altepetl with four barrios surrounding the Spanish traza or core of Mexico City

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The Spanish center of Mexico city was built on top of the Aztec pyramids; the residential indigenous neighborhoods remained

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Spaniards created a few separate cities for themselves in the sedentary areas, like Puebla and Lima Spaniards, blacks, and “ castas ” (mixed race) were supposed to live in cities away from Indian towns. Spaniards were also afraid of indigenous revolts (which usually didn’t happen in the sedentary areas). E.g. Cuzco seemed like a hotbed for resistance, so Spaniards built the “Spanish” city of Lima for themselves, the current (and colonial) capital of Peru

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Racial mixing ( mestizaje ) soon confused the neat division of colonial society into a República de Españoles and a separate República de Indios. Paintings show all kinds of names for different mixtures or castas produced by interracial relationships (e.g. zambo : black and Indian).

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In practice, mestizo and sometimes mulato or pardo were the only terms used for castas Regardless of all the immigration and racial mixing, Indians remained the MAJORITY through the colonial period (though a constantly shrinking majority) The Spanish population was importantly also divided: criollos (American born) and peninsulares (European born). Guess which group was considered superior?

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Even with all the racial mixing, colonial Latin America had a racist hierarchy Unsurprisingly, Spaniards were at the top, with those from Europe being above those born in the colonies. Asians ( chinos ) were technically “Indians” and had more or less the same status as them. As individuals Indians were at the bottom of the scale, below free blacks and only above slaves. But as communities , sedentary Natives had legal rights and collective power they could use to their advantage (non and semi- sedentaries often lived apart from Hispanic society and thus “opted out” of the hierarchy).

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Spanish colonialism was built on top of pre-existing indigenous empires and communities. And it used existing indigenous authorities as well. Spaniards were too few, too unwilling to completely rearrange everything in the sedentary areas, and directly boss around millions of people. This means they needed to rule through indigenous local governments, ordering an indigenous governor, who would then order his town council, who would then order the local people Indirect rule

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The Viceroy and Audiencia (Senate/Supreme Court) were the highest Spanish authorities in each viceroyalty. These would hand down orders to indigenous governments

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Spaniards ordered each altepetl or ayllu to make a Spanish-style town council or cabildo, which reported to the colonial government The Native gobernador (governor) of each altepetl/ayllu was supposed to lead a council of Native officers with Spanish titles like the alguacil (sheriff), alcalde (mayor), etc.

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A Spanish Corregidor Mayor (usually corrupt and abusive) would stop by to make sure they were following orders and collect tribute

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But while they may have had Spanish titles, they ruled like the community leaders before the conquest… and even came from the same dynasties! The governor of colonial Tenochtitlan, don Luis de Santamaría Nanacacicpactzin (left, r. 1563 – 1565) came from the same lineage as the Aztec emperors, and even dressed like them. Natives in Mexico and Peru addressed their indigenous governors using preconquest titles for leaders: tlahtoani in Nahuatl, and kuraka in Quechua. Natives also addressed the Spanish viceroys of Mexico and Peru the same way they addressed the Aztec and Inca emperors. The structure of the Inca and Aztec empires stayed essentially the same: a supreme ruler (viceroy) dictating orders to a local Native leader (gobernador) and his council ( cabildo )

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The cabildos and governors of Altepetls and ayllus even ruled from the same palaces Left, the tecpan of the Aztec Emperor Montezuma in Tenochtitlan, before the conquest

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Actually, it probably looked like this:

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After the conquest, the Aztec imperial palace or tecpan was rebuilt (but now way smaller) and the Native governor of colonial Tenochtitlan ruled from there (bottom left, negotiating with the viceroy).

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Indigenous nobility and class differences also survived amongst the sedentary peoples Both Aztecs and Inca had a commoner-noble class division before the conquest. This remained in the colonial period. The Native gobernadores and cabildo members came from the ancient noble class, who ruled over the commoner masses of the altepetls and ayllus . Indigenous nobles tended to adopt more aspects of Hispanic culture (especially clothing and hats).

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As with language and religion, Native governments and communities did not totally disappear in the sedentary areas Most altepetls and ayllus retained their borders until the end of the colonial period, when Spanish hacenderos got hungry for land and some towns broke off. Spanish were not so interested in land at first, conquistador encomiendas were not land grants, they were rights to labor and product! (Cortés did grab a lot of land for his marquesdado though) Spaniards were more interested in extracting labor and wealth… at first

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Milking the Americas for cash and labor was the whole point of Spanish colonialism. Colonial Spanish America revolved around its economy, fueled by the wealth and labor extracted from sedentaries.

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Spanish Emperor Charles V of the Hapsburg dynasty only “forgave” Cortés on the condition that the Americas and its conquered people would bring in the bucks. Note: like Cortés, he wasn’t as imposing as many think.

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But his chin, the result of Hapsburg inbreeding, was pretty imposing! “Fun” fact: the Hapsburg kings of Spain were so inbred that their chins prevented them from eating properly.

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Charles V and Spain were probably the most hated (and in debt!) kingdom in Europe at the time. Revolts in the Netherlands (a former Spanish colony!), wars against the French, Italians, and Protestants plagued Spain during Charles V’s rule (1519 – 1556). Spain’s constant military struggles drained the nation of wealth and men. The Americas needed to pay for this, and fast!

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The big bonanza came when they struck silver, in the most convenient places Simultaneous silver strikes in Potosí, Bolivia (colonial Peru) and Zacatecas (northern New Spain) showed promise that Charles V would finally make a profit off the conquests. But they needed a labor force, and black slaves were way too expensive to ship there.

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Conveniently, the two big silver areas were right next door to the sedentaries now “freed” from encomiendas The Spanish Crown had abolished most conquistador encomiendas by the middle of the 16 th century, because of allegations of abuse. This wasn’t truly freedom though, because rights to encomienda labor went to the Crown as part of the Repartimiento

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Repartimiento was a labor draft for sending (Free!) sedentary Natives to the silver mines Some Native slaves from the non/semi-sedentary areas were used also. Later on, more and more non-repartimiento, wage-earning Natives also worked in the mines. Each altepetl or ayllu would send a group of workers there part of the year. Controlled by the crown though workers would be rented out to private mining companies.

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Repartimiento labor was also used to build all those pretty colonial buildings

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repartimiento was used for the desagüe , the infamous (and never totally successful) drainage of the Mexican lakes Built on top of the Aztec island city of Tenochtitlan, early colonial Mexico City was surrounded by water. Floods plagued the city, since the conquest destroyed the dams the Aztecs used to control the water. Land- lubbing Spaniards also wanted more dry land to ride their horses on. But who would do the work? Sedentaries via repartimiento

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From 1607 to the 1800s (!) authorities brought in foreign engineers and local Indian workers to drain the lakes (and drown in the process) Indigenous labor drafts (repartimiento) built the drainage tunnels that sucked the water out. This was a massive undertaking employing thousands of sedentary natives and costing several lives in the dangerous projects . The lakes weren’t drained completely until after the colonial period, it was a failure.

