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Christianity
An Introduction
THIRD EDITION
Alister E. McGrath

This edition first published 2015
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Christianity : an introduction / Alister E. McGrath. – Third Edition.
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Preface xii
List of Illustrations and Maps xiii
Introduction 1
1 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 3
2 The Christian Bible 28
3 Christian Creeds and Beliefs 54
4 Christian History: An Overview 121
5 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 199
6 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 220
7 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 251
Conclusion: Where Next? 278
Further Reading 280
Sources of Quotations 284
Index 291
Brief Contents

Contents
Preface xii
List of Illustrations and Maps xiii
Introduction 1
1 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 3
The Significance of Jesus of Nazareth for Christianity 3
The Sources of Our Knowledge about Jesus of Nazareth 5
Jesus of Nazareth in His Jewish Context 7
The Gospels and Jesus of Nazareth 9
The Birth of Jesus of Nazareth 10
The Early Ministry of Jesus of Nazareth 13
The Teaching of Jesus of Nazareth: The Parables of the Kingdom 15
The Crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth 17
The Resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth 19
Events and Meanings: The Interpretation of the History of Jesus 21
The New Testament Understandings of the Significance of Jesus 22
Jesus of Nazareth and Women 25
The Reception of Jesus of Nazareth outside Judaism 26
2 The Christian Bible 28
The Old Testament 30
Major Themes of the Old Testament 32
The creation 32
Abraham: Calling and covenant 32
The exodus and the giving of the Law 33
The establishment of the monarchy 36
The priesthood 37
Prophecy 37
Exile and restoration 38

viii Contents
The New Testament 40
The gospels 41
The New Testament letters 44
The fixing of the New Testament canon 45
The Christian Understanding of the Relation of the Old and New Testaments 47
The Translation of the Bible 49
The Bible and Tradition 51
3 Christian Creeds and Beliefs 54
The Emergence of Creeds 55
What Is Faith? 59
Faith and reason 61
Can God’s existence be proved? 63
The Christian Understanding of God 65
Christian analogies for God 66
God as Father 67
A personal God 69
God as almighty 71
God as spirit 72
The doctrine of the Trinity 74
God as the creator 78
The Christian Understanding of Humanity 82
Humanity and the “image of God” 83
Humanity, the fall, and sin 84
Jesus of Nazareth 86
Early Christian approaches to the identity of Jesus of Nazareth 87
The Arian controversy and the incarnation 88
The incarnation: The Chalcedonian definition 89
Jesus of Nazareth as mediator between God and humanity 90
Islamic criticisms of the Christian understanding of Jesus of Nazareth 91
The Christian Understanding of Salvation 92
New Testament images of salvation 93
Christ the victor: The defeat of death and sin 94
Christ the harrower of hell: Atonement as restoration 96
Christ the redeemer: Atonement as satisfaction 98
The death of Christ as a perfect sacrifice 99
Christ the lover: Atonement and the enkindling of love 100
Salvation and the “threefold office of Christ” 101
Grace 102
The Pelagian controversy of the fifth century 103
The Reformation debates of the sixteenth century 105
The Church 106
The unity of the church 106
The holiness of the church 107
The catholicity of the church 109
The apostolicity of the church 110

Contents ix
The Sacraments 112
What is a sacrament? 112
The function of sacraments 113
Debates about baptism 115
Debates about the eucharist 116
The Christian Hope 117
The New Testament and Christian hope 117
The nature of the resurrection body 118
Christian burial or cremation? 119
Conclusion 120
4 Christian History: An Overview 121
The Early Church, c. 100–c. 500 122
The apostolic age 122
Early Christianity and the Roman empire 123
Early Christian worship and organization 125
Women and early Christianity 127
The conversion of the Emperor Constantine 129
The cities and the rise of monasticism 131
The fall of the Roman empire 133
The Middle Ages and the Renaissance, c. 500–c. 1500 135
The development of Celtic Christianity 135
The rise of the monastic and cathedral schools 137
The “Great Schism” between East and West (1054) 138
The crusades: Spain and the Middle East 139
Academic theology: The rise of scholasticism 141
Secular and religious power in the Middle Ages 142
Popular religion: The cult of the saints 143
The rise of the Ottoman empire: The fall of Constantinople (1453) 145
The rebirth of western culture: The Renaissance 146
Competing Visions of Reform, c. 1500–c. 1650 148
Christian expansion: Portuguese and Spanish voyages of discovery 149
The Lutheran Reformation 151
The Calvinist Reformation 153
The Radical Reformation (Anabaptism) 154
The Catholic Reformation 155
The Reformation in England 156
The Council of Trent 157
The Society of Jesus 158
The Wars of Religion 158
Puritanism in England and America 159
A Protestant religion of the heart: Pietism 160
American Protestantism and the Great Awakening 162
The Modern Period, c. 1650–1914 163
The rise of indifference to religion in Europe 164
The Enlightenment: The rise of rationalism 164

x Contents
Christianity in the American Revolution 166
Church and state in America: The “wall of separation” 167
The French Revolution and “dechristianization” 168
Orthodox resurgence: The Greek War of Independence 169
A new expansion of Christianity: The age of mission 170
The shifting fortunes of Catholicism 173
The First Vatican Council: Papal infallibility 175
Theological revisionism: The challenge of modernism 176
The Victorian crisis of faith 177
Pentecostalism: The American origins of a global faith 179
The Twentieth Century, 1914 to the Present 180
The Armenian genocide of 1915 181
The Russian Revolution of 1917 182
America: The fundamentalist controversy 184
The German church crisis of the 1930s 186
The 1960s: The emergence of a post-Christian Europe 188
The Second Vatican Council: Reform and revitalization 189
Christianity and the American Civil Rights Movement 191
Faith renewed: John Paul II and the collapse of the Soviet Union 192
Challenging the church’s establishment: Feminism and liberation theology 194
Christianity beyond the West: The globalization of faith 196
Conclusion 198
5 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 199
Catholicism 199
Eastern Orthodoxy 203
Protestantism 205
Anglicanism 206
The Baptists 207
Lutheranism 209
Methodism 209
Presbyterianism and other reformed denominations 211
Pentecostalism 212
Evangelicalism 213
The Ecumenical Movement and the World Council of Churches 214
The Erosion of Protestant Denominationalism in the United States 216
Conclusion 218
6 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 220
Gateways to Exploring the Life of Faith 220
Christian Communities: The Life of the Church 222
Christian weddings 222
Christian funerals 223
The Service of Nine Lessons and Carols 225
Christian Worship 226
Prayer 228

Contents xi
Praise 229
The public reading of the Bible 229
Preaching 230
The reciting of the creeds 230
The Sacraments 231
Baptism 232
The eucharist 234
Rhythms and Seasons: The Christian Year 236
Advent 238
Christmas 238
Epiphany 239
Lent 240
Holy Week 241
Easter 243
Ascension 245
Pentecost 245
Trinity 245
The Structuring of Time: The Monastic Day 246
The Structuring of Space: Pilgrimage and the Christian Life 247
Conclusion 250
7 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 251
Christianity and Culture: General Considerations 252
Christian Symbolism: The Cross 256
Christian Art 259
Icons 262
Church Architecture 263
Stained Glass 268
Christian Music 270
Christianity and Literature 271
Christianity and the Natural Sciences 275
Conclusion 277
Conclusion: Where Next? 278
Further Reading 280
Sources of Quotations 284
Index 291

The study of Christianity is one of the most fascinating, stimulating, and intellectually and
spiritually rewarding undertakings available to anyone. This book aims to lay the founda-
tions for such a study, opening doors to discovering more about the world’s leading religion.
It can only hope to whet its readers’ appetites and lead them to explore Christianity in much
greater detail.
Anyone trying to sense the modern world or the process by which it came into existence
needs to understand something about the Christian faith. Christianity is by far the largest
religion in the world, with somewhere between 2,500 and 1,750 million followers, depend-
ing on the criteria employed. To understand the modern world, it is important to under-
stand why Christianity continues to be such an important presence in, for example, the
United States and is a growing presence in China.
This book sets out to provide an entry-level introduction to Christianity, understood
both as a system of beliefs and as a social reality. It is an introduction in the proper sense of
the term, in that it has been written on the basis of the assumption that its readers know
little or nothing about the history of Christianity, its practices and beliefs. Every effort has
been made to keep the language and style of this book as simple as possible.
Alister McGrath
Oxford University
Preface

1.1 The angel Gabriel declaring to Mary that she is to bear the savior of
the world, by Dante Gabriel Rossetti; this incident is related early in
Luke’s gospel. Dante Gabriel Rossetti (1828–1882), Ecce Ancilla Domini
(The Annunciation), 1850. Oil on canvas, mounted on wood, 72 × 42 cm.
Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images. 11
1.2 The birth of Christ, as depicted by Fra Angelico in a mural in the
monastery of San Marco, Florence, between 1437 and 1445.
Fra Giovanni da Fiesole (1387–1455) and workshop, Birth of Christ,
with the Saints Catherine of Alexandria and Peter the Martyr
(1437–1445). Fresco, 193 × 164 cm. Florence, S. Marco, upper storey,
dormitory, cell No.5 (east corridor). Source: Rabatti-Domingie/
AKG Images. 12
1.3 Jesus of Nazareth calling Peter and Andrew by the Sea of Galilee (1481),
by Domenico Ghirlandaio. Domenico Ghirlandaio (Domenico Bigordi)
(1449–1494), The Calling of SS. Peter and Andrew, 1481. Fresco. Source:
Vatican Museums and Galleries/Bridgeman Art Library. 14
1.4 The Galilean ministry of Jesus (map). 16
1.5 Piero della Francesca’s depiction of the resurrection of Christ,
c. 1460–1464. Piero della Francesca (c. 1410/20–1492),
The Resurrection of Christ (c. 1460–1464). Fresco (removed),
225 × 200 cm. Sansepolcro, Pinacoteca Comunale. Source: Rabatti-
Domingie/AKG Images. 20
2.1 The route of Israel’s exodus from Egypt and conquest of Canaan (map). 35
2.2 The Hanging Gardens of Babylon, one of the greatest wonders of
the Ancient World; after Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach, c. 1700.
Source: AKG Images. 39
2.3 The gospel of Mark: a manuscript illumination from the Lindisfarne
Gospels, c. 698–700. Manuscript illumination, Irish–Northumbrian,
List of Illustrations and Maps

xiv List of Illustrations and Maps
c. 698/700. Mark the Evangelist. From the Lindisfarne Gospels,
written and illuminated by Bishop Eadfrith in Lindisfarne monastery.
Source: British Library/AKG Images. 42
2.4 The frontispiece to the King James Bible of 1611, widely regarded
as the most influential English translation of the Bible. The Holy Bible,
published by Robert Barker, 1611. Source: Alamy. 50
3.1 One of the most famous attempts to represent the Trinity: Andrei
Rubljov’s icon of 1411, depicting the three angels with Abraham, widely
interpreted as an analogue of the Trinity. Illustration: Rubljov, Andrei
c. 1360/70–1427/30, The Holy Trinity (The Three Angels with Abraham)
(1411). Icon painting. Moscow, Tretjakov Gallery. Source: AKG Images. 76
3.2 William Blake’s watercolor “The Ancient of Days” (c. 1821), depicting
God in the act of creating the world. Blake, William (1757–1827),
“The Ancient of Days,” frontispiece of Europe: A Prophecy (c. 1821).
Relief etching, pen, and watercolor. Fitzwilliam Museum, University of
Cambridge, UK. Source: Fitzwilliam Museum, University of Cambridge/
Bridgeman Art Library. 80
3.3 Michelangelo’s fresco The Creation of Adam (1511–1512) from
the Sistine Chapel, Rome. Michelangelo Buonarroti (1475–1564).
Fresco, 280 × 570 cm. Rome, Vatican, Cappella Sistina (Sistine Chapel),
4th image. Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images. 82
3.4 Karl Barth (1886–1968). Source: Ullstein Bild/AKG Images. 85
3.5 Mosaic depicting Jesus Christ, in the Byzantine church of Hagia Sophia,
Istanbul, c. 1260. Istanbul/Constantinople (Turkey), Hagia Sophia,
North Gallery. Deesis (Christ with Mary and John the Baptist). Mosaic,
Byzantine, c. 1260. Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images. 90
3.6 A triumphal procession in Rome celebrating Titus’ victory over the
Jews in ad 70; carved on the Arch of Titus, triumphal arch in
the Forum Romanum erected in ad 81. The New Testament portrays Jesus of
Nazareth as a triumphant victor over sin and death. Rome (Italy),
the Arch of Titus, section of the left internal relief: Triumphal
procession with the seven-armed candlestick from the Temple of
Solomon. Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images. 95
3.7 The Harrowing of Hell, as depicted in Jean de Berry’s Petites Heures
(14th century). Harrowing of Hell, folio 166 from Jean de Berry’s
Petites Heures. Source: Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris, BNF Lat
18104. 97
4.1 Constantine, the first Christian Roman emperor. Source: Nimatallah/
AKG Images. 130
4.2 The Abbey of Montecassino. Source: Pirozzi/AKG Images. 133
4.3 A Celtic Cross from Ireland, widely regarded as a symbol of the
distinctive forms of Christianity that emerged in this region. Source:
Juergen Sorges/AKG Images. 137