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They went from this wet, verdant, island teeming with 200k people

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To a swampy, muddy mess, never fully drained, a fraction of the size

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It took a Mexican president Porfirio Díaz (in office 1884 – 1911) to finish the job

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Today, this is all that remains of the turquoise blue Aztec lakes Salt plant by the airport Canals of Xochimilco (go there!)

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The environmental impact was disastrous, and Mexico City is sinking into the former lake bed

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All the silver from the colonies only made Spain spend more on pointless wars “The tragedy of success”: Spain’s brief golden age turned into a debt-ridden nightmare when all that American silver couldn’t keep up with the vast military budget. Charles V got greedier with each peso of silver mined and launched even more wars against his enemies. Things got so bad that he gave the throne to his son Phillip II (r. 1556 – 98) and spent his last years in a monastery. Poor Phillip wouldn’t fare much better.

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Inheriting a bankrupt empire, Phillip II’s reign suffered a horrible setback when England destroyed the Spanish Armada or navy (1588)

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Phillip II needed even more money, and where would he get it from? Tribute, from Mexican and Peruvian natives.

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Paying tribute was a tremendous burden on the sedentaries leaving every community in debt by the end of the colonial period. By the 1560s, every indigenous adult in Peru and Mexico was required to pay tribute in silver coin and maize (corn, re-sold for silver). Failure to pay would result in imprisonment, whipping, or corporal punishment. Native authorities would collect it from their own people, and then deliver it to a corregidor , who would bring it to the capital, to be shipped to Spain (if pirates didn’t steal it). This was on top of the money extorted from Indians by corrupt Spanish officials and priests.

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Brazil had no sedentaries (or silver), Native slaves died off, so they turned to sugar and export crops and Africans for most of the colonial period Most of the other European colonial powers (English in Jamaica, France in Haiti, for example) followed the same route, starting plantation colonies worked by (mostly) African slaves. This is what most people think of when they think of Latin American economies. But Spain was too focused on silver at the time.

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Future sugar growing areas and “banana republics” in Spanish America were used for defense and support instead Early on, slaves were used on Spanish islands like Puerto Rico to build forts to guard against pirates trying to steal Mexican silver, not to grow sugar. The Spanish Caribbean islands would only turn to sugar planting later under the more business-savvy Bourbon kings.

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The silver coins taken from sedentary Indian hands and labor became the world’s currency As Spain traded with other nations (and pirates raided Spanish ships), Spanish American silver coins ended up all over the world. Many countries simply began stamping Spanish coins as their own.

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Even the Chinese used Spanish silver pesos (from Philippine trade) as their national currency With the Spanish conquest of Cebu in 1565, Spain slowly took over the Philippines. The islands were used as a trading post with the Chinese. Silks, lacquerware, and even Asian slaves, were sold to Spaniards for silver coins. The Spanish galleons sailed from Manila to Acapulco, Mexico and then Peru, bringing Asian goods, slaves, and immigrants. Asians in Latin America were considered Indians ( indios chinos , “Chinese Indians”) and often treated accordingly, though lacking membership in indigenous communities.

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Spanish coins were the first currency of the independent USA US paper notes were worthless unless backed up by currency made of Mexican and Peruvian silver. The word “dollar” originally referred to the main denomination of Spanish American silver currency, the peso de ocho reales

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There were some plantations in mainland colonial Spanish America, these were called haciendas Mainly staffed by wage-earning indigenous workers, haciendas grew a variety of crops. Often owned by descendants of conquistadors, haciendas were the successors to encomiendas , but paying Indians wages instead of forcing them to work. Haciendas could be exploitative, using debt peonage (forcing workers into debt) to keep them on the hacienda. Haciendas would also gobble up sedentary indigenous lands in the late colonial period.

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Spain still couldn’t break even by the reign of the last Hapsburg king, Charles II (1661 – 1700) Inbred to the point of being unable to speak or eat without difficulty, Charles II left no children. With him, the wasteful, bankrupt Hapsburg dynasty came to an end. Who would rule the Spanish Empire and take on its massive debt?

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The penny-pinching Bourbon dynasty took the Spanish throne, determined to squeeze every cent out of the Americas Determined to get Spain out of debt and make a profit, the Bourbons eliminated corrupt officials and demanded more from Spanish subjects, including the sedentaries .

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The Bourbon kings enacted the Bourbon reforms (1700 – independence) aiming to maximize the money taken from Spanish America José de Galvez, the Bourbon crown’s right-hand man, enforced these new policies, which included new taxes, higher tribute rates for Natives, and even more restrictions. Wildly unpopular with Spanish American subjects of all races and castes, the Bourbon Reforms were thought to have motivated Latin American independence. The Pombaline Reforms were simultaneous changes in Brazil also unpopular with Brazilian people (named after the Marquis de Pombal, the Portuguese equivalent of Galvez) How did sedentaries react to these exploitative changes? Did they take all this colonial abuse lying down?

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Resistance and Independence movements amongst the sedentaries

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As we have seen, sedentaries put up with a great deal of abuse… or did they?

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Their main form of resistance was legal action The Indians of colonial Mexico and Peru were perhaps some of the most litigious people in history, clogging the colonial court system with their lawsuits from the moment they learned to use the courts. We have more legal texts in Nahuatl alone than ancient Greek and Latin texts. Colonial sedentaries did score some impressive legal victories, successfully winning back their lands or reducing the tribute they owed by suing greedy Spaniards

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Indians of Huejotzinco famously won a case against abusive encomendero Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán in 1531, lowering their tribute And with the help of Cortés(!)

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Indians poured into Mexico City to file lawsuits, creating an industry of inns and pulquerías (indigenous bars) to accommodate the visiting litigants

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Reliance on the Spanish courts reinforced patriarchal European marriage and nuclear family structures. Sedentary cultures were not feminist or gender-equal. Still, women could own and manage property with ease before the conquest. Preconquest sedentaries could have polygamous marriages, and “households” were usually large, multi-house, multi-family units. Spanish law only recognized marriage between one man and one wife, and a household centered around a nuclear family led by a dominant father. This leads indigenous families and couples in Mexico and Peru to adopt these structures over time, abandoning old gender and family norms.