List of Illustrations and Maps xv
4.4 Thomas Aquinas, from the series of portraits of famous men in the
Palazzo Ducale in Urbino (c. 1476), by Justus van Gent (active between
1460 and 1480). Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images. 142
4.5 Erasmus of Rotterdam, c. 1525/30, after the painting (1517) by Quentin
Massys (1465/66–1530). Source: Pirozzi/AKG Images. 147
4.6 Portrait of Martin Luther (1528); from the studio of Lucas Cranach
the Elder (1472–1553). Source: AKG Images. 152
4.7 Portrait of the Genevan reformer John Calvin. Source: AKG Images. 153
4.8 Henry VIII (1540), by Hans Holbein the Younger (1497–1543). Source:
Nimatallah/AKG Images. 156
4.9 Ignatius Loyola, founder of the Society of Jesus (1556), by Jacopino
del Conte (1510–1598). Source: AKG Images. 158
4.10 Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1870–1924), leader of the Bolshevik Revolution
in Russia. Source: AKG Images. 182
4.11 The opening of the second session of the Second Vatican Council,
September 29, 1963, with Pope Paul VI (formerly Giovanni Battista
Montini). Source: Keystone/Getty Images 190
6.1 A Russian Orthodox wedding at the Church of the Transfiguration,
St. Petersburg. Source: © Robert Harding Picture Library Ltd/Alamy. 223
6.2 Christian baptism by total immersion in the Indian Ocean in the
island of Zanzibar. Source: © World Religions Photo Library/Alamy. 233
6.3 The Last Supper celebrated and commemorated in the eucharist;
according to Jacopo da Ponte Bassano (c. 1510–1592). Source:
Cameraphoto/AKG Images. 235
6.4 Queen Elizabeth II hands out Maundy Money during the Royal
Maundy Service held at Liverpool’s Anglican Cathedral in 2004.
The purses containing the coins were handed to 78 men and 78 women,
the number selected to mark the Queen’s 78th year. Source: Phil Noble/
PA Archives/Press Association Images. 243
6.5 Santiago de Compostela, the center of a major pilgrimage route in
northern Spain. Source: Andrea Jemolo/AKG Images. 249
7.1 Saint Augustine of Hippo in a monastic cell, as depicted by Sandro
Botticelli, c. 1495. Source: Rabatti-Domingie/AKG Images. 253
7.2 Ground plan of York Minster, one of the greatest Gothic cathedrals
of Europe. Note especially its cruciform structure. Source:
© The Dean & Chapter of York. 258
7.3 The crucifixion, as depicted by Matthias Grünewald in the Isenheim
Altarpiece, executed c. 1513–1515. Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images. 261
7.4 Byzantine icon of the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century,
showing Mary with the infant Jesus. Source: Cameraphoto/AKG Images. 263
7.5 The south transept of the cathedral of Notre Dame de Chartres, one of
the best examples of Gothic church architecture. The façade was
completed in the mid-thirteenth century. Chartres (Dep. Eure-et-Loir, France),

xvi List of Illustrations and Maps
Cathedrale Notre-Dame (1134–1514; choir 1194–1221,
transept after 1194–c. 1250, nave c. 1200–1220, west façade
1134–1514). Exterior: façade of the south transept. Source:
Archives CDA/St-Genès/AKG Images. 265
7.6 The pulpit in St. Peter’s Cathedral, Geneva. Source: J.-P. Scherrer/
Geneva 2005. 267
7.7 The great rose window above the main portal of the cathedral of
Notre Dame, Strasbourg, France, one of the finest examples of
stained glass in Europe. Strasbourg (Alsace, France), Minster:
Cathédrale Notre-Dame (12th–15th century). West façade
(planned in 1276 by Erwin von Steinbach): Window rose above
the main portal. Source: Hedda Eid/AKG Images. 269

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
At some point around ad 60, the Roman authorities woke up to the fact that there seemed
to be a new secret society in the heart of their city, which was rapidly gaining recruits. They
had not the slightest idea what it was all about, but it seemed to involve some mysterious
and dark figure called Chrestus or Christus (Latinized form of the ancient Greek word
Christos, “anointed”) as the cause of all the trouble. His origins lay in one of the more
obscure and backward parts of the Roman empire. But who was he? And what was this new
religion all about? Was it something they should be worried about, or could they safely
ignore it?
It soon became clear that this new religion might have the potential to cause real trouble.
The great fire that swept through Rome at the time of the Emperor Nero in ad 64 was con-
veniently blamed on this new religious group. Nobody liked them much, and they were an
obvious scapegoat for the failings of the Roman authorities to deal with the fire and its after-
math. The Roman historian Tacitus (c. 56–c. 117) gave a full account of this event some fifty
years after the fire. He identified this new religious group as “the Christians,” a group that
took its name from someone called “Christus,” who had been executed by Pontius Pilate
back in the reign of Tiberius. This “pernicious superstition” had found its way to Rome,
where it had gained a huge following. It is clear that Tacitus understands the word “Christian”
to be a term of abuse.
Yet, muddled and confused though the official Roman accounts of this movement may
be, they were clear that the movement centered in some way on that figure called Christus.
It was not regarded as being of any permanent significance, being seen as something of a
minor irritation. At worst, it was a threat to the cult of the emperor (or emperor worship).
Yet, three hundred years later, this new religion had become the official religion of the
Roman empire.
Introduction

2 Introduction
So what was this new religion? What did it teach? Where did it come from? Why was it
so attractive? How did it come to be so influential in its first few centuries? What happened
after it had achieved such success at Rome? And how has it shaped the lives of individuals
and the history of the human race? It is these questions that the present book will begin to
answer.
So where do we start? What is the most helpful entry point to a study of Christianity?
Looking at Christian beliefs? Exploring the history of the church? Surveying Christian art?
In the end, the best place to begin is the historical event that got all of these under way. It is
impossible to think or talk about any aspect of the Christian faith without talking about
Jesus of Nazareth. He is the center from which every aspect of the Christian faith radiates
outward. We therefore turn immediately to Jesus and his significance for Christianity, to
begin our exploration there.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Christianity is rooted in the historical figure of Jesus of Nazareth, often also referred to as
“Jesus Christ.” Christianity is not simply the body of teachings that derive from Jesus of
Nazareth – ideas that could be dissociated from the person and history of their originator.
Marxism, for example, is essentially a system of ideas grounded in the writings of Karl Marx
(1818–1883). But Marx himself is not part of Marxism. At a very early stage, however, the
identity of Jesus became part of the Christian proclamation. The Christian faith is thus not
merely about emulating or adopting the faith of Jesus of Nazareth; it is also about placing
faith in Jesus of Nazareth.
The Significance of Jesus of Nazareth for Christianity
As we have already noted, the figure of Jesus of Nazareth is central to Christianity.
Christianity is not a set of self-contained and freestanding ideas; it represents a sustained
response to the questions raised by the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth.
Before we begin to explore the historical background to Jesus and the way in which the
Christian tradition understands his identity, we need to consider his place within
Christianity. To begin with, we shall consider the ways in which Christians refer to the
central figure of their faith. We have already used the name “Jesus of Nazareth”; but what of
the related name, “Jesus Christ”? Let’s look at the latter in more detail.
The name “Jesus Christ” is deeply rooted in the history and aspirations of the people of
Israel. The word “Jesus” (Hebrew Yeshua) literally means “God saves” – or, to be more pre-
cise, “the God of Israel saves.” The word “Christ” is really a title, so that the name “Jesus
Christ” is better understood as “Jesus who is the Christ.” As a derivative of the verb “to
anoint” (chriō), the word “Christ” is the Greek version of the Hebrew term “Messiah,” which
Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins
of Christianity
1

4 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
refers to an individual singled out or raised up by God for some special purpose (p. 23).
As we shall see, this captured the early Christian belief that Jesus of Nazareth was the
culmination and fulfillment of the hopes and expectations of Israel.
Initially, since so many of the first Christians were Jews, the question of Christianity’s
relationship with Israel was seen as being of major significance. What was the relation of
their old religion to their new faith? Yet, as time passed, this matter became less important.
Within a generation, the Christian church came to be dominated by “Gentiles” – that is,
people who were not Jews – to whom the term “Messiah” meant little – if anything. The
name “Jesus Christ” seems to have been understood simply as a name. As a result, even in
the New Testament itself, the word “Christ” came to be used as an alternative way of referring
to Jesus of Nazareth.
This habit of speaking persists today. In contemporary Christianity, “Jesus” is often seen
as a familiar, intimate form of address, often used in personal devotion and prayer, whereas
“Christ” is more formal, often being used in public worship.
As we have noted, Christianity is an historical religion, which came into being in response
to a specific set of events, which center upon Jesus of Nazareth and to which Christian the-
ology is obliged to return in the course of its speculation and reflection. Yet the importance
of Jesus far exceeds his historical significance. For Christians, Jesus is more than the founder
of their faith or the originator of Christianity: he is the one who makes God known, who
makes salvation possible, and who models the new life with God that results from faith.
To set this out more formally:
1 Jesus tells and shows what God is like;
2 Jesus makes a new relationship with God possible;
3 Jesus himself lives out a God-focused life, acting as a model of the life of faith.
In what follows we shall explore each of these ideas briefly; then we shall consider them
further later in this volume.
First, Christianity holds that Jesus of Nazareth reveals both the will and the face of God.
The New Testament sets out the idea that God, who is invisible, is in some way made known
or made visible through Jesus. Jesus does not simply reveal what God is like, or what God
expects of believers. Rather he enables us to see God. This point is made repeatedly in the
New Testament – for example in statements like this: “Anyone who has seen me has seen the
Father” (John 14: 9). God the Father is here understood to speak and act in the Son. God is
revealed through, in, and by Jesus. To have seen Jesus is to have seen the Father.
This point is developed further in the doctrine of the incarnation – the characteristically
Christian idea that God entered into the world of time and space in the person of Jesus of
Nazareth. The doctrine of the incarnation provides a basis for the distinctively Christian
belief that Jesus opens a “window into God.” It also underlies the practice, especially
associated with the Orthodox church, of using icons in worship and personal devotion. The
doctrine of the incarnation affirms that Jesus “fleshes out” what God is like.
In the second place, Jesus is understood to be the ground of salvation. One of the more
significant titles used in the New Testament to refer to Jesus is “Savior.” Jesus is the “Savior,
who is Christ the Lord” (Luke 2: 11). According to the New Testament, Jesus saves his

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 5
people from their sins (Matthew 1: 21); in his name alone is there salvation (Acts 4: 12); and
he is the “author of their salvation” (Hebrews 2: 10). One of the earliest symbols of faith used
by Christians was a fish. The use of this symbol may reflect the fact that the first disciples
were fishermen. Yet this is not the main reason for adopting the symbol. The five Greek
letters spelling out the word “fish” in Greek (I-CH-TH-U-S) are an acronym of the Christian
creedal slogan “Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior” (see p. 258).
Third, Jesus is understood to disclose the contours of the redeemed life. Jesus of Nazareth
shows us both what God is like and what God wants from us. Jesus is not simply the basis
of the life of faith; he is also the model for that life. Traditionally, this was interpreted ethi-
cally in terms of exercising self-denial and showing self-giving love. Yet this feature is also
important spiritually – for example, in the Christian use of the “Lord’s Prayer,” a prayer also
used by Jesus of Nazareth. The way in which Jesus prayed is seen as an example for the way
in which Christians ought to pray, in much the same way as the moral example of Jesus is
seen as normative for Christian ethics.
The Sources of Our Knowledge about Jesus of Nazareth
Christianity is an historical religion, which came into being in response to a specific set of
events – above all, the history of Jesus of Nazareth. The fact that Jesus of Nazareth is an historical
figure raises two fundamental questions, which remain integral to Christian reflection.
First, how does the story of Jesus of Nazareth fit into his historical context – namely that of
first-century Judaism? And, second, what documentary sources do we possess for our
knowledge of Jesus and its perceived significance?
We shall consider both these questions in the present chapter.
Christianity began as a reform movement within the context of Judaism, which gradually
clarified its identity as it grew and began to take definite shape in the world of the first-
century Roman Empire. There are no historical grounds for believing that the term
“Christian” originated from Jesus of Nazareth himself. Early Christians tended to refer to
each other as “disciples” or “saints,” as the letters of the New Testament make clear. Yet
others used alternative names to refer to this new movement. The New Testament suggests
that the term “Christians” (Greek Christianoi) was first used by outsiders, to refer to the
followers of Jesus of Nazareth. “It was in Antioch that the disciples were first called
‘Christians’” (Acts 17: 26). It was a term imposed upon them, not chosen by them. Yet it
seems to have caught on.
However, we must be careful not to assume that the use of the single term “Christian”
implies that this new religious movement was uniform and well organized. As we shall see,
the early history of Christianity suggests that it was quite diverse, without well-defined
authority structures or carefully formulated sets of beliefs. These began to crystallize during
the first centuries of Christian history and became increasingly important in the fourth,
when Christianity became a legal religion within the Roman empire.
Traditionally, the birth of Jesus of Nazareth is dated to the opening of the Christian era,
his death being dated to some point around ad 30–33. Yet virtually nothing is known of
Jesus of Nazareth from sources outside the New Testament. The New Testament itself