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But how did a colonial system based on exploiting them allow Indians to win sometimes? Many Spaniards benefited financially from helping Indians, or used Indian litigants to settle scores with other Spaniards. For ex.: Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán was an enemy of Cortés who took Huejotzinco from his encomienda. Cortés helped the Natives of Huejotzinco to get back at Guzmán. The Spanish kings were always a little afraid of Spanish colonists getting too powerful. Taking the Indians’ side in legal matters could help keep colonists in check.

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Indians could never sue the king and gain total freedom from tribute and labor demands… but there were other ways to resist Indians working under repartimiento would practice “foot dragging,” slacking and purposely doing a bad job so they wouldn’t have to work as much. Gives rise to the myth of the lazy Indian. Hacienda workers in debt would often just run away. Hard to track down people in a world with no surveillance tech or ID cards!

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Congregación (forced resettlement) completely fails amongst the sedentaries because they just don’t obey it Spaniards wanted Indians to live closer together and merge several smaller villages into one settlement to make it easier to collect tribute. Early in the colonial period they tried to move Indians of different towns together in a policy called congregación . Indians in Mexico and Peru just moved back to their original communities defying orders. Spaniards then give up on the policy.

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Few Indians lead the independence struggles against Spain Latin American independence heroes like Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla or Simón Bolívar were criollo (American-born Spanish) or casta /mestizo (mixed) Many individual Indians did fight in the independence armies of Mexico and Peru, but not as communities united against Spain

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Historians now think that Napoleon’s invasion of Spain triggered Latin American independence, not the oppressive Bourbon reforms When Napoleon took over Iberia in 1808, he placed a puppet king on the throne that Spanish subjects never trusted. The true king, Ferdinand VII went in hiding. With no real king ruling over them, Latin Americans for the first time tasted independence and began revolting against royal authority. Ferdinand VII re-took the throne and ousted Napoleon in 1814. But he refused to accommodate to Latin Americans who didn’t want to let go of their new freedoms, prompting more resistance.

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The result was a wave of liberated Latin American countries in the first few decades of the 1800s

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Because of the “horror” of the Haitian revolution (1791 – 1804), slave-owning areas take longer to become independent The Haitian revolution was a slave revolt that killed off much of the white French population. Latin American slave owners fear that without the support of Spanish authority, slaves will rise up like in Haiti. The Spanish Caribbean, now a sugar and export planting zone, therefore takes much longer to achieve independence. DR is the first, in 1844. Cuba stays “loyal” even longer until 1902(!), while Puerto Rico becomes a USA territory in 1898.

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Most Independent nations of mainland Latin America quickly and peacefully abolish slavery, however. Only the Caribbean islands and Brazil became heavily dependent on slave labor. It was mostly there where people hesitated on independence, democracy, and abolition .

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Brazilian independence was a very unique case King of Portugal João VI flees to Brazil during the Napoleonic invasion, taking the royal court with him in 1808. Prince Dom Pedro I stays in Brazil and proclaims the country’s independence, declaring himself the “constitutional emperor” in 1821. Without a fight, Brazil becomes an independent “empire,” the only long-lasting monarchy in Latin America. A military coup establishes the First Brazilian Republic in 1898. In spite of these differences, Brazilian independence was also triggered by Napoleon, not just by hatred of royal policies. Brazilians enjoy the freedom of having the royal court on their turf and don’t want to go back to the old ways.

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Why didn’t sedentaries rise up and start independence? Why did the non/semi- sedentaries rebel more? Unlike the restless Natives of the peripheries, The sedentaries have few large scale rebellions attempting to over throw Spanish rule. After the conquests, there are few brief religious resistance movements like Taki Oncoy , “dancing sickness” (1560s – 1572) in Peru. But few attempts to remove Spaniards after that. Peruvian Natives were a little more rebellious than those in New Spain (Mexico)

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Late colonial Peru and the Andes was a major exception Natives in late 1700s Peru formed the only mass Indian uprisings to secure freedom from Spain. You read about one such Neo-Inca rebel, Juan Santos Atahualpa from that time (1742 – 1756). The most important was Tupac Amaru II of Peru, the most successful of the few sedentary rebels

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Tupac came darn near close to re-establishing indigenous rule in Peru and the Andes. Believing himself to be a descendant of the Inca emperors (like Juan Santos), Tupac convinced millions of Indians to take up arms against Spaniards and bring back the Inca Empire. Defeated in 1782, famously drawn and quartered in Lima’s main plaza.

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Small, local village revolts were actually quite common in Mexico and Peru These were never about overthrowing Spanish rule! They were only about harsh policies, abuses, and officials that the courts couldn’t stop. Usually only one or two communities involved. Never a united or regional front. Isolated incidents. Violence usually directed at a colonial official or priest accused of charging too much tribute or an excessive policy, not the king! Usu. effective at getting Spaniards to the negotiating table, who didn’t want to risk their lives fighting Indian rebels.

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The biggest of these local revolts was the tumulto of Mexico City’s Indians in 1692 The Indians of the city were suffering from a famine and high corn prices. They stormed the viceroy’s palace and almost destroyed it (the damage is circled). The objective of the revolt, like all others of its kind, was to have the viceroy reverse the price increases on corn. It was not to break free from Spain. The viceroy, not the king, was the target of the Indian mob. The Indian rebels stressed their loyalty to the king and claimed the revolt was in the name of good government.

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Why were revolts local, short-lived, and small amongst the sedentaries ? Why not overthrow Spanish rule completely and get rid of its abuses for good?

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The main reason was that enough stayed the same in Mexico and Peru. Even with all the changes, indigenous society retained its core. Altepetls/ ayllus survived, with their governments, leaders, dynasties, social classes, and languages. As discussed, Native holidays and rituals became integrated with Christianity. Anti-colonial rebellions are something that happened amongst Natives who felt their world was ending (like some of the non/semi- sedentaries ). But the basic foundation of the sedentary Indians’ world remained.

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As awful as colonial tribute and repartimiento were, these weren’t new things for the sedentaries . The Aztec and Inca Empires demanded tribute and labor from their subjects as well The Inca had a labor draft as well, called the mit’a . Indians in the colonial Andes even used this word to refer to Spanish repartimiento which was similar enough. Whenever things got too bad for them, lawsuits or small revolts could fix problems. Aztecs and Inca were more similar to the Spanish than the non/semi-sedentary cultures. It was easier for the sedentaries to adapt to the Spanish Empire.

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Spanish colonialism was often a harsh experience full of abuse and exploitation. But the most important thing to remember is, for all the abuses of the Spanish, Indians never sunk into hopeless depression and despair

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Ironically, things would get worse with independence The independent nations of Latin America had no interest in collecting tribute from declining Native populations. So they had no interest in preserving Native communities or their privileges. They abolished the concept of a separate república de indios . No more colonial courts or a king to appeal to. Mexico, Peru, Bolivia, etc. wanted cultural and linguistic sameness. Everyone was to be Hispanic and speak only Spanish. Non- and semi- sedentaries would be nearly exterminated through wars of genocide. Survivors were assimilated.

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Modern Mexico has always celebrated the ancient Aztecs and its mestizo heritage, but has looked down on living Indians

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But many of these truly resilient cultures survived and survive to this day

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The Colonial Latin American Indigenous Experience Pt. 2-2 (The Final Lecture!) Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza 1 2020-04-23T06:20:24Z 2020-04-23T09:41:38Z

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147 6724 Microsoft Office PowerPoint Widescreen 311 115 0 0 0 false Fonts Used 4 Theme 1 Slide Titles 115 Arial Trebuchet MS Wingdings Wingdings 3 Facet The Colonial Latin American Indigenous Experience Pt. 2-2 (The Final Lecture!) Outline (finishing up history of sedentary native cultures and tying loose ends): The Columbian Exchange (affected all Natives… and the world!) The separation of the Americas and Eurasia-Africa, meant that different plants, animals, and diseases evolved in each of these different “worlds” The diseases and domestic animals that Europeans brought with them were disastrous for Natives It’s important to note that colonial abuses also killed many natives. Regardless, disease was the biggest factor, sometimes wiping out whole communities before Spanish settlers even arrived Newly introduced cows, horses, pigs etc. provided food and work, but they grazed over Indian fields, destroying crops and starving communities Even so, sedentary populations were so huge (millions!) that they remained large after the epidemics Pre-Columbian Americas were lacking in domesticated animals, but abounded in plants that were more energy-rich, nutritious, and sometimes more addictive(!) than old world-counterparts The calorie-rich crops of the Americas, corn and potatoes, allowed the population of the Old World to soar The introduction of tasty or addictive Native plants like cacao (chocolate) and tobacco helped spur a rise in consumption Consumption had its start in the colonial era Europe c. 1500 started to consume addicting “new” exotic things like sugar, tea, and coffee brought by explorers Native tobacco and chocolate (drunk, not eaten!) sold like crazy in European coffee houses But where to grow these crops? And who to cultivate them? African slave labor was the “logical” choice (or rather the only choice)… but it had nothing to do with “race” Africa was no “shit hole” continent in the 1400s Most of medieval Africa was no more “primitive” than rural Europe like the Viking village on the right. Due to its major N-S axis, sedentary life and tech didn’t flow evenly, and many non- and sem-sedentary African societies survived (like in Americas) However, Africa was the only consistent source for strong, disease-proof, non-Christian males who could be forced to harvest crops (and easily identified by the color of their skin!) Iberians developed stereotypes about which African “tribes” were more fierce, obedient, or hard working No European country would colonize Africa for centuries, but Portugal got dibs on the best slave ports. Beginning in 1450, the Portuguese (with the permission of African leaders!) would build feitorias or slave forts along the coast. There they held slaves bought from other Africans, to be shipped across the sea It’s important to note that African kings and chiefs dictated the terms of the slave trade It’s also important to note that Iberians only turned to expensive African slaves when Indian slavery didn’t turn out so well Spain wasn’t as interested at first in growing sugar and export crops (they missed the boat on chocolate). They left it to the Portuguese, English, Dutch, and French. Spain did control slave trading rights, asientos, which it sold to other Europeans, mostly Portuguese at first, and later extensively to British Spain still imported many slaves early on, most of whom ended up doing work outside of plantations The first slaves in Spanish America, after all, were valuable, respected, armed conquistadors, like Juan Garrido Slaves in Latin America could gain their freedom more easily than in other empires, usually by saving enough money But colonial Latin America was no “racial democracy.” Slave were abused with abandon – house slaves only a little less so. Slaves even purposely got in trouble with the Inquisition by cursing God – a jail cell was better than being with a cruel master The huge numbers of palenques and quilombos (run away slave hideouts) and rebellions shows how awful slavery was Plantation slavery (esp. in Brazil) was a horror in itself. Slave were literally worked to death. The horrific journey to the Americas also consumed millions of slaves’ lives Slavery slowed down independence With independence and abolition, Africans, lacking the cohesiveness of indigenous communities, often assimilated The Columbian Exchange thus changed the Americas, Europe, and Africa But many things (As we’ve seen) remained the same in the face of all these changes… like sedentary indigenous government Spanish America’s division into viceroyalties makes it seem like they rearranged the place But the Viceroyalties of New Spain (Mexico and C. America) and Peru (Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador) were based on the Aztec and Inca Empires (with added territory) BTW, when I say “The Andes” or “Peru,” unless I am talking about the modern country, I am talking about The Viceroyalty of Peru comprised mostly of modern Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador (sedentary heartland of S. America) Many of the districts, provinces, and communities of New Spain and Peru were based on Aztec altepetls and Inca ayllus Many (if not most!) of the towns, neighborhoods, and municipalities of modern Mexico and the Andean nations were once altepetls or ayllus (hence all the indigenous place-names) The Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan survived as an altepetl with four barrios surrounding the Spanish traza or core of Mexico City The Spanish center of Mexico city was built on top of the Aztec pyramids; the residential indigenous neighborhoods remained Spaniards created a few separate cities for themselves in the sedentary areas, like Puebla and Lima Racial mixing (mestizaje) soon confused the neat division of colonial society into a República de Españoles and a separate República de Indios. In practice, mestizo and sometimes mulato or pardo were the only terms used for castas Even with all the racial mixing, colonial Latin America had a racist hierarchy Spanish colonialism was built on top of pre-existing indigenous empires and communities. And it used existing indigenous authorities as well. The Viceroy and Audiencia (Senate/Supreme Court) were the highest Spanish authorities in each viceroyalty. These would hand down orders to indigenous governments Spaniards ordered each altepetl or ayllu to make a Spanish-style town council or cabildo, which reported to the colonial government A Spanish Corregidor Mayor (usually corrupt and abusive) would stop by to make sure they were following orders and collect tribute But while they may have had Spanish titles, they ruled like the community leaders before the conquest… and even came from the same dynasties! The cabildos and governors of Altepetls and ayllus even ruled from the same palaces Actually, it probably looked like this: After the conquest, the Aztec imperial palace or tecpan was rebuilt (but now way smaller) and the Native governor of colonial Tenochtitlan ruled from there (bottom left, negotiating with the viceroy). Indigenous nobility and class differences also survived amongst the sedentary peoples As with language and religion, Native governments and communities did not totally disappear in the sedentary areas Milking the Americas for cash and labor was the whole point of Spanish colonialism. Colonial Spanish America revolved around its economy, fueled by the wealth and labor extracted from sedentaries. PowerPoint Presentation But his chin, the result of Hapsburg inbreeding, was pretty imposing! Charles V and Spain were probably the most hated (and in debt!) kingdom in Europe at the time. The big bonanza came when they struck silver, in the most convenient places Conveniently, the two big silver areas were right next door to the sedentaries now “freed” from encomiendas Repartimiento was a labor draft for sending (Free!) sedentary Natives to the silver mines Repartimiento labor was also used to build all those pretty colonial buildings repartimiento was used for the desagüe, the infamous (and never totally successful) drainage of the Mexican lakes From 1607 to the 1800s (!) authorities brought in foreign engineers and local Indian workers to drain the lakes (and drown in the process) They went from this wet, verdant, island teeming with 200k people To a swampy, muddy mess, never fully drained, a fraction of the size It took a Mexican president Porfirio Díaz (in office 1884 – 1911) to finish the job Today, this is all that remains of the turquoise blue Aztec lakes The environmental impact was disastrous, and Mexico City is sinking into the former lake bed All the silver from the colonies only made Spain spend more on pointless wars Inheriting a bankrupt empire, Phillip II’s reign suffered a horrible setback when England destroyed the Spanish Armada or navy (1588) Phillip II needed even more money, and where would he get it from? Tribute, from Mexican and Peruvian natives. Paying tribute was a tremendous burden on the sedentaries leaving every community in debt by the end of the colonial period. Brazil had no sedentaries (or silver), Native slaves died off, so they turned to sugar and export crops and Africans for most of the colonial period Future sugar growing areas and “banana republics” in Spanish America were used for defense and support instead The silver coins taken from sedentary Indian hands and labor became the world’s currency Even the Chinese used Spanish silver pesos (from Philippine trade) as their national currency Spanish coins were the first currency of the independent USA There were some plantations in mainland colonial Spanish America, these were called haciendas Spain still couldn’t break even by the reign of the last Hapsburg king, Charles II (1661 – 1700) The penny-pinching Bourbon dynasty took the Spanish throne, determined to squeeze every cent out of the Americas The Bourbon kings enacted the Bourbon reforms (1700 – independence) aiming to maximize the money taken from Spanish America Resistance and Independence movements amongst the sedentaries As we have seen, sedentaries put up with a great deal of abuse… or did they? Their main form of resistance was legal action Indians of Huejotzinco famously won a case against abusive encomendero Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán in 1531, lowering their tribute Indians poured into Mexico City to file lawsuits, creating an industry of inns and pulquerías (indigenous bars) to accommodate the visiting litigants Reliance on the Spanish courts reinforced patriarchal European marriage and nuclear family structures. But how did a colonial system based on exploiting them allow Indians to win sometimes? Indians could never sue the king and gain total freedom from tribute and labor demands… but there were other ways to resist Congregación (forced resettlement) completely fails amongst the sedentaries because they just don’t obey it Few Indians lead the independence struggles against Spain Historians now think that Napoleon’s invasion of Spain triggered Latin American independence, not the oppressive Bourbon reforms The result was a wave of liberated Latin American countries in the first few decades of the 1800s Because of the “horror” of the Haitian revolution (1791 – 1804), slave-owning areas take longer to become independent Most Independent nations of mainland Latin America quickly and peacefully abolish slavery, however. Brazilian independence was a very unique case Why didn’t sedentaries rise up and start independence? Why did the non/semi-sedentaries rebel more? Late colonial Peru and the Andes was a major exception Tupac came darn near close to re-establishing indigenous rule in Peru and the Andes. Small, local village revolts were actually quite common in Mexico and Peru The biggest of these local revolts was the tumulto of Mexico City’s Indians in 1692 Why were revolts local, short-lived, and small amongst the sedentaries? Why not overthrow Spanish rule completely and get rid of its abuses for good? The main reason was that enough stayed the same in Mexico and Peru. Even with all the changes, indigenous society retained its core. As awful as colonial tribute and repartimiento were, these weren’t new things for the sedentaries. Spanish colonialism was often a harsh experience full of abuse and exploitation. But the most important thing to remember is, for all the abuses of the Spanish, Indians never sunk into hopeless depression and despair Ironically, things would get worse with independence Modern Mexico has always celebrated the ancient Aztecs and its mestizo heritage, but has looked down on living Indians But many of these truly resilient cultures survived and survive to this day false false false 16.0000