6 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
provides two groups of quite distinct sources of information about Jesus: the four gospels
and the letters. Although parallels are not exact, there are clear similarities between the
gospels and the classical “lives” written by leading Roman historians of the age – such as
Suetonius’ Lives of the Caesars (written in ad 121).
The gospels mingle historical recollection with theological thought, reflecting both on
the identity and on the significance of Jesus of Nazareth. The four gospels have their own
distinct identities and concerns. For example, the gospel of Matthew seems especially
concerned with establishing the significance of Jesus for a Jewish readership, whereas the
gospel of Luke seems more concerned with explaining his importance to a Greek-speaking
community. Establishing the identity of Jesus is just as important as recording what he said
and did. The gospel writers can be thought of as trying to locate Jesus of Nazareth on a map,
so that his relationship with humanity, history, and God may be understood and appreciated.
This leads them to focus on three particular themes:
● What Jesus taught, particularly the celebrated “parables of the Kingdom.” The teaching
of Jesus was seen as important in helping believers to live out an authentic Christian life,
which was a central theme of Christian discipleship – most notably in relation to culti-
vating attitudes of humility toward others and obedience toward God.
● What Jesus did – especially his ministry of healing, which was seen as important in
establishing his identity, but also in shaping the values of the Christian community
itself. For example, most medieval monasteries founded hospitals as a means of
continuing Christ’s ministry in this respect.
● What was said about Jesus by those who witnessed his teaching and actions. The gospel
of Luke, for example, records Simeon’s declaration that the infant Jesus was the
“consolation of Israel,” as well as the Roman centurion’s assertion that Jesus was innocent
of the charges brought against him. These can be seen as constituting public recognition
of the identity of Jesus.
The letters of the New Testament – sometimes still referred to as “epistles” (Greek epistolē,
plural epistolai) – are addressed to individuals and churches and often focus on issues of
conduct and belief. These letters are important in helping us grasp the emerging under-
standings of the significance of Jesus of Nazareth within the Christian community. The
example of Jesus is regularly invoked to emphasize the importance of imitating his attitudes –
for example, treating others better than yourself (Philippians 2). Although the letters make
virtually no direct reference to the teachings of Jesus, certain patterns of behavior are clearly
regarded as being grounded in those teachings – such as humility, or a willingness to accept
suffering.
The letters also emphasize the importance of certain patterns of behavior – for example
repeating the actions of the Last Supper, using bread and wine as a way of recalling and
celebrating the death and resurrection of Christ (pp. 112–117). The sacraments of both
baptism and the eucharist are clearly anticipated in the New Testament and are traced back
to the ministry of Jesus himself.
Yet, perhaps more importantly, the letters also reveal understandings of the identity and
significance of Jesus of Nazareth that were becoming characteristic of early Christian

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 7
communities. The most important of the themes associated to such understandings are the
following:
● Jesus of Nazareth is understood to be the means by which the invisible God can be
known and seen. Jesus is the “image” (Greek eikōn) “of the invisible God” (Colossians 1:
15), or the “exact representation” (Greek charaktēr) of God (Hebrews 1: 3).
● Jesus is the one who makes salvation possible and whose life reflects the themes
characteristic of redeemed human existence. The use of the term “savior” (Greek sōtēr)
is highly significant in this respect.
● The core Christian belief in the resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth is seen as a vindication
of his innocence, a confirmation of his divine identity, and the grounds of hope for
believers. Through faith, believers are understood to be united with Christ and sharing
in his sufferings at present, while also sharing in the hope of his resurrection.
Each of these themes would be further developed as the Christian community reflected on
their significance and on their relevance for the life and thought of believers. We shall
explore some of these more developed ideas about Jesus in a later chapter, setting out the
shape of Christian beliefs.
Jesus of Nazareth in His Jewish Context
From the outset, Christianity saw itself as continuous with Judaism. Christians were clear
that the God whom they followed and worshipped was the same God worshipped by the
Israelite Patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. The New Testament sees the great hope of
the coming of a “Messiah” to the people of Israel as having been fulfilled in Jesus of Nazareth.
As we saw earlier (p. 3), the New Testament use of the title “Christ” (the Greek translation
of the Hebrew word “Messiah”) reflects this belief.
There seems to have been a general consensus within Judaism that the Messiah would be
like a new king David, opening up a new era in Israel’s history. While Israel looked forward
to the coming of a messianic age, different groups understood this in diverging ways. The
Jewish desert community at Qumran thought of the Messiah primarily in priestly terms,
whereas others had more political expectations. Yet, despite these differences, the hope of
the coming of a “messianic age” seems to have been widespread in early first-century
Judaism and is echoed at points in the gospel’s accounts of the ministry of Jesus.
During the first phase of its development, Christianity existed alongside (or even within)
Judaism. Christians insisted that the God who was known and encountered by the great
heroes of faith of Israel – such as Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Moses – was the same God
who was more fully and clearly revealed in Jesus. It was therefore of importance to the early
Christians to demonstrate that Jesus of Nazareth, the central figure of the Christian faith,
brought the great messianic hopes of Judaism to fulfillment.
The continuity between Judaism and Christianity is obvious at many points. Judaism
placed particular emphasis on the Law (Hebrew Torah), through which the will of God was
made known in the form of commands, and on the Prophets, who made known the will of

8 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
God in certain definite historical situations. The New Testament gospels report that Jesus of
Nazareth emphasized that he had “not come to abolish the Law or the Prophets, but to fulfill
them” (Matthew 5: 17).
The same point is made by Paul in his New Testament letters. Jesus is “the goal of the
Law” (Romans 10: 4, using the Greek word telos, which means “end,” “goal,” or “objective”).
Paul also stresses the continuity between the faith of Abraham and that of Christians
(Romans 4: 1–25). The letter to the Hebrews points out the continuity of relationship both
between Moses and Jesus (Hebrews 3: 1–6) and between Christians and the great figures of
faith of ancient Israel (Hebrews 11: 1–12: 2).
The New Testament makes it clear that Christianity is to be seen as being continuous
with Judaism and as bringing to completion what Judaism was pointing toward. This has
several major consequences, of which the following are the most important. First, both
Christians and Jews regard more or less the same collection of writings – known by Jews as
“Law, Prophets, and Writings” and by Christians as “the Old Testament” – as having
religious authority. Although some more radical thinkers within Christianity – such as the
second-century writer Marcion of Sinope – argued for the breaking of any historical or
theological link with Judaism, the main line within the Christian movement both affirmed
and valued the link between the Christian church and Israel. A body of writings that Jews
regard as complete in itself is seen by Christians as pointing forward to something that will
bring it to completion. Although Christians and Jews both regard the same set of texts as
important, they use different names to refer to them and interpret them in different ways.
We shall consider this point further when we look at the Christian Bible.
Second, New Testament writers often laid emphasis on the manner in which Old
Testament prophecies were understood to be fulfilled or realized in the life and death of
Jesus Christ. By doing this, they drew attention to two important beliefs: that Christianity is
continuous with Judaism; and that Christianity brings Judaism to its true fulfillment. This
is particularly important for some early Christian writings – such as Paul’s letters and the
gospel of Matthew – which often seem to be particularly concerned with exploring the
importance of Christianity for Jews. For example, the gospel of Matthew notes at twelve
points how events in the life of Jesus can be seen as fulfilling Old Testament prophecies.
This continuity between Christianity and Judaism helps us understand some aspects of
early Christian history. The New Testament suggests that at least some Christians initially
continued to worship in Jewish synagogues, before controversy made this problematic. The
letters of Paul help us understand at least some of the issues lying behind those controversies.
Two questions were of particular importance and were keenly debated in the first century.
First, there was a debate about whether Christian converts should be required to be
circumcised. Those who emphasized the continuity between Christianity and Judaism
believed they should be. Yet the view that ultimately prevailed was that Christians were no
longer subject to the cultic laws of Judaism – such as the requirement to be circumcised or
to observe strict dietary laws.
Second, there was the question of whether non-Jewish converts to Christianity were to be
treated as Jews. Those who emphasized the continuity between Judaism and Christianity
argued that Gentile believers should be treated as if they had become Jews – and hence they

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 9
would be subject to Jewish religious observances and rituals, such as the requirement for
males to be circumcised. For this reason, a group within early Christianity demanded the
circumcision of male Gentile converts.
Yet the majority, including Paul, took a very different position. To be a Christian was not
about reinforcing a Jewish ethnic or cultural identity, but about entering a new way of living
and thinking, which was open to everyone. By the late first century Christians largely saw
themselves as a new religious movement, originating within Judaism but not limited by its
cultic and ethnic traditions.
The Gospels and Jesus of Nazareth
Our primary sources for the life of Jesus of Nazareth are the four gospels of the New
Testament – Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. The first three of these gospels are often
referred to as “the Synoptic Gospels,” in that each lays out a summary (Greek sunopsis) of
the activities and teachings of Jesus. There is little historical information about Jesus
available from any other source. Thus the great Roman historians of this age provide little
on this score, although they are important sources for our understanding of the way in
which Jesus was received within early Christianity.
It is easy to understand this lack of interest in Jesus in the writings of Roman historians.
They had relatively little time for events that took place in the backwaters of their empire,
such as the distant and unimportant province of Judaea. Their histories focused on Rome
itself and on the leading figures and events that shaped its destiny.
Three Roman historians make reference to Jesus in their writings: Pliny the Younger,
writing around ad 111 to the Emperor Trajan about the rapid spread of Christianity in Asia
Minor; Tacitus, who wrote around ad 115 concerning the events of ad 64, when Nero made
the Christians scapegoats for the burning of Rome; and Suetonius, writing around ad 120
about certain events during the reign of Emperor Claudius. Suetonius refers to a certain
“Chrestus” who was behind riotings at Rome. “Christus” was still an unfamiliar name to
Romans at this stage, whereas “Chrestus” was a common name for slaves at this time (the
Greek adjective chrēstos meant “useful”).
Four points emerge from the brief comments of these three historians:
1 Jesus had been condemned to death by Pontius Pilate, procurator of Judaea, during the
reign of the Roman Emperor Tiberius (Tacitus). Pilate was procurator (governor) of
Judaea from ad 26 to ad 36, while Tiberius reigned from ad 14 to ad 37. The traditional
date for the crucifixion is some time around ad 30–33.
2 By the time of Nero’s reign, Jesus had attracted sufficient followers in Rome for Nero to
make them a suitable scapegoat for the burning of Rome. These followers were named
“Christians” (Tacitus).
3 “Chrestus” was the founder of a distinctive group within Judaism (Suetonius).
4 By ad 112, Christians were worshipping Jesus of Nazareth “as if he were a god,” aban-
doning the worship of the Roman emperor to do so (Pliny).

10 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
The main sources for the life of Jesus of Nazareth are thus the four gospels. Each of
these texts presents related, though distinct, accounts of the ministry of Jesus. Matthew’s
gospel, for example, brings out the importance of Jesus for the Jewish people and is
particularly concerned to explore the way in which Jesus brings the expectations of
Israel to their proper fulfillment. Mark’s gospel takes the form of a rapidly paced nar-
rative, often leaving readers breathless as they are led from one event to another. Luke’s
gospel has a particular interest in bringing out the importance of Jesus for non-Jewish
readers. John’s gospel is more reflective in its approach, characterized by a distinctive
emphasis on the way in which the coming of Jesus brings eternal life to those who
believe in him.
The gospels cannot really be thought of as biographies of Jesus in the modern sense of
the term, although they unquestionably provide much helpful biographical information.
They do not present us with a full account of the life of Jesus. Mark’s gospel, for example,
focuses on a few years of Jesus’ life, which are characterized by his intensive public
ministry and end in his crucifixion and resurrection. Matthew and Luke both give brief
accounts of the birth and childhood of Jesus before resuming their narratives of his
public ministry.
It is clear that the gospels weave together several sources to build up their overall por-
trayal of the identity and significance of Jesus. Thus Mark’s gospel draws on material that is
traditionally attributed to Peter, Jesus’ leading disciple. Furthermore, the gospels are more
concerned with bringing out the significance of the life of Jesus than with documenting it
in full detail. Nevertheless, they present us with a portrait of Jesus that mingles history and
theology to tell us who Jesus is – not simply in terms of his historical identity, but in terms
of his continuing importance for the world.
We will follow the account of the birth and early ministry of Jesus of Nazareth as laid out
in the Synoptic Gospels. Space does not allow a detailed interaction with the historical,
theological, and cultural issues raised by these accounts. In what follows we shall set out the
basic narratives and reflect on their general significance.
The Birth of Jesus of Nazareth
Mark’s account of the ministry of Jesus begins with Jesus’ appearance as an adult in Galilee;
it makes no reference to his birth or childhood. Matthew and Luke provide different yet
complementary accounts, which narrate the birth of Jesus and have had a major impact on
Christian art (and subsequently on traditional Christmas cards and carols). Matthew’s
account is related from the standpoint of Joseph, and Luke’s from that of Mary. Neither the
day nor the year of Jesus’ birth are known for certain. Non-Christians often assume that
Christians believe that Jesus was born on December 25. In fact Christians have chosen to
celebrate the birth of Jesus on Christmas Day. December 25 is the date fixed for the celebra-
tion of the birth of Jesus, not the date of his birth itself.
Early Christian writers suggested a variety of dates for the celebration of Jesus’ birth –
for example, Clement of Alexandria (c. 150–c. 215) advocated May 20. By the fourth

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 11
century the date of December 25 had been chosen,
possibly to take advantage of a traditional Roman
holiday associated with this date. For Christians,
the precise date of the birth of Jesus is actually
something of a non-issue. What really matters is
that he was born as a human being and entered into
human history.
The traditional Christmas story has become
somewhat stylized over the years. For example,
most traditional versions of the story tell of the
“three wise men” and of Jesus “being born in a
stable.” In fact the New Testament relates that the
wise men brought three gifts to Jesus; many have
simply assumed that, as there were three gifts, there
must have been three wise men. Similarly, we are
told that Jesus was born in a manger; many have
assumed that, since mangers are kept in stables,
Jesus must have been born in a stable.
The birthplace of Jesus is identified as Bethlehem,
a minor town in the region of Judaea, not far from
Jerusalem. Its significance lies in its associations
with King David, given particular emphasis by the
Prophet Micah. Writing in the eighth century before
Christ, Micah declared that a future ruler of Israel
would emerge from Bethlehem (Micah 5: 2). This
expectation is noted in Matthew’s gospel (Matthew
2: 5–6), where it is presented as one of many indica-
tions that the circumstances of the birth and early
ministry of Jesus represent a fulfillment of Israelite
prophecies and hopes.
Luke stresses the humility and lowliness of the cir-
cumstances of the birth of Jesus. For example, he
notes that Jesus was placed in a manger (normally
used for feeding animals), and that the first people to
visit him were shepherds. Although the force of the
point is easily lost, it needs to be remembered that
shepherds were widely regarded as socially and reli-
giously inferior people in Jewish society, on account
of their nomadic lifestyle.
Both Matthew and Luke stress the importance of Mary, the mother of Jesus. In later
Christian thought, Mary would become a focus for personal devotion, on account of her
obedience and humility. She often had a particular appeal to women, who felt marginal-
ized by the strongly masculine ethos of Christianity, for example during the Middle
Figure 1.1 The angel Gabriel declaring to Mary that
she is to bear the savior of the world, by Dante
Gabriel Rossetti; this incident is related early in
Luke’s gospel. Dante Gabriel Rossetti (1828–1882), Ecce
Ancilla Domini (The Annunciation), 1850. Oil on
canvas, mounted on wood, 72 × 42 cm. Source: Erich
Lessing/AKG Images.