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Click to edit Master title style Click to edit Master text styles Second level Third level Fourth level Fifth level 4/10/2020 ‹#›

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The Colonial Latin American Indigenous Experience Pt. 2 Language and Religion Amongst the Sedentaries : Colonial Mexico and Peru

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We last left the sedentaries in the 1520s and 30s, after the conquests in Peru and Mexico By the 1540s or so almost all of the sedentary areas are militarily defeated or incorporated into the viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru By then, also, Spanish friars have established themselves in Mexico and Peru and “converted” the Natives. Franciscans in Mexico by the end of the 1520s; Dominican friars were there from the beginning and accompanied Pizarro.

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Diego Rivera’s mural presents the typical view of colonial sedentaries: Enslaved, poor, and bossed around by Spaniards, losing the greatness of their cultures as they disappear. This isn’t entirely false, and everything it shows actually happened, but it obscures some real independence, control, and autonomy Mexican and Andean Natives had. Spaniards couldn’t even conquer the Aztec and Inca without allies. Do you really think they could rule it all by themselves? They needed Native help every step of the way. Look at the painting: who has agency, Spaniards or Indians?

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The old view was that Spaniards destroyed indigenous cultures quickly and completely

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The next big idea was syncretism , the idea that Mexican and Andean cultures blended with Hispanic culture: mestizaje e.g : The Inca goddess Pachamama being blended with the Catholic Virgin Mary

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In truth, there was a bit of both

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Ethnohistorians today talk about acculturation : indigenous adapting to Spanish culture but retaining their identity (you could wear Spanish clothes and still be Indian!)

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Why do we assume that indigenous people have to wear feathers or live in tipis to be “ real”Indians ?

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Do Japanese have to wear samurai armor or geisha costumes to be Japanese?

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Acculturation went both ways (though less in the other direction) You probably like more indigenous things than you might think!

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Language is a great example of sedentary indigenous acculturation

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Contrary to popular belief, indigenous languages in the sedentary areas did not die out in the early colonial period There were too few Spaniards in Mexico and the Andes, and it would have been too difficult to teach everyone Spanish. Using translators and working in Nahuatl, Quechua, etc. was easier. There were several professional Nahuatl translators or nahuatlatos in colonial Mexico who translated Nahuatl to Spanish (one is pictured in the illustration translating Nahuatl for the viceroy)

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Charles III in 1760 technically banned indigenous languages in 1760 Nevertheless, people continued to speak and write them. Case in point: left, a proclamation from a viceroy in Nahuatl from 1803(!)