12 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
Ages. The hymn “Stabat mater” (a Latin title that means “The Mother Stood [by the
Cross]”), which was written in the thirteenth century, describes the deep feeling of sor-
row experienced by Mary at the death of her son on the cross. This hymn, which was
subsequently set to music by several major composers, had a deep impact on the spiri-
tuality of the Middle Ages and beyond. At the time of the Reformation, devotion to Mary
was often criticized. It was suggested that this devotion could threaten the central place
of Jesus Christ in Christian prayer and worship. Nevertheless, most Christians regard
Mary as an excellent example of several cardinal Christian virtues, especially obedience
to and trust in God.
The place of Joseph in the gospels’ accounts of Jesus should also be noted. At no point is
he described as the “father of Jesus,” despite the numerous references, here and elsewhere,
to Mary as the “mother of Jesus.” Matthew shows how Joseph was legally related to David
(Matthew 1: 1–17), so that Jesus possessed the legal status of being descended from David.
Yet Joseph is not understood to be Jesus’ physical father. For Matthew and Luke, it is under-
stood that the conception of Jesus is due to God, although the theme of the virginity of
Mary – seen as immensely important by some Christian writers – is given less weight than
might be expected.
Figure 1.2 The birth of Christ, as depicted by
Fra Angelico in a mural in the monastery of San
Marco, Florence, between 1437 and 1445. Fra
Giovanni da Fiesole (1387–1455) and workshop,
Birth of Christ, with the Saints Catherine of
Alexandria and Peter the Martyr (1437–1445).
Fresco, 193 × 164 cm. Florence, S. Marco, upper
storey, dormitory, cell No.5 (east corridor). Source:
Rabatti-Domingie/AKG Images.

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 13
The Early Ministry of Jesus of Nazareth
The gospels all locate the beginning of the public ministry of Jesus in the countryside of
Judaea, by the Jordan River. It is specifically linked with the activity of John the Baptist, who
attracted widespread attention with his calls to repentance. It is clear that John’s ministry
takes place at a moment of some significance in the history of Israel. Perhaps there were
those who felt that God had abandoned Israel; perhaps there were those who felt that the
great acts of divine deliverance and encouragement in the past would never be repeated.
Israel was under Roman occupation and seemed to have lost its identity as the people of God.
The New Testament picks up two themes that may help us understand why John the Baptist
attracted such enormous interest at the time. The final work of Jewish prophecy – the book of
Malachi, probably dating from the fifth century before Christ – spoke of God sending a
messenger, to prepare the way for the coming of God (Malachi 3: 1–2). It also hinted at the
return of Elijah, one of the great figures of faith in Israel, before this event. When John the
Baptist appeared, he wore the same simple clothes of camel’s hair as Elijah had before him.
Malachi spoke of the need for corporate repentance. The whole people of God needed to repent
of its sins before national restoration to divine favor was possible. John the Baptist spoke of this
same need for repentance and offered baptism as a symbol of an individual’s willingness to
repent. (The word “baptism” comes from a Greek word meaning “to wash” or “to bathe.”)
The implications of these developments would have been clear to anyone with a
knowledge of the Jewish prophets and alert to the signs of the times. The coming of John
the Baptist could be seen as a pointer to the coming of God. John himself made this point,
declaring that someone greater than him would follow him – someone whose sandals he
was not worthy to untie (Mark 1: 8). And at that moment Jesus appeared. Mark’s vivid and
racy account of this encounter makes it clear that John was referring to Jesus, even though
he did not specifically name him. John is thus seen as the forerunner of Jesus, pointing the
way to his coming – a bridging figure between the Old and New covenants.
After Jesus was baptized by John, he slipped away into a solitary place for 40 days and
nights. This period of Jesus’ ministry – usually referred to as “the temptation of Christ” –
involved his being confronted with all the temptations he would encounter during his
ministry. Although Mark only hints at this (Mark 1: 12), Matthew and Luke provide fuller
details (e.g., Luke 4: 1–13), allowing us to see how Jesus was confronted with the temptation
to personal power and glory. The New Testament writers subsequently stress the importance
of Jesus’ obedience to the will of God. The period of Lent, immediately before Easter
(pp. 240–241), marks the time of year when Christians are encouraged to examine them-
selves in this way, following the example of Christ.
A theme that now emerges is that of the rejection of Jesus by his own people. This theme
culminates in the crucifixion, in which Jesus is publicly repudiated by a crowd in Jerusalem
and taken off to be crucified by the Roman authorities. The theme also appears at earlier
points in the ministry of Jesus and is particularly linked with the severely hostile criticism
of Jesus by the Pharisees and the teachers of Jewish law. For the New Testament writers, the
paradox is that those who were most deeply committed to and familiar with the Jewish law
failed to recognize its fulfillment when this took place.

14 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
Nevertheless, the theme of “rejection” can be found much earlier than this. One incident in
particular illustrates this point: the rejection of Jesus in his home town of Nazareth. Luke’s
gospel relates how Jesus attended synagogue regularly on the sabbath. On one occasion he was
asked to read a section from the prophecy of Isaiah, which included the following words:
The Spirit of the Lord is on me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor.
He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to
release the oppressed, to proclaim the year of the Lord’s favour. (Luke 4: 18–19)
After reading these words, Jesus solemnly declared that he they had been fulfilled – implying
that he himself was their fulfillment. The synagogue congregation was outraged by what it
clearly saw as a self-serving publicity stunt, probably amounting to blasphemy. Its members
threw him out of their town, even trying to push him over the edge of a nearby hill. After this,
Jesus moved to minister in the region of Capernaum, on the northwestern shore of Lake Galilee.
Jesus then gathered around himself a small group of disciples, who would accompany
him as he traveled and would subsequently form the core of the early church. The group of
twelve apostles (often referred to simply as “the twelve”) was drawn from a variety of back-
grounds, mostly from jobs in the rural economy of the region. Two pairs of brothers – Peter
and Andrew, James and John – were called to leave behind them their fishing business on
Lake Galilee and follow Jesus. At a late stage, possibly a year or so into his ministry, Jesus
Figure 1.3 Jesus of Nazareth calling Peter and Andrew by the Sea of Galilee (1481), by Domenico
Ghirlandaio. Domenico Ghirlandaio (Domenico Bigordi) (1449–1494), The Calling of SS. Peter and
Andrew, 1481. Fresco. Source: Vatican Museums and Galleries/Bridgeman Art Library.

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 15
divided the twelve into two groups of six, sending them out into the countryside to preach
the kingdom of God.
Jesus began his ministry of teaching and healing in the region around Galilee and subse-
quently expanded it into Judaea. On the basis of the accounts provided in the gospels, it may
be estimated that this period lasted roughly three years. Important though both the teaching
and healing are in their own rights, their true importance lies partly in what they demon-
strate about Jesus. This becomes clear from a question posed later by John the Baptist. By
this stage, John had been imprisoned by Herod Antipas, ruler (or, more precisely, “tetrarch”)
in the region of Galilee. Still uncertain as to the true identity of Jesus, John asked him this
question: “Are you the one who was to come, or should we expect someone else?” The
implications of the question are enormous. Is Jesus the Messiah? Has the messianic age
finally dawned?
Jesus answers this question indirectly, by pointing to what has happened in his ministry:
“The blind receive sight, the lame walk, those who have leprosy are cured, the deaf hear, the
dead are raised, and the good news is preached to the poor” (Matthew 11: 6). In other
words, the expected signs of the messianic age were present in his ministry. Jesus does not
directly answer the question of whether he is the Messiah. The implication, however, is that
the healing miracles are to be seen as signs, pointing to a right understanding of the identity
and significance of Jesus as the long-awaited Messiah.
The Teaching of Jesus of Nazareth: The Parables of the Kingdom
The theme of the “kingdom of God” (or, in the case of Matthew’s gospel, “the kingdom of
heaven”) is widely agreed to be central to the preaching of Jesus. The public ministry of
Jesus begins with his declaration that the kingdom of God has “drawn near” and that “the
time is fulfilled” (Mark 1: 15). The Greek word basileia, traditionally translated as “kingdom,”
does not so much express the idea of a definite political region over which a king rules as
the action of “ruling” itself. In other words, the Greek word refers to the idea of “kingship”
rather than of a “kingdom.”
The “Sermon on the Mount” (the block of teaching contained in Matthew 5: 1–7: 29) is
often referred to as setting out the “ethics of the kingdom of God.” The acknowledgement
of the rule of God is expected to lead to a certain pattern of behavior, which is embodied in
the life and ministry of Jesus of Nazareth himself and echoed in his teaching. The basic
theme of Jesus’ preaching can thus be thought of in terms of the coming of the kingly rule
of God. This theme is expressed in the prayer that Jesus instructed his followers to imitate,
which is widely known as “the Lord’s Prayer.”
Jesus’ preaching about the kingdom is best understood in terms of “inauguration.”
Something has happened that sets in motion a series of events that has yet to reach its
fulfillment. A series of parables express the idea that the kingdom is something that prog-
resses from a seemingly insignificant starting point to something much greater. The Parable
of the Mustard Seed (Matthew 13: 31–32) illustrates this idea of growth and development.
The Parable of the Vineyard (Matthew 21: 33–41) makes the point that those who are enti-
tled to be tenants of the vineyard are those who produce its fruit, a clear indication of the

16 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
need, for those who claim to be within the kingdom, to conform to its ethics. The kingly
rule of God carries obligations.
Jesus’ teaching about the kingdom is largely expressed using “parables,” which can be
thought of as earthly stories with heavenly meanings. The word “parable” conveys a number
of ideas, including “illustration” and “mystery” or “riddle.” A parable conveys a spiritual
truth – but the meaning may not be clear, and may therefore require illustration. Some of
the parables are based on shrewd observation of everyday life in rural Palestine. Just as a
pearl of great value is worth one’s selling lesser possessions in order to own it, so the
kingdom of God is worth one’s giving up everything for it (Matthew 13: 45–46). Just as a
small amount of yeast can raise a large amount of dough, so the kingdom of God can
exercise a wide influence throughout the world, despite its small beginnings (Matthew 13:
33). Just as a shepherd will go out and look for a sheep that has got lost, so God will seek out
those who have wandered away (Luke 15: 4–6).
Key
N
Town mentioned in
the New Testament
Galilee and vicinity
City of the Decapolis
City of the Decapolis
mentioned in the
New Testament
Political boundary
Ptolmais
SY
RI
A
M
ED
IT
ER
RA
N
EA
N
S
EA
Capernaum
Gamala
Dion
Abila
Valley of Jezreel
Gadara
10 miles
10 km50
0 5
DECAPOLIS
GALILEE
(R
OM
AN
P
RO
VI
N
CE
)
Gergesa?
Sea of
Galilee
Seleucia
Lake
Huleh
Caesarea Philippi
(Paneas)
TETRARCHY OF
PHILIP
Chorazin
Ginnesar
(Gennesaret)
Magdala
Cana
Sepporis
Nazareth
Nain
JUDAEA R
.Jo
rd
an
R
.Jo
rd
an
R.Kishon
Caesarea
Figure 1.4 The Galilean ministry of Jesus.

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 17
Sometimes the parables are more complex. The Parable of the Prodigal Son (Luke 15:
11–32) tells of a son who decides to leave his father’s home and to seek his fortune in a dis-
tant land. Yet life away from his father turns out not to be as rosy as the prodigal son had
expected. He falls on hard times. The prodigal son comes to long to return home to his
father. However, he is convinced that his father will have disowned him and will no longer
wish to acknowledge him as his son. The remarkable feature of the parable is the picture of
God it gives us. The father sees the returning son long before the son notices him; he rushes
out to meet him and to celebrate the return of the son he had given up for lost. The message
of the parable is that, just as the father was overjoyed at the return of his son, so God will be
overjoyed at the return of sinners.
The teaching of Jesus concerning the kingdom of God is an important element in the
Christian faith. However, Christianity is not only about what Jesus taught. It is also about
the person of Jesus himself. Who is he? And what is his importance? For the New Testament,
the death and resurrection of Jesus are of central importance to any full understanding of
his identity and significance. We shall consider these themes in what follows.
The Crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth
Christianity is the only major faith to focus attention on the death of its founder and to see
this episode as being of pivotal importance to its ideas and ethos. This emphasis is not a
later development; it can be seen from the outset. One of the earliest literary witnesses to the
central importance of the crucifixion is Paul’s first letter to the Christian church at Corinth,
which probably dates from the early months of ad 55. In the first chapter of this letter, Paul
lays considerable emphasis upon the fact that Jesus of Nazareth was crucified. The subject
of his preaching was “Christ crucified” (1: 23); the power lying behind the gospel proclama-
tion is “the cross of Christ” (1: 17); the entire Christian gospel can even be summarized as
“the message of the cross” (1: 18).
Yet crucifixion was seen as a scandalous form of death within Roman imperial culture. It
was reserved for traitors, rebels, and the lower classes. Crucifixion was a widespread form
of execution in the Roman empire, and we possess many accounts of the process from
classical writers. The Latin word “crucifixion” literally means “being placed on a cross.” The
victim was generally flogged or tortured beforehand, and then might be tied or nailed to the
cross in practically any position. This form of punishment appears to have been employed
ruthlessly in order to suppress rebellions in the provinces of the Roman empire – such as
the revolt of the Cantabrians in northern Spain, as well as those of the Jews. Probably the
most famous example of crucifixion being used as a deterrent was in 71 bc, when the
Romans crucified 6,000 slaves who had joined Spartacus’ rebellion. The crosses were
erected along the Appian Way, one of the busiest commercial transport routes in Italy.
Josephus’ accounts of the crucifixion of the many Jewish fugitives who attempted to
escape from besieged Jerusalem at the time of its final destruction by the Roman armies in
ad 70 make deeply disturbing reading. In the view of most Roman legal writers, notorious
criminals were to be crucified on the exact location of their crime, so that “the sight may
deter others from such crimes.” Perhaps for this reason, the Roman Emperor Quintillian

18 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
crucified criminals on the busiest thoroughfares, in order that the maximum deterrent
effect might be achieved.
Crucifixion was a punishment reserved for the lowest criminals, which clearly implied that
Jesus belonged to this category of people in Roman eyes. For a Jew, anyone hanged upon a tree
was cursed by God (Deuteronomy 21: 23), which would hardly commend the Christian claim
that Jesus was indeed the long-awaited Messiah. Indeed, one of the Dead Sea scrolls suggests that
crucifixion was regarded as the proper form of execution for a Jew suspected of high treason.
The New Testament makes two statements about the crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth,
which are integral to its understanding of his identity and significance. First, the crucifixion
really happened – specifically, during the time when Pontius Pilate was the Roman governor
of Judaea. And, second, this event needed to be interpreted correctly. It did not signify
shame, guilt, or rejection by God. When rightly understood, it was about the forgiveness of
sins and the dawn of new hope.
Before we reflect further on the interpretation of the crucifixion, we need to outline the
basic structure of the gospel narratives of this event. The background to the crucifixion is
the triumphal entry of Jesus into Jerusalem, mounted on a donkey, in fulfillment of a great
messianic prophecy of the Old Testament (Zechariah 9: 9). Jesus enters Jerusalem as its
king, an event recalled and celebrated by Christians on Palm Sunday. Yet this final week in
the life of Jesus is marked by increasing controversy, culminating in his betrayal, arrest, and
execution. Luke relates how Jesus and his disciples gather together “in an upper room” to
celebrate Passover (Luke 22: 14–23).
The Jewish feast of Passover commemorates the events leading up to the exodus and the
establishment of the people of Israel. The Passover lamb, slaughtered shortly before and
eaten at the feast, symbolizes this great act of divine redemption. It is thus very significant
that the Last Supper and the crucifixion of Jesus took place at the feast of Passover. The
Synoptic Gospels clearly treat the Last Supper as a Passover meal where Jesus initiates a new
version of the meal. While Jews celebrated their deliverance by God from Egypt by eating a
lamb, Christians would henceforth celebrate their deliverance by God from sin by eating
bread and drinking wine.
John’s gospel suggests that Jesus is crucified at exactly the same moment as the slaughter
of the Passover lambs, so that Jesus is to be seen as the true Passover lamb, who died for the
sins of the world. In the light of this, the full meaning of the words of John the Baptist, as
presented in John’s gospel, becomes clearer: “Behold the Lamb of God, who takes away the
sin of the world” (John 1: 29). The point being made is that the death of Christ is understood
to take away sin and to cleanse believers from its guilt and stain.
The coincidence of the Last Supper and of the crucifixion with the Passover feast makes
it clear that there is a connection between the exodus and the death of Christ. Both are to
be seen as acts of divine deliverance from oppression. However, while Moses led Israel from
a specific captivity in Egypt, Jesus of Nazareth is seen as delivering his people from a
universal bondage to sin and death. While there are parallels between the exodus and the
cross, there are also differences. Perhaps the most important difference relates to the New
Testament’s affirmation of the universality of the redemption accomplished by Christ. For
the New Testament, the work of Christ benefits all who put their trust in him, irrespective
of their ethnic identity or their historical or geographical location.

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 19
The Last Supper – famously depicted by Michelangelo in 1498 – is of particular impor-
tance to Christians, in that it is remembered in Christian worship. The use of bread and
wine as a remembrance of Jesus – which focuses on the sacrament usually referred to as
“Holy Communion,” “the Lord’s Supper,” “the eucharist,” or “the mass” – has its origins here.
We shall return to consider this “remembrance” in greater detail later (pp. 116–117). The
Last Supper is followed by the betrayal of Jesus to the Jewish authorities for 30 pieces of
silver (Matthew 27: 1–10).
After a theological interrogation, Jesus is handed over to the Roman authorities. He is
brought before Pontius Pilate, who was the Roman governor of Judaea from ad 26 to ad 36.
Pilate’s inclination would probably have been to order some token punishment, but to take
things no further. However, the crowd demands that Jesus be crucified. Washing his hands
of the whole affair, Pilate sends Jesus off to be flogged and crucified. Jesus is then humiliated
by the Roman soldiers, who dress him up in a caricature of royal costume, including a
crown of thorns.
The floggings administered by the Romans were vicious; they had been known to cause
the death of victims before they were crucified. Under Jewish law, victims were only allowed
to be flogged with 40 strokes; this was invariably reduced to 39, as an act of leniency. But
under Roman law there were no limits to the extent of the suffering to be inflicted. The
whips used for this purpose generally consisted of several strands of leather with small
pieces of metal or broken bones at the end; these tore apart the skin of those being whipped,
with the result that many did not survive the ordeal.
Clearly Jesus was severely weakened by his beating and proved unable to carry his own
cross. Simon of Cyrene was forced to carry it for him. Finally they reached Golgotha, the
place of execution (Matthew 27: 32–43). This place is also often referred to as “Calvary,”
from the Latin word calvaria, which means “skullcap, top of the skull” – the literal meaning
of the Aramaic word of “Golgotha.” As Jesus hangs on the cross, he is mocked by those
watching him die, while the Roman soldiers cast lots for his clothes. After being taken down
from the cross, Jesus is buried in a borrowed tomb (Matthew 27: 57–61). That is not, how-
ever, the end of the story, according to the New Testament.
The Resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth
The gospels now turn to narrate a series of events traditionally referred to as “the resurrection.”
This phrase is used to refer to both an historical event – the “empty tomb” – and a specific inter-
pretation of the significance of this event. The discovery of the empty tomb was not in itself
the resurrection; other interpretations were possible, such as the body’s having been stolen.
The idea of “resurrection” is a specific interpretation of the discovery of the empty tomb.
The gospels’ resurrection narratives have three main elements:
1 The tomb in which the corpse of Jesus was laid late on the Friday afternoon was discov-
ered to be empty on the Sunday morning. Those who discovered the empty tomb were
frightened by what they found; their reports were not taken seriously by many of those
in Jesus’ close circle of friends.

20 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
2 The disciples reported experiencing personal encounters with Jesus, in which he
appeared to them as a living human.
3 The disciples began to preach Jesus as the living Lord rather than as a dead teacher
from the past.
The “empty tomb” tradition is of considerable importance here (Matthew 28: 1–10; Mark
16: 1–8; Luke 24: 1–11; John 20: 1–10). The story is told from different angles in each of the
gospels and includes divergence on minor points of detail, which is so characteristic of eye
witness reports. Interestingly, all four gospels attribute the discovery of the empty tomb to
women. The only Easter event to be explicitly related in detail by all four of the gospel
writers is the visit of the women to the tomb of Jesus. Yet Judaism dismissed the value of the
testimony or witness of women, regarding only men as having significant legal status in this
respect. Mark’s gospel even names each of the women three times: Mary Magdalene, Mary
the mother of James, and Salome (Mark 15: 40, 47; 16: 1). It is interesting that Mark does
not mention the names of any male disciples who were around at the time.
The resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth appears to have come as a surprise to the disciples.
There was, in Jewish thought, no real precedent for a resurrection of this kind. Far from
fitting into popular Jewish expectations of the resurrection of the dead, what happened to
Figure 1.5 Piero della Francesca’s depiction of the
resurrection of Christ, c. 1460–1464. Piero della
Francesca (c.1410/20–1492), The Resurrection of
Christ (c. 1460–1464). Fresco (removed),
225 × 200 cm. Sansepolcro, Pinacoteca Comunale.
Source: Rabatti-Domingie/AKG Images.

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 21
Jesus actually contradicted them. Most Jews at the time seem to have believed in the resur-
rection of the dead at the end of time itself. The Pharisees, for example, believed in a future
resurrection, and held that men and women would be rewarded or punished after death
according to their actions. The Sadducees, however, insisted that there was no resurrection
of any kind. No future existence awaited men and women after death. (Paul was able to
exploit the differences between Pharisees and Sadducees on this point: see Acts 26: 6–8.)
Thus the Christian claim about the resurrection of Christ in history – rather than at the
end of history – does not fit any known Jewish pattern at all. The resurrection of Jesus is not
declared to be a future event, but something that had already happened in the world of time
and space, in front of witnesses.
In addition to reporting the basic events that underlie the Christian gospel, the New
Testament includes extensive reflection on the identity and significance of Jesus. The pre-
sent chapter provides an analysis of the main lines of reflection we find in the New
Testament, as well as exploring how Jesus has been understood as a result of the church’s
long reflections on how best to represent and describe him. This process of reflection and
development is often likened to the growth of a plant.
But, before we can begin to explore Christian understandings of the meaning of Jesus, we
need to consider the all-important distinction between events and meanings. In what way
can something that happened in history be said to possess a meaning over and above the
event itself ?
Events and Meanings: The Interpretation of the History of Jesus
In thinking about the significance of Jesus, we need to explore the relation between the
events of his life and their deeper meaning. Christianity does not merely recite the history
of Jesus; it affirms a specific way of making sense of that history, particularly his death on
the cross and resurrection. The Christian faith certainly presupposes that Jesus existed as a
real historical figure, and that he was crucified. Christianity is not, however, simply about
the mere facts that Jesus existed and was crucified. Some words of the Apostle Paul, prob-
ably written 15 years after the resurrection, will help make this point clear.
Now, brothers, I want to remind you of the gospel I preached to you, which you received and
on which you have taken your stand. By this gospel you are saved … For what I received I
passed on to you as of first importance: that Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures,
that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day according to the Scriptures, and that he
appeared to Peter, and then to the Twelve [Apostles]. (1 Corinthians 15: 1–5)
Paul here seems to be using (and passing on to his readers) an accepted formula or form
of words, which was in general use in the early church and which he transmits to
Corinthian Christians. This formula makes a clear distinction between the event of the
death of Christ and the significance of this event. That Christ died is a simple matter of
history; that Christ died for our sins is an insight that lies right at the heart of the
Christian faith itself.