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Spanish only became the majority language in the sedentary areas in the 20 th century!

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Indigenous in Both Mexico and the Andes (Peru) adopted European writing Friars taught the first Native scribes ( escribanos ) to write by the 1530s. Indigenous people learned to write in their own languages in the Roman alphabet, in addition to Latin and Spanish, decades after the conquest.

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Friars set up universities shortly after the conquest for indigenous noblemen where they learned reading, writing, math, and classical literature Why? Both to make colonialism look good (“look, we’re teaching the Indians to read, isn’t it great we conquered them?!”) And also to create a Christian utopia, free of the sins of Europe. The Americas was a second chance for humanity, where educated Native princes could spread the Gospel amongst the innocent, child-like Native masses.

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The College of Santiago de Tlatelolco (next to the church of the same name) in Mexico City was the first Western-style university in the Americas and produced a generation of literate Aztec princes Left: the church of Santiago Tlatelolco where Native students heard Mass, and right: the courtyard of the college next door where they learned to write in the Latin alphabet from friars

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Here is a plaque on the modern site of the school commemorating the friars and their native students That’s fr. Bernardino de Sahagún talking to one of his Native pupils in the classroom

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At that university, Fr. Sahagún and his Native students made the Florentine Codex, an encyclopedia of Aztec culture

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After learning writing from the friars, indigenous escribanos started writing for local, secular purposes in their communities (all legal documents had to be written by hand by trained scribes in those days!)

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There was a big difference between indigenous scribes in Mexico and Peru/Andes In Mexico (or New Spain) indigenous wrote in their own languages. Andean and Peruvian scribes wrote mostly in Spanish. Why?

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Mesoamerica (Mexico and Central America) had a tradition, before the conquest, of “writing” glyphs on paper with ink and paint

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Whether or not it was “writing” in the western sense, native codices before the conquest used the same concept, recording info through symbols on paper

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Mesoamerican society before the conquest also had trained scribes who made codices, who were similar enough to colonial escribanos

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In fact, some of the earliest Nahuatl texts combined the old pictorial glyphs and the alphabetic writing the Spanish friars taught them This colonial Nahuatl land deed features both Nahuatl written in European alphabetic writing (right) and old Aztec glyphs of hands and feet (representing measurements; left)

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Plus, the Franciscan friars (who got dibs on Mexico first) wanted Mexican Indians to write in their own Native languages Their dream was to create a society where educated indigenous people wrote and taught Christian principles to their fellow Natives in indigenous languages, not Spanish Pictured: colonial mural showing Cortés and the conquistadors kneeling before Pedro de Gante and the first Franciscans to set an example for Mexican Indians (far left)

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If you recall, the Inca and other Andeans didn’t use paper or ink in older times, but rather quipu The knotted cords of the quipu recorded information in Inca times. This meant that writing words in ink on paper was a foreign concept for the Natives of Peru and the Andes. This made it harder for them to get used to writing in their languages with the Latin alphabet

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Plus, the Dominican friars sent to Peru were not keen on teaching Natives to write in their languages The more formal Dominicans didn’t believe you could accurately translate Christian ideas into other languages. Also, they were bitter until the end about losing Mexico to the Franciscans so they generally did the opposite of what Franciscans did.

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The end result is literally thousands of surviving colonial texts in Nahuatl and other Mesoamerican languages

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There are plenty of texts from Natives in Peru and the Andes, but mostly in Spanish

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The sedentaries borrowed Spanish words for new things, sometimes with a slight change in meaning Their languages never stopped being “authentic” or “indigenous,” however! {5C22544A-7EE6-4342-B048-85BDC9FD1C3A} Spanish word Nahuatl borrowing tomín (a unit of currency) tomin (coins in general) caballo (horse) cahualloh (at first it was caxtillan mazatl , “Spanish deer”) la china (China, the Philippines, or east Asia in general in colonial Spanish) alachina (The Philippines, from ir a la china, “go to the Philippines”) abrazar (to hug) abrazaroa

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Sometimes they combined an indigenous word with the term “Spanish” (e.g. caxtillan in Nahuatl) for Spanish versions of things they already had {5C22544A-7EE6-4342-B048-85BDC9FD1C3A} Spanish thing Nahuatl term wheat bread ( pan ) caxtillan tlaxcalli (literally “Spanish maize tortillas”) grape wine (vino) caxtillan octli (literally, “Spanish pulque [Native alcoholic drink]”) chicken ( gallina ) caxtillan tototl (literally, “Spanish turkey”) Spaniard ( castillano ) caxtillan tlacatl (literally, “Spanish person,” other terms were also used)

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One Spanish word they never used: indio “Indian” Natives rejected the European idea that they were all one “race,” and continued to identify according to their altepetl/ayllu/local community. indio had negative connotations that continue today (it’s a racial slur in many Latin American countries where the polite word is indígena ) When they had to talk about indigenous people in general, they usually used indigenous words that meant “local people” or “people” ( nican titlaca or macehualli in Nahuatl). These were never widely used. Natives were never one united people in the colonial period, and the terms they used for themselves reflected this.

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Thus, sedentary* Natives accepted terms from Spanish that they found useful and rejected those they didn’t. Spaniards couldn’t completely force ideas and words (much less the entire Spanish language) on them. This was true of many other things… like religion * This applies to the Maya as well; though they were semi-sedentary at contact, they were already familiar with writing and thus also learned alphabetic writing as well as some Spanish words

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The idea of a “spiritual conquest” is not currently accepted by most historians The popular idea, popularized by historian Robert Ricard in 1966, that Spaniards converted all indigenous people by brute force, who then practiced their ancient religions in secret

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In other words, converting sedentary Indians was not just about smashing idols and punishing backsliders. “Conquest” (rapid, bloody subjugation) is not the best metaphor

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Christianization wasn’t completely peaceful anywhere, contrary to what the Tlaxcalans wanted us to believe

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The message of this meme isn’t completely false

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Spaniards quickly destroyed temples, statues, sacred Inca mummies, and human sacrifice, but there was more to Aztec and Inca religion Spanish got rid of the big flashy symbols of Native religion right away. But any religion is more than just its temples and monuments. Religion is a way of life and a few thousand Spaniards couldn’t hope to change the way of life of 40 million people in the Andes and Mexico

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As with the conquest itself, Spaniards were too few, too weak to achieve religious conversion on their own… ironically, they needed to work with indigenous culture in order to work against it, borrowing ideas and concepts from it

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The first Franciscan friars to arrive in Mexico in the 1520s first studied indigenous languages and culture to adapt Christian ideas to the ways of the Indians Friars learned that Indians had books with pictures and glyphs and thus they made illustrated catechisms (Christian guidebooks) in indigenous style. Here is a friar teaching Indians about Christianity via illustrations on paper… in the manner they taught in the days of the Aztec Empire

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Friars asked the sedentaries about their religions so they could make Christianity similar to their older forms of worship Friars couldn’t expect 25 million people to submit to a foreign religion without trying to make it appealing. This is how we got the Florentine Codex, at left is a page from it showing the old Aztec gods. The friars wanted to learn as much as possible about the old religion both to fight it and tailor Christianity to indigenous sensibilities. So they created books about it with the help of Natives.