22 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
This important distinction between an event and its meaning can be illustrated with the
help of an event that took place in 49 bc, when the great Roman commander Julius Caesar
crossed a small river with a legion of soldiers. The name of the river was Rubicon, and it
marked an important frontier within the Roman empire. It was the boundary between Italy
and Cisalpine Gaul, a colonized region to the northwest of Italy, in modern-day France.
Considered simply as an event, Caesar’s crossing was not especially important. The
Rubicon was not a major river, and there was no particular difficulty about crossing it.
People had crossed wider and deeper rivers before and since. As a simple event, it was not
remarkable. But that is not why the crossing of that river was important. It is the meaning
of the event that guarantees its place in history books, in that its political significance was
enormous. Crossing this national frontier with an army was a deliberate act of rebellion
against Rome. It marked a declaration of war on the part of Caesar against Pompey and the
Roman senate. The event was the crossing of a river; the meaning of that event was a decla-
ration of war.
In many ways, the death of Christ may be said to parallel Caesar’s crossing of the Rubicon.
The event itself appears unexceptional, except to those who know its significance. On
the basis of contemporary records, we know that an incalculable number of people died
like that at the time. Jesus would not have been alone in being executed in this way.
Indeed the gospels’ accounts of the crucifixion make it absolutely clear that two other criminals
were crucified with Jesus on that day, one on either side of him. As an event, the crucifixion
hardly seems important or noteworthy. It is one more witness to the cruel and repressive
measures used by the Romans to enforce conformity throughout their empire.
Yet the New Testament makes it clear that behind the external event of the crucifixion of
Jesus of Nazareth lay what this event signified; and this is the reason why it was important.
Pompey and the Roman senate were not especially interested in the mechanics of how
Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon: for them, the bottom line was crystal clear – it meant
war. Similarly, Paul was not particularly interested in the historical details of the crucifixion
of Jesus. The historicity of the crucifixion is assumed; what really matters is its theological
significance as the ground of salvation, forgiveness, and victory over death. The Christian
proclamation was about far more than the simple historical fact that Jesus was crucified. It
was about the significance of this event for humanity: Jesus was numbered among sinners,
so that sinners might be forgiven.
Thus far we have focused on the distinction between “event” and “meaning.” Once the
importance of this distinction has been appreciated, we are in a position to move on and
look at some of the interpretations of Jesus that we find in the New Testament.
The New Testament Understandings of the Significance of Jesus
Who is Jesus of Nazareth? What does he mean? One of the easiest ways to begin to reflect
on these questions is to look at the terms used to refer to Jesus in the New Testament, espe-
cially in the gospels. These terms are often referred to as the “Christological titles” of the
New Testament. Each of them must be considered as the outcome of a process of reflection
on what Jesus said and did and on the impact that he had upon people. In what follows we

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 23
shall explore three of these titles – “Messiah,” “Lord,” and “Son of God” – which have found
their way into the creeds of the churches, and we shall consider their implications for the
Christian understanding of the identity of Jesus.
1 Messiah It is very easy for a modern western reader to assume that “Christ” was Jesus’
surname and to fail to appreciate that it is actually a title – “Jesus the Christ,” or “Jesus the
Messiah.” The Hebrew word “Messiah” means “the anointed one” – someone who has been
ritually anointed with oil, as a mark of having been singled out by God as having special powers
and functions. Some of Israel’s greatest kings were referred to as “the Lord’s anointed” (1 Samuel
24: 6). As time passed, the term gradually came to refer to a deliverer, himself a descendant of
David, who would restore Israel to the golden age it enjoyed under the rule of David.
During the period of Jesus’ ministry, Palestine was occupied and administered by
Rome. There was fierce nationalist feeling at the time, fueled by intense resentment at
the presence of a foreign occupying power, and this appears to have given a new force to
the traditional expectation of the coming of the Messiah. For many, the Messiah would be
the deliverer who expelled the Romans from Israel and restored the line of the greatest
king of Israel, David.
Jesus does not appear to have been prepared to accept the title “Messiah” in the course of
his ministry. For example, when Peter acclaims him as Messiah – “You are the Christ!” – Jesus
immediately tells Peter to keep quiet about it (Mark 8: 29–30). It is not clear what the full sig-
nificance of the “Messianic secret” is. Why should Mark emphasize that Jesus did not make an
explicit claim to be the Messiah, when he was so clearly regarded as such by so many?
Perhaps the answer may be found later, in Mark’s gospel, when Mark recounts the only
point at which Jesus explicitly acknowledges his identity as the Messiah. When Jesus is led,
as a prisoner, before the High Priest, he admits to being the Messiah (Mark 14: 61–62).
Once violent or political action of any sort is no longer possible, Jesus reveals his identity.
He was indeed the deliverer of the people of God – but not, it would seem, in any political
sense of the term. The misunderstandings associated with the title “Messiah,” particularly
in Zealot circles, appear to have caused Jesus to play down the messianic side of his
mission.
2 Lord A second title used to refer to Jesus of Nazareth in the New Testament is “Lord”
(Greek kurios). The word is used in two main senses in the New Testament. It is used as a
polite title of respect, particularly when addressing someone. When Martha addresses Jesus
as “Lord” (John 11: 21), she is probably, although not necessarily, merely treating him with
proper respect. However, the word is also used in another sense.
The confession that “Jesus is Lord” (Romans 10: 9; 1 Corinthians 12: 3) was clearly
regarded by Paul as a statement at the heart of the Christian gospel. Christians are described
as those who “call upon the name of the Lord” (Romans 10: 13; 1 Corinthians 1: 2). But what
does this imply? It is clear that there was a tendency in first-century Palestinianism to use
the word “Lord” (Greek kurios; Aramaic mare) to designate a divine being, or at the very
least a figure who is decidedly more than just human – in addition to this word’s function
as a polite or honorific title. But of particular importance is the use of this Greek word
kurios to translate the special cypher of four letters used to refer to God in the Old Testament.

24 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
This cipher was often referred to as the “Tetragrammaton” (a Greek word meaning “the
four letters”), and written as “Yahweh.”
When the Old Testament was translated from Hebrew into Greek, the word kurios
(“Lord”) was generally used to render this special sacred name of God. Of the 6,823
instances in which the sacred name is used in the Hebrew, the Greek word kurios is used to
translate it on 6,156 occasions. This Greek word thus came to be an accepted way of refer-
ring, directly and specifically, to the God who had revealed himself to Israel at Sinai and had
entered into a covenant with his people on that occasion. Jews would not use this term to
refer to anyone or anything else. To do so would be to imply that this person or thing was of
divine status. The historian Josephus tells us that the Jews refused to call the Roman emperor
kurios, because they regarded this name as reserved for God alone.
The writers of the New Testament had no hesitation in using this sacred name to refer
to Jesus, with all that this implied. A name that was used exclusively to refer to God was
regarded as referring equally to Jesus. In fact, on several occasions the New Testament takes
an Old Testament text that refers to “the Lord” – in other words, to “the Lord God of Israel” –
and deliberately applies or transfers the reference to “the Lord Jesus.” Perhaps the most
striking example of this tendency may be found by comparing Joel 2: 32 with Acts 2: 21. The
passage in Joel refers to a coming period in the history of the people of God, in which the
Spirit of God will be poured out upon all people (Joel 2: 28). On this “great and dreadful day
of the Lord” (that is, God) “everyone who calls upon the name of the Lord will be saved”
(Joel 2: 31–32) – in other words, all who call upon the name of God will be saved.
This prophecy is alluded to in Peter’s great sermon on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:
17–21), which ends with the declaration that “everyone who calls upon the name of the
Lord shall be saved” (Acts 2: 21). Yet the “Lord” in question here is none other than “Jesus
of Nazareth,” whom, Peter declares, God has made “both Lord and Christ” (Acts 2: 36).
3 Son of God A third title used by the New Testament to refer to Jesus is “Son of God.”
In the Old Testament the term is occasionally used to refer to angelic or supernatural per-
sons (see Job 38: 7; Daniel 3: 25). Messianic texts in the Old Testament refer to the coming
Messiah as a “Son of God” (2 Samuel 7: 12–14; Psalm 2: 7). The New Testament use of the
term seems to mark an intensification of its Old Testament meaning, with an increased
emphasis upon its exclusiveness.
The belief that Jesus was the “son of God” arose partly from reflection on the resurrec-
tion. Paul opens his letter to the Christians at Rome by stating that Jesus “was descended
from David at the human level, and was designated as the Son of God … by his resurrection
from the dead” (Romans 1: 3–4). This brief statement picks out two reasons why Jesus was
understood to be the Son of God. First, on the physical level, he was a descendant of David,
the great king of Israel to whom God had promised a future successor as king. A similar
point is made by Matthew as he opens his gospel (Matthew 1: 1). Second, Jesus’ resurrection
established his identity as the Son of God. We see here how an appeal to the resurrection
clinches the argument as to the true identity of Jesus as the “son of God.”
The New Testament uses other terms to refer to Jesus of Nazareth – for example, “Son
of Man” (traditionally understood to emphasize the humanity and humility of Jesus), and
“Savior” (a theme we shall explore in more detail in Chapter  3, when we consider the
Christian understanding of the nature and grounds of salvation).

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 25
Later in this work we shall be exploring some classic approaches to the identity of Jesus,
along with other basic ideas of the Christian faith, when we reflect on the creeds.
Jesus of Nazareth and Women
Much recent discussion within Christian churches in the West has focused on the place of
women within the church, particularly in professional ministries. Should women be
ordained? The gospels’ accounts of the ministry of Jesus are important to such discussions.
They show that women were an integral part of the group of people who gathered round
him. They were affirmed by him, often to the dismay of the Pharisees and other Jewish reli-
gious traditionalists. Not only were women witnesses to the crucifixion; they were also the
first witnesses to the resurrection. The only Easter event to be explicitly related in detail by
all four of the gospel writers is the visit of the women to the tomb of Jesus. Yet, as stated
above, first-century Judaism disparaged women’s testimonials and their credibility.
It is interesting to note that the gospels occasionally portray women as being much more
spiritually perceptive than men. For example, Mark portrays the male disciples as having
little faith (Mark 4: 40, 6: 52), while he commends women: a woman is praised for her faith
(Mark 5: 25–34), a foreign woman, for responding to Jesus (Mark 7: 24–30), and a widow is
singled out as an example to follow (Mark 12: 41–44). Further, Jesus treated women as
human subjects rather than simply as objects or possessions. Throughout his ministry,
Jesus can be seen engaging with and affirming women – often women who were treated as
outcasts by contemporary Jewish society on account of their origins (e.g., Syro-Phoenicia or
Samaria) or their lifestyle (e.g., prostitutes).
Jesus refused to make women scapegoats in sexual matters – for example in adultery. The
patriarchal assumption that men are corrupted by fallen women is conspicuously absent
from his teaching and attitudes, most notably toward prostitutes and the woman taken in
adultery. The Talmud – an important source of Jewish law and teaching – recommended
that its readers (who are assumed to be men) should “not converse much with women, as
this will eventually lead you to unchastity.” Such advice was studiously ignored by Jesus,
who made a point of talking to women (the conversation with the Samaritan woman,
related in John 4, being an especially celebrated instance). In much the same way, the tradi-
tional view that a woman was “unclean” during her period of menstruation was dismissed
by Jesus, who taught that it is moral impurity that defiles a person (Mark 7: 1–23).
Luke’s gospel is of particular interest in relation to understanding Jesus’ attitude to
women. Luke brings out clearly how women are among the “oppressed” liberated by the
coming of Jesus. Luke also sets out his gospel in a way that emphasizes that both men and
women are involved in, and benefit from, the ministry of Jesus of Nazareth. The following
passages demonstrate this parallelism especially clearly:
Luke 1: 11–20, 26–38 Zacharias and Mary rejoice at God’s faithfulness
Luke 2: 25–38 Simeon and Anna praise the infant Jesus
Luke 7: 1–17 A centurion and a widow
Luke 13: 18–21 A man with mustard seed and a woman with yeast
Luke 15: 4–10 A man finds a lost sheep and a woman finds a lost coin

26 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
By this arrangement of material, Luke expresses that men and women stand together side
by side before God. They are equal in honor and grace; they have the same gifts bestowed
upon them and have the same responsibilities.
Luke also draws our attention to the significant role of women in the spreading of the
gospel. For example, Luke indicates that “many women” (Luke 8: 2–3) were involved in
spreading the news of the coming of the Kingdom of God. Indeed, Luke specifically names
some of these women: “Mary (called Magdalene) from whom seven demons had come out;
Joanna the wife of Cuza, the manager of Herod’s household; Susanna; and many others.”
Granting women such a significant role would have seemed incomprehensible to the male-
dominated society of contemporary Palestine.
It is probably difficult for modern western readers, who are used to thinking of women
as having the same rights and status as men, to appreciate how novel and radical these
attitudes were at the time. Possibly the most radical aspect of Jesus’ approach to women is
that he associated freely with them and treated them as responsible human beings, indulging
in theological conversation with them, encouraging and expecting a response. It is hardly
surprising that early Christianity proved to have a deep appeal for women.
It is entirely possible that Jesus’ teachings attracted women partly on account of the new
roles and status they were granted in the Christian community. There were many cults in
Greece and Rome that limited their membership to men or allowed women to participate
only in very limited ways. We shall explore developments in Christian attitudes toward
women during the Roman empire in a later section of this work (pp. 127–129).
The Reception of Jesus of Nazareth outside Judaism
Although its historical origins lay in Palestine, Christianity rapidly gained a following in the
Greek-speaking world, especially within the cities of the Roman empire. The missionary
journeys of Paul of Tarsus, described in the New Testament, played an important role in
spreading Christianity in Europe and Asia Minor. Paul was a Jewish religious leader who
converted to Christianity, changing his name from “Saul” to “Paul.” His missionary expedi-
tions took him to many cities and regions throughout the northeastern Mediterranean
area – including Europe. As Christianity began to gain a foothold on the European mainland,
the question of how it was to be preached in a non-Jewish context began to be of increasing
importance.
Early Christian preaching to Jewish audiences, especially in Palestine, tended to focus
on demonstrating that Jesus of Nazareth represented the fulfillment of the hopes of Israel.
Peter’s sermon to Jews in Jerusalem (Acts 2) follows this pattern. Peter argues there that
Jesus represents the culmination of Israel’s destiny. God has declared him to be both “Lord
and Christ” – highly significant terms (pp. 23–24), which Peter’s Jewish audience would
have understood and appreciated. But what were Christians to do when preaching to
Greek audiences, who knew nothing of the Old Testament and had no connection with the
history of Israel?
An approach that came to be particularly significant in the early Christian world can be
found in Paul’s sermon; it was preached on the Areopagus, the famous hill in the Greek city

Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity 27
of Athens, possibly around ad 55. Since his audience included no Jews, Paul made no refer-
ence there to the ideas and hopes of Judaism. Instead he presented Jesus of Nazareth as
someone who revealed a god whom the Athenians knew about but had yet to encounter
definitively. “What therefore you worship as unknown, this I proclaim to you” (Acts 17: 23).
Paul declared that the god who was made known through Jesus of Nazareth was the same
god who had created the world and humanity – the god in whom, as the Athenian poet
Aratus declared, “we live and move and have our being” (Acts 17: 28).
Where early Christian preaching to Jewish audiences presented Jesus as the fulfillment of
the hopes of Israel, Paul’s preaching to Greek audiences presented the Christian faith as the
fulfillment of the deepest longings of the human heart and of the most profound intuitions
of human reason. This view was easily adapted so as to incorporate some of the core themes
of classic Greek philosophy, such as the idea of the “word” (Greek logos) – the fundamental
rational principle of the universe, according to popular Platonic philosophy in the first
century. This theme is developed in the opening chapter of the gospel of John, which
presents Jesus of Nazareth as the “word” by which the universe was originally created and
that entered into the world to illuminate and redeem it. “And the Word became flesh and
lived among us, and we have seen his glory” (John 1: 14).
This was not necessarily seen as dismantling or displacing Christianity’s historical and
theological roots in Judaism. Rather it was seen as a way of affirming Christianity’s cultural
origins, while at the same time setting out the universal appeal of the Christian faith, which
was held to transcend all ethnic, racial, and cultural barriers. The universal validity of the
Christian gospel meant that it could be proclaimed in ways that would resonate with every
human culture. As we shall see, this approach to the appeal of Christianity would be of
immense significance throughout its history, especially in missionary contexts.
The material presented in this chapter clearly leads us into other areas of the Christian
faith. One is that of its ideas, particularly those concerning the identity and significance of
Jesus of Nazareth. We shall consider these further in Chapter 3. Yet our reflections in the
present chapter also lead us to think further about the Christian Bible, the source of our
understanding of the context against which Jesus of Nazareth is to be set, of our knowledge
of his teaching and deeds, and of our information about how Jesus was understood within
the first Christian communities. In the next chapter we shall consider the Christian Bible in
more detail.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Anyone beginning to study Christianity soon realizes that the Bible plays a very important role
in Christian life and thought. If you attend a Christian service of worship, you will hear the
Bible read publicly as an integral part of that worship. You will probably hear a sermon preached,
based on one of the biblical passages read during the service. If you join a small group of
Christians who meet for study and prayer, you may well find that their meetings include “Bible
study” – that is, reflection on the meaning and relevance of a short passage from the Bible.
So what is this Bible? And why is it so important? In this chapter we shall explore the
structure and contents of the Christian Bible and the role it plays for Christians.
The term “the Bible” is used by Christians to refer to the collection of writings that they
regard as authoritative. Other ways of referring to this collection of texts are also used in
Christian writings, such as the descriptions “Sacred Scripture” or “Holy Scripture.” However,
the term “Bible” is the most widely used.
The unusual word “Bible” needs explanation. Like many words in modern English, it is
the almost direct transliteration of a Greek original. The Greek word that has been taken
into English is biblia – literally meaning “books.” The whole Greek phrase is in the plural
(ta biblia, “the books”; singular biblion) and refers to the collection of books, or writings,
brought together in the Bible.
So what sorts of books are gathered together in this way? And how are they arranged?
In the next two sections of this chapter we shall explore the two groups of writings known
as the “Old Testament” and “New Testament.”
The Christian Bible
2

The Christian Bible 29
Box 2.1 The books of the Old Testament
Title Abbreviation
Genesis Gen
Exodus Ex
Leviticus Lev
Numbers Num
Deuteronomy Dt
Joshua Jos
Judges Jdg
Ruth Ru
1 Samuel 1Sa
2 Samuel 2Sa
1 Kings 1Ki
2 Kings 2Ki
1 Chronicles 1Ch
2 Chronicles 2Ch
Ezra Ezr
Nehemiah Neh
Esther Est
Job Job
Psalms Ps
Proverbs Pr
Ecclesiastes Ecc
Song of Songs SoS
Isaiah Is
Jeremiah Jer
Lamentations Lam
Ezekiel Ez
Daniel Dan
Hosea Hos
Joel Joel
Amos Am
Obadiah Ob
Jonah Jon
Micah Mic
Nahum Nah
Habakkuk Hab
Zephaniah Zep
Haggai Hag
Zechariah Zec
Malachi Mal

30 The Christian Bible
The Old Testament
The Christian Bible is divided into two major sections, traditionally referred to as the Old
Testament and the New Testament. The Old Testament consists of 39 books, beginning
with Genesis and ending with Malachi. It is almost entirely written in Hebrew, the lan-
guage of Israel; however, some short sections are written in Aramaic, an international
language widely used in the diplomacy of the ancient Near East. The Old Testament itself
includes a number of different kinds of writings, of which the most important are the
following:
1 The Five Books of the Law These are sometimes also referred to as the Five
Books of Moses, reflecting a traditional belief that they were largely written by
Moses. In more scholarly works, they are sometimes referred to as the Pentateuch
(from the Greek words for “five” and “bookcase”; teuchos). They are: Genesis,
Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. These books deal with the creation
of the world, the calling of Israel as a people, and its early history, including the
exodus from Egypt. The story they tell ends with the people of Israel being about to
cross over the Jordan and enter the promised land. One of the most important
themes of these books is the giving of the Law to Moses and the implications of this
act for the life of Israel.
2 The Historical Books Joshua, Judges, Ruth, 1 and 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings, 1 and 2
Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther are “historical” books in that they deal with
various aspects of the history of the people of God, from their entry into the promised
land of Canaan to the return of the people of Jerusalem from exile in the city of Babylon.
They include detailed accounts of the conquest of Canaan, the establishment of a
monarchy in Israel, the great reigns of Kings David and Solomon, the breakup of the
single nation of Israel into two parts (the northern kingdom of Israel and the southern
kingdom of Judah), the destruction of Israel by the Assyrians, the defeat of Judah and
the exile of its people, both caused by the Babylonians, and the final return from exile
and rebuilding of the temple. The books are arranged in historical order.
3 The Prophets This major section of the Old Testament contains the writings of a
group of individuals understood to be inspired by the Holy Spirit who sought to make
the will of God known to their people over a period of time. There are 16 prophetic
writings in the Old Testament, which are usually divided into two categories. First, there
are the four major prophets: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel. These are followed by
the twelve minor prophets: Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum,
Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. The use of the words “major”
and “minor” does not imply any judgment about the relative importance of the prophets.
It refers simply to the length of the books in question. The prophetic writings are
arranged roughly in historical order.
Other types of book can be noted, for instance the “wisdom” writings: Job, Proverbs,
Ecclesiastes. These works deal with the question of how true wisdom may be found, and
they often provide some practical examples of wisdom.

The Christian Bible 31
From what has been said, it will be clear that the phrase “Old Testament” is used by
Christian writers to refer to those books of the Christian Bible that were (and still are)
regarded as sacred by Judaism. For Christians, the Old Testament is seen as setting the
scene for the coming of Jesus, who brings its leading themes and institutions to fulfillment.
The same texts, of course, continue to be held as sacred by Jews to this day. This means that
the same collection of texts is referred to in different ways by different groups. This has
stimulated a few proposals for alternative ways of referring to this collection of texts, none
of which has gained general acceptance. Three main alternative names for the Old Testament
may be noted.
1 The Hebrew Bible This way of referring to the Old Testament stresses the fact that it
was written in Hebrew and is sacred to the Hebrew people. However, it fails to do justice
to the way in which Christianity sees an essential continuity between the Old and the
New Testament. A minor difficulty is also caused by the fact that parts of the Old
Testament are written in Aramaic rather than Hebrew.
2 The First Testament This way of referring to the collection of texts avoids using the
word “old,” which is held by some to be pejorative. “Old,” it is argued, means “outdated”
or “invalid.” Referring to the Old Testament as the “First Testament” and the New as the
“Second Testament” is held by some to emphasize the continuity between the two
collections of texts.
3 Tanakh This is an acronym of the Hebrew words for “law, prophets, and writings”
(torah, nevi’im, ketuvim), which is the standard Jewish description of the works that
Christians call the “Old Testament.” Tanakh is perfectly acceptable for Jewish use but
does not reflect the specifically Christian understanding of the nature of the continuity
between Israel and the church.
There is presently no generally accepted substitute within Christianity for the traditional
phrase “Old Testament,” which will therefore be used throughout this study. Nevertheless,
readers should be aware of the alternatives and of the issues that led to their being
proposed.
There are some disagreements within Christianity over exactly what is included in the
Bible, which primarily focus on the Old Testament. The most important of these disagree-
ments concerns a group of works usually referred to as “the Apocrypha” (from the Greek
word for “covered, hidden”) or as “the Deuterocanonical works.” This category includes
books such as the Wisdom of Solomon and the book of Judith. These books, although
dating from the period of the Old Testament, were not originally written in the Hebrew
language and are thus not included in the Hebrew Bible.
Protestants tend to regard these “apocryphal” books as interesting and informative, but
not as being of doctrinal importance. Catholics and Orthodox Christians, on the other
hand, regard them as an integral part of the text of the Bible. This difference is probably best
reflected in the way in which Protestant and Catholic Bibles are laid out. Many Protestant
Bibles do not include the Apocrypha at all. Those that do – such as the famous King James’s
Bible of 1611 – include these texts as a third section of the Bible. Catholic Bibles – such as
the Jerusalem Bible – include them within the Old Testament section of the Bible.

32 The Christian Bible
Major Themes of the Old Testament
The Old Testament is a remarkably complex work, which merits much fuller study than is
possible in this overview. If you have the time to take the study of the Old Testament further,
you are strongly recommended to make use of one of the excellent introductions currently
available (which are noted in the Further Reading section for this chapter). What follows is
a very basic and brief introduction to some of the themes of the Old Testament.
The creation
The Old Testament opens with an affirmation that God created the world. The fundamental
theme asserted in the opening chapters of the book of Genesis is that God is the originator
of all there is in the world. No created thing can compare with God. This point is of
particular importance, given the importance of worship of, for example, the sun or the stars
among other religions of the ancient Near East. In the Old Testament, God is superior to
everything in creation. The height of God’s creation is declared to be humanity, which alone
is created in the image and likeness of God. Humanity is understood to be the steward (not
the possessor!) of God’s creation and is entrusted with its care.
The account of the creation is followed by an account of the nature and origins of sin. One
of the fundamental points made in Genesis 3 is that sin enters the world against God’s inten-
tions. Sin disrupts the close relationship between God and the creation; it leads to humanity
rebelling against God and asserting its autonomy. This theme recurs throughout the Bible. For
example, the story of the Tower of Babel (Genesis 11: 1–9) is basically about human attempts
at self-assertion in the face of God. God’s hostility to sin is depicted in a number of ways; the
expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden and Noah’s flood are two of them.
So how important is the theme of creation to the Old Testament? In the twentieth century,
the great Old Testament scholar Gerhard von Rad (1901–1971) argued that the most
characteristic insight of the Old Testament was that its God was sovereign over history,
especially the history of Israel. In the Old Testament, faith in God is primarily faith in a God
who acts within, and is sovereign over, cosmic and human history. While von Rad is careful
to stress that the faith of Israel included reference to creation, he believed that the primary
emphasis lay on God bringing Israel out of Egypt and into Canaan. The doctrine of creation
takes its place as a secondary doctrine, providing a certain context for the affirmation of
divine lordship over history.
Abraham: Calling and covenant
The calling of Abraham is seen as being of foundational importance to the emergence of
Israel, both as a nation and as the people of God. The central theme of God’s calling of
Abraham (Genesis 12: 1–4) carries the idea that God has chosen an individual whose
descendants will possess the land of Canaan and will become a great nation. The theme of
the fulfillment of this promise is of major importance throughout the Pentateuch. It is also
of importance in the New Testament – to Paul, who sees Abraham’s willingness to trust in
the promises of God as a prototype of Christian faith.