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The results are uncanny: Mexican and Andean Christianity even today is fused with indigenous elements The beloved Virgin of Guadalupe in Mexico shows clear similarities to Aztec mother earth goddesses. This no doubt broadened the Virgin Mary’s appeal to the Indigenous What is the true origin, image, and name of the Mexican Virgin?

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Christian festivals and feasts were fused with indigenous celebrations… Day of the Dead anyone? Day of the dead coincides with (Christian) All Hallows’ Eve and All Saints’ Day and an Aztec holiday dedicated to the Goddess of Death. Coincidence?

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Churches for the indigenous had wider, open-air spaces, like the pyramids and temple complexes before the conquest Natives were not familiar with congregating in tight indoor spaces for religious ceremonies which usually took place outdoors in front of temples before the conquest. Open-air churches helped to make Mass more appealing to the Natives.

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Friars learned indigenous languages and created new terms in these languages for Christian concepts A Christian catechism (guide to Christian teachings) written in Nahuatl by Pedro de Gante , one of the first Franciscan friars or missionaries

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New words were coined for religious concepts foreign to indigenous cultures (like marriage and virginity in the Christian sense) There was rarely an exact, 1-1 equivalence, however, so many indigenous believed what they wanted. Friars could could never completely police their thoughts {5C22544A-7EE6-4342-B048-85BDC9FD1C3A} Christian concept Invented Nahuatl term marriage (between one man and one woman before a priest; indigenous marriages could be polygamous before the conquest) nenamictiliztli (“a matching of people”) baptism nequatequiliztli (“the pouring of water on one’s head”) virgin ichpochtli (“maiden, young girl,” Aztecs/Nahuas had no special word for someone who never had sex!) [the Christian] God ipalnemohuani ( “through him there is life”)

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Altepetls/ayllus became the basis for parishes The boundaries of church parishes followed the borders of traditional indigenous communities. The capitals of the old altepetls and ayllus were home to the main church of each parish, just like how they were home to the main pyramids and temples before the conquest. At left: the principal church and convent of Huejotzingo, likely built on top of the main pyramid! Huejotzingo was its own parish.

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Colonial “Indo-Christian” art blended indigenous iconography and techniques with Christian symbolism (the “Christian” cross on the right looks very Mesoamerican!)

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An indigenous “painting” of friars kneeling before Christ – made of feathers using traditional Aztec feather art techniques

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There was destruction and abuse. Many people resisted But there was usually much less resistance among the sedentaries . Why? Sedentary life and culture was more compatible with Christianity than that of non and semi- sedentaries . Sedentaries had priests, temples, and religious festivals that followed a calendar, just like Christianity. The switch to Christianity was not such a shock. Holidays like Day of the Dead let them continue some old traditions while complying with the Church

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Most in Peru and Mexico accepted Christianity at first but didn’t reject the old ways The Franciscans boasted of baptizing and converting thousands of Indians at a time. Most of them did accept Christianity, but also wanted to keep worshipping the old gods on the side Most of those who “resisted” Christianity wanted to follow both religions, and mix Christianity with their Native religion. Sedentaries rarely wanted to completely reject any aspect of Hispanic culture

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How much of Christianity most Indians understood was another question With so few priests, and even fewer who were fluent in Native languages, it was difficult to properly teach Christianity. Most sedentaries did understand the basics, but probably only a few educated elites fully understood Christian theology

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The “conversions” of thousands in Mexico after the conquest was controversial in its own day, not everyone was convinced the Indians were Christian Dominicans friars like Bartolomé de las Casas (pictured) argued that Franciscan preaching in Native languages was ineffective (to be fair, Dominicans had a grudge against Franciscans) The Church would soon realize that most Indians really didn’t totally understand Christianity. Thus, Indians were exempt from the Spanish Inquisition by the end of the 1500s (not Africans though). By the 1560s, Catholic priests largely stopped persecuting Indians in Mexico and Peru who still followed Ancient Aztec and Inca religions Native men could not become ordained as priests! Not trusted by the church.

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Dominican skepticism of Franciscans meant that Peruvian friars didn’t produce many Quechua books on Christianity or ancient traditions, but the end result was similar to Mexico This is why we (sadly) don’t have an Andean or Inca version of the Florentine Codex. Dominicans were wary of recording the old Inca ways on paper for Indians to remember. Nevertheless, they sought to use Inca and Andean traditions to reinforce Christianity, having people dress up in Inca costumes in Corpus Christi festivals for example.

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By the 1600s, the friars had given up on their dreams of remaking Mexico and Peru into a perfect Christian paradise The futility of turning people of a different culture into model Hispanic Christians overnight became apparent. Indians in Mexico and the Andes/Peru were not innocent, child-like, angelic beings who would blindly follow, as the friars had first thought. Indians in Mexico and the Andes also grew tired of the demands and paternalism of the friars. Despite having taught many Indian noblemen Latin, Spanish, and writing, the universities for Indians lost funding and were mostly abandoned by the friars who once taught in them by the end of the sixteenth century. The Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco ( right ) was in ruins by the 1600s and today is a government office building.

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It wasn’t that Indians were too stubborn, ignorant,or “dumb” to understand Christianity Most Europeans at the time rarely went to Mass and also practiced unorthodox traditional folk religion. Has anybody ever followed any religion 100%? Many pagan elements of European culture survived (Jack O’ Lanterns and Christmas trees anyone?). Europeans had gone through the same thing as the sedentaries when the Roman Empire was (incompletely) Christianized.

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So the “spiritual conquest” of Mexico and Peru was never really complete Indians in Mexico still did mitotes (sacred dances). In the Andes and Peru they still visited huacas (natural shrines). In fact they still do this today. With or without a Christian pretext. Not always “syncretism” because sometimes Indians didn’t even an attempt to evenly blend the two religions. Friars and priests were often powerless to stop “pagan” rituals.

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In the end, friars did succeed in bringing the basics of Christianity to the sedentary areas, but only by mixing it with Native traditions This unique form of Indo-Christianity exists to this day in modern Mexico, Central America, Peru and the Andean countries, and beyond! Left: the Virgin of the Amazon, from modern Peru that blends the Virgin Mary with the Inca goddess of Pachamama. Controversial today just like the indigenous adaptations of Christianity in colonial times.

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Next week we’ll have the last lecture on sedentary indigenous government, society, and household life in the colonial period, and sedentaries ’ role in the colonial economy and politics (and independence) As well as a general conclusion.

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The Colonial Latin American Indigenous Experience Pt. 2 Celso A. Mendoza Celso A. Mendoza 1 2020-04-10T05:57:36Z 2020-04-10T07:31:15Z

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93 3368 Microsoft Office PowerPoint Widescreen 158 60 0 0 0 false Fonts Used 4 Theme 1 Slide Titles 60 Arial Trebuchet MS Wingdings Wingdings 3 Facet The Colonial Latin American Indigenous Experience Pt. 2 We last left the sedentaries in the 1520s and 30s, after the conquests in Peru and Mexico Diego Rivera’s mural presents the typical view of colonial sedentaries: The old view was that Spaniards destroyed indigenous cultures quickly and completely The next big idea was syncretism, the idea that Mexican and Andean cultures blended with Hispanic culture: mestizaje In truth, there was a bit of both Ethnohistorians today talk about acculturation: indigenous adapting to Spanish culture but retaining their identity (you could wear Spanish clothes and still be Indian!) Why do we assume that indigenous people have to wear feathers or live in tipis to be “real”Indians? Do Japanese have to wear samurai armor or geisha costumes to be Japanese? Acculturation went both ways (though less in the other direction) You probably like more indigenous things than you might think! Language is a great example of sedentary indigenous acculturation Contrary to popular belief, indigenous languages in the sedentary areas did not die out in the early colonial period Charles III in 1760 technically banned indigenous languages in 1760 Spanish only became the majority language in the sedentary areas in the 20th century! Indigenous in Both Mexico and the Andes (Peru) adopted European writing Friars set up universities shortly after the conquest for indigenous noblemen where they learned reading, writing, math, and classical literature The College of Santiago de Tlatelolco (next to the church of the same name) in Mexico City was the first Western-style university in the Americas and produced a generation of literate Aztec princes Left: the church of Santiago Tlatelolco where Native students heard Mass, and right: the courtyard of the college next door where they learned to write in the Latin alphabet from friars PowerPoint Presentation At that university, Fr. Sahagún and his Native students made the Florentine Codex, an encyclopedia of Aztec culture After learning writing from the friars, indigenous escribanos started writing for local, secular purposes in their communities (all legal documents had to be written by hand by trained scribes in those days!) There was a big difference between indigenous scribes in Mexico and Peru/Andes Mesoamerica (Mexico and Central America) had a tradition, before the conquest, of “writing” glyphs on paper with ink and paint Whether or not it was “writing” in the western sense, native codices before the conquest used the same concept, recording info through symbols on paper Mesoamerican society before the conquest also had trained scribes who made codices, who were similar enough to colonial escribanos In fact, some of the earliest Nahuatl texts combined the old pictorial glyphs and the alphabetic writing the Spanish friars taught them Plus, the Franciscan friars (who got dibs on Mexico first) wanted Mexican Indians to write in their own Native languages If you recall, the Inca and other Andeans didn’t use paper or ink in older times, but rather quipu Plus, the Dominican friars sent to Peru were not keen on teaching Natives to write in their languages The end result is literally thousands of surviving colonial texts in Nahuatl and other Mesoamerican languages There are plenty of texts from Natives in Peru and the Andes, but mostly in Spanish The sedentaries borrowed Spanish words for new things, sometimes with a slight change in meaning Their languages never stopped being “authentic” or “indigenous,” however! Sometimes they combined an indigenous word with the term “Spanish” (e.g. caxtillan in Nahuatl) for Spanish versions of things they already had One Spanish word they never used: indio “Indian” Thus, sedentary* Natives accepted terms from Spanish that they found useful and rejected those they didn’t. Spaniards couldn’t completely force ideas and words (much less the entire Spanish language) on them. This was true of many other things… like religion The idea of a “spiritual conquest” is not currently accepted by most historians In other words, converting sedentary Indians was not just about smashing idols and punishing backsliders. “Conquest” (rapid, bloody subjugation) is not the best metaphor Christianization wasn’t completely peaceful anywhere, contrary to what the Tlaxcalans wanted us to believe The message of this meme isn’t completely false Spaniards quickly destroyed temples, statues, sacred Inca mummies, and human sacrifice, but there was more to Aztec and Inca religion As with the conquest itself, Spaniards were too few, too weak to achieve religious conversion on their own… ironically, they needed to work with indigenous culture in order to work against it, borrowing ideas and concepts from it The first Franciscan friars to arrive in Mexico in the 1520s first studied indigenous languages and culture to adapt Christian ideas to the ways of the Indians Friars asked the sedentaries about their religions so they could make Christianity similar to their older forms of worship The results are uncanny: Mexican and Andean Christianity even today is fused with indigenous elements Christian festivals and feasts were fused with indigenous celebrations… Day of the Dead anyone? Churches for the indigenous had wider, open-air spaces, like the pyramids and temple complexes before the conquest Friars learned indigenous languages and created new terms in these languages for Christian concepts New words were coined for religious concepts foreign to indigenous cultures (like marriage and virginity in the Christian sense) There was rarely an exact, 1-1 equivalence, however, so many indigenous believed what they wanted. Friars could could never completely police their thoughts Altepetls/ayllus became the basis for parishes Colonial “Indo-Christian” art blended indigenous iconography and techniques with Christian symbolism (the “Christian” cross on the right looks very Mesoamerican!) An indigenous “painting” of friars kneeling before Christ – made of feathers using traditional Aztec feather art techniques There was destruction and abuse. Many people resisted Most in Peru and Mexico accepted Christianity at first but didn’t reject the old ways How much of Christianity most Indians understood was another question The “conversions” of thousands in Mexico after the conquest was controversial in its own day, not everyone was convinced the Indians were Christian Dominican skepticism of Franciscans meant that Peruvian friars didn’t produce many Quechua books on Christianity or ancient traditions, but the end result was similar to Mexico By the 1600s, the friars had given up on their dreams of remaking Mexico and Peru into a perfect Christian paradise It wasn’t that Indians were too stubborn, ignorant,or “dumb” to understand Christianity So the “spiritual conquest” of Mexico and Peru was never really complete In the end, friars did succeed in bringing the basics of Christianity to the sedentary areas, but only by mixing it with Native traditions Next week we’ll have the last lecture false false false 16.0000

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