The Christian Bible 33
The idea of a “covenant” between God and Abraham and his descendants is introduced
at this point. The ritual of circumcision is seen as the external sign of belonging to the cov-
enant of the people of God. For Paul, it is of particular importance that God’s promise to
Abraham precedes the external sign of this covenant; this, according to Paul, implies that
the promise takes precedence over the sign. As a result, Gentiles (that is, those who are not
ethnic Jews) do not require to be circumcised when they convert to Christianity.
The book of Genesis traces the fortunes of Abraham and his descendants, showing the
manner in which the covenant between God and Abraham is realized. The book ends with
an account of the way in which Abraham’s descendants settle in the land of Egypt, thus
setting the scene for the next major theme of the Old Testament.
The exodus and the giving of the Law
The story of the exodus (a word of Greek origin that literally means “exit” or “way out”) is
well known. A new ruler arises in Egypt (he is referred to as “Pharaoh”), who regards the
descendants of Abraham as a potential threat. The identity of this Pharaoh is unknown,
although there are good reasons for suggesting that he may have been Ramesses II (who
ruled during the period 1279–1213 bc). He subjected the Hebrews to a series of oppressive
measures designed to limit their numbers and influence. The book of Exodus describes
God’s call to Moses to be the liberator of Israel from its bondage in Egypt.
One of the most important Old Testament festivals is closely linked with the exodus from
Egypt. The Passover festival began in the period before the exodus. The origins and purpose
of the festival are described at Exodus 11: 1–12: 30. It marks an act of divine judgment
against Egypt. The regulations for the marking of the festival are laid down with some pre-
cision. Each household or group of households in Israel is to sacrifice a perfect lamb or goat
and to daub its blood across the sides and tops of the doorframes. This will mark off its
inhabitants as God’s own people and will distinguish them from their Egyptian oppressors.
These people are then to eat a meal, in order to recall their time in Egypt. Part of the meal
consists of “bitter herbs,” which symbolize the bitterness of their bondage. Another major
part of the meal is unleavened bread. This “bread made without yeast” points to the haste in
which the people were asked to prepare to leave Egypt. There was not even enough time for
dough to rise through the action of the yeast. The festival is named “the Lord’s Passover,”
which refers to the fact that God will “pass over” the houses of his own people as he brings
vengeance on the firstborn sons of the Egyptians. In commemoration of this act of deliver-
ance, the Passover is to be celebrated every year as a “lasting ordinance.” Further regulations
concerning its celebration are mentioned later (Exodus 12: 43–49).
The theme of the covenant between God and Israel is developed further in the book of
Exodus. Two particular points should be noted. First, a specific name is now used to refer
to God. This is the term “Lord,” which is the English word designed to translate a cypher of
four letters that is used to name God specifically. This group of four letters, often referred
to as the “Tetragrammaton” (from the Greek words for “four” and “letters”), is sometimes
represented as “Yahweh” or “Jehovah” in English versions of the Bible. Other Hebrew words
may be used to refer to gods in general; but the specific name “Lord” is used only to refer to
the “God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.” Unlike other Hebrew words for “god,” it is never

34 The Christian Bible
used for any other divine or angelic being. These other Hebrew words act as common
nouns, designating “god” or “gods” in general, and can be used with reference to Israel’s own
God or to other gods (such as the pagan gods of other nations). But the Tetragrammaton is
used only in naming the specific God whom Israel knew and worshipped.
Second, the obligations that being the covenant people of God impose on Israel are made
clear. This is a series of specific and unconditional demands, which are now usually referred
to as the “Ten Commandments,” and which Moses received at Mount Sinai. These com-
mandments continue to be of major importance within Judaism and Christianity alike,
especially as Israel enters the promised land of Canaan and attempts to establish a society
that is based on this covenant between God and the people.
After leaving Egypt, the people of Israel spend a period of 40 years wandering in the
wilderness of Sinai, before finally crossing the Jordan River to enter the promised land of
Canaan. The occupation of Canaan was seen as consolidating the distinctive identity of
Box 2.2 The Ten Commandments
1 I am the lord your God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt, out of the
house of slavery. You shall have no other gods before me.
2 You shall not make for yourself an idol, whether in the form of anything that is in
heaven above, or that is on the earth beneath, or that is in the water under the
earth. You shall not bow down to them or worship them; for I the lord your God
am a jealous God, punishing children for the iniquity of parents, to the third and
the fourth generation of those who reject me, but showing steadfast love to the
thousandth generation of those who love me and keep my commandments.
3 You shall not make wrongful use of the name of the lord your God, for the
lord will not acquit anyone who misuses his name.
4 Remember the sabbath day, and keep it holy. Six days you shall labour and do all
your work. But the seventh day is a sabbath to the lord your God; you shall not
do any work – you, your son or your daughter, your male or female slave, your
livestock, or the alien resident in your towns. For in six days the lord made
heaven and earth, the sea, and all that is in them, but rested the seventh day;
therefore the lord blessed the sabbath day and consecrated it.
5 Honor your father and your mother, so that your days may be long in the land
that the lord your God is giving you.
6 You shall not murder.
7 You shall not commit adultery.
8 You shall not steal.
9 You shall not bear false witness against your neighbor.
10 You shall not covet your neighbor’s house; you shall not covet your neighbor’s
wife, or male or female slave, or ox, or donkey, or anything that belongs to your
neighbor. (Exodus 20: 2–17)

The Christian Bible 35
Israel. In particular, it established that the worship of the Lord and obedience to the cove-
nant between the Lord and Israel were of central importance to the identity and wellbeing
of people. The book of Joshua describes elaborate measures being taken to ensure that the
Area controlled by ancient Israel
Probable route of wandering in the Sinai
and entry into and conquest of Canaan
Battle
Rameses
EGYPT
Noph
(Memphis)
On
(Heliopolis)
Pithom?
Succoth
DESERT OF
SHUR
Kadesh
Barnea
DESERT OF
ZIN
Oboth?
Beersheba
Makkedah?
Eglon?Besor Br.
W
adi of
Egypt
Lachish
Azekah
PH
IL
IS
TI
A
Jarmuth
Beth Horon
Gideon
Bethel
Shechem
Mt Gilboa
Mt Tabol
Merom
Kedesh
Hazor BASHAN
Sea of
Kinnereth
Edrei
Jo
rd
a
n
Shiloh
Giloel?Abel Shittim
Heshbon
Jeridho
Jerusalem
Hebron Jahaz?
Dibon
Iye
Abraham?
Punon?
E
D
O
M
M
O
A
B
Zered Br.
Marah?
Elim?
S I N A I
DESERT OF
PARAN
Ezion Geber
Dophkah?
Hazeroth?
Rephidim?
RED SEA N
0
0
25
25
50
50
75 miles
100 km75
L.Sinai
(traditional
Iocation)
M
ID
IA
N
G
O
S
H
E
N
THE GREAT SEA
L. Menzaleh
Debi
Figure 2.1 The route of Israel’s exodus from Egypt and conquest of Canaan.

36 The Christian Bible
worship of the Lord was not in any way compromised by indigenous Canaanite religions.
Canaanite religion was strongly oriented toward fertility issues – such as the fertility of the
land, animals, and humans. Its major deities – including Baal and Ashtaroth – feature reg-
ularly in biblical accounts of the history of Israel over the next centuries. Canaanite religion
continued to exercise a fascination on Israel for some time to come and is a regular subject
of condemnation in the prophetic literature.
The establishment of the monarchy
In its early period Israel had no king. During the period following the conquest of Canaan,
the region was ruled by a series of charismatic religious and political leaders known as
“judges.” The book of Judges documents the serious threats (partly from internal disunity,
partly from external forces) that arose at this time to the unity of Israel and notes the role of
judges such as Gideon, Samson, and Samuel in this regard. Under Samuel, the last of the
“judges,” a series of moves were made that resulted in the establishment of the monarchy.
The first king was Saul, who probably reigned during the period 1020–1000 bc. Saul’s reign
is portrayed as divisive and tragic. One of his most significant internal opponents was
David. Following Saul’s death in a battle against the Philistines, David launched a military
campaign that eventually led to the restoration of the unity of Israel and the expansion of its
territory. Although opposition to David continued throughout his reign, particularly from
the supporters of Saul, David was able to maintain his hold on the nation until the final
years of his reign.
The reign of David (c. 1000–961 bc) saw significant developments taking place in Israel’s
religion. David’s conquest of the city of Jerusalem led to its becoming the center of Israel’s
religious life, a development that would be consolidated during the reign of Solomon. The
role of the king became important religiously, as he was seen to be a son of God. The theme
of a future successor to David, who would rule over a renewed people of God, became a
significant element of messianic hopes within Israel and explains the importance of the
“David” theme within parts of the New Testament. For New Testament writers (especially
Matthew and Paul), Jesus of Nazareth is to be seen as the successor to David as king of
Israel. Many Old Testament writings, particularly within the Psalter, extol the greatness of
the king, the temple, and the city of Jerusalem (often referred to as “Zion”). All three are
seen as tokens of God’s favor toward Israel.
David was succeeded as king by Solomon, who reigned during the period 961–922 bc.
During his reign the temple was constructed as a permanent place of worship for the Lord.
A strongly centralized administrative system was set in place and extensive trading
agreements were negotiated with neighboring countries. Solomon’s extensive harem caused
disquiet to some, on account of the pagan religious beliefs of some of his wives. Solomon
was famed for his wisdom, and some collections of proverbs in the Old Testament are
attributed to him.
After the death of Solomon, the nation of Israel proved unstable. Eventually the nation
split into two sections, each with its own king. The northern kingdom, which would now be
known as “Israel,” would eventually cease to exist under the Assyrian invasions of the eighth
century. The southern kingdom of Judah, which retained Jerusalem as its capital city,

The Christian Bible 37
continued to exist until the Babylonian invasions of the sixth century. At this point the
monarchy ended. Jewish hopes increasingly came to focus on the restoration of the monarchy
and the rise of a new figure like David. From a Christian perspective, these expectations
could be directly related to the coming of Jesus of Nazareth.
The priesthood
The centrality of religion to the identity of Israel gave the guardians of its religious traditions
a particularly significant role. The emergence of the priesthood is a major theme in its own
right. One of the most significant functions of the priesthood related to the cultic purity of
Israel. This purity could be defiled (or “made unclean,” as this type of occurrence is often
described) by various forms of pollution. The priesthood was responsible for ensuring the
cleanliness of the people, which was seen as being vital for the proper worship of the Lord.
More importantly, the priesthood was responsible for the maintenance of the sacrificial
system, and particularly for the Day of Atonement ritual, in which sacrifices were offered
for the sins of the people. A distinction is to be drawn between “uncleanliness” (which
arises from natural bodily functions) and “sin” (which has strongly ethical overtones). Sin
was seen as something that created a barrier between Israel and God. It is significant that
most of the Old Testament images or analogies for sin take the form of images of separation.
In order to safeguard the continuing relationship between the Lord and Israel, the priest-
hood was responsible for ensuring that the proper sacrifices were offered for sin.
A related theme is that of the temple. During the first period of its history, Israel used a
movable tent or tabernacle for its religious rites. However, when David captured the
Jebusite city of Jerusalem and made it his capital, he declared his intention to build a
permanent place of worship for the Lord. This was actually carried out under the direction
of his successor, Solomon. The splendor of the building is a frequent theme in Old
Testament writings dating from around this period. The temple was destroyed by the
Babylonians in 586 bc and rebuilt after the return from exile, half a century later. The
Second Temple (as the building erected by the returned exiles is known) appears to have
been rather less magnificent. However, with the end of the monarchy, the temple came to
have increased civil significance, in that temple authorities were responsible for both
religious and civil matters.
A more splendid temple was constructed under Herod. Although work on this project
appears to have begun in the decades immediately prior to the birth of Christ, the work was
only completed in ad 64. The temple was destroyed, never to be rebuilt, during the suppres-
sion of a Jewish revolt against the Romans in the city in ad 70. The western wall of the
temple largely survived; it is now widely referred to as “the wailing wall” and constitutes an
important place of prayer for Jews to this day.
Prophecy
The English word “prophet” is generally used to translate the Hebrew word nabi, which is
probably best understood as meaning “someone who speaks for another,” or perhaps “a rep-
resentative.” The phenomenon of prophecy was widespread in the ancient Near East, not

38 The Christian Bible
restricted to the “prophets of the Lord.” The Old Testament refers to a number of “prophets
of Baal” – charismatic individuals who claimed to act or speak on behalf of the Canaanite
deity Baal. Early prophets of importance include Elijah and Elisha, both of whom were
active during the ninth century bc. However, the most important period of prophetic
activity focuses on the eighth to the sixth centuries bc and deals with the will of the Lord
for Israel during a period of enormous political turbulence, which arose from the increasing
power of Assyria and Babylonia. Prophets such as Jeremiah proclaimed a coming period of
exile, which would be both a punishment for the past sins of the people and an opportunity
for them to renew their religious practices and beliefs. After the period of exile in Babylon,
post-exilic prophets such as Haggai and Malachi address some of the issues that came to be
of importance as the returning exiles attempted to restore Jerusalem and its temple.
The prophets of Israel were seen as affirming the Lord’s continued commitment to and
presence within Israel. Yet, with the ending of the classic period of prophecy, the Holy Spirit
seemed to have ceased to operate. God came to be viewed in distant and remote terms. No
longer was the “voice of God” heard within Israel. Even the most senior rabbis (or “teachers”)
could expect to catch nothing more than an echo of the voice of God – an idea that was
expressed in the technical phrase bath qol (literally, “the daughter of the voice”). The enormous
interest in both John the Baptist and Jesus of Nazareth partly reflects this concern. Might
the coming of these two figures signal the renewal of prophecy and the restoration of Israel?
The account of the baptism of Jesus (see Mark 1: 10–11) clearly indicates that the coming of
Jesus marks the inauguration of a period of renewed divine activity and presence.
Exile and restoration
One of the most important events recounted in the Old Testament is the exile of Jerusalem
to Babylon in 586 bc. In 605 bc the Babylonian Emperor Nebuchadnezzar defeated the
massed Egyptian armies at Carchemish, establishing Babylon as the leading military and
political power in the region. Along with many other territories in this region, the land of
Judah became subject to Babylonian rule, possibly in 604 bc.
Jehoiakim rebelled against Babylon. He may have been encouraged in this move by a suc-
cessful Egyptian counterattack against Babylon in 601, which may have seemed to suggest
that Babylon’s power was on the wane. It was a serious misjudgment. Judah was invaded by
Babylonian forces, and Jerusalem was besieged. The king, the royal family, and the circle of
royal advisors gave themselves up to the besieging forces early in 597 bc. They were
deported to Babylon, along with several thousands of captives. A failed rebellion a few years
later led to the deportation of most of the population of Jerusalem to Babylon. Jerusalem
was left unpopulated and vulnerable, its temple desecrated.
The prophets of Israel interpreted this period of exile in the first place as a judgment against
Judah, on account of its lapse into pagan religious beliefs and practices; and, in the second, as
a period of national repentance and renewal that would lead to the restoration of a resurgent
people of God. Following the conquest of Babylon in 539 bc by Cyrus, king of Persia (559–530
bc), the exiled inhabitants of Judaea were allowed to return to their homeland.
The return of the deported inhabitants of Jerusalem to their home city after decades of exile
was seen by Old Testament writers as a demonstration of the faithfulness of the Lord and as an

The Christian Bible 39
Figure 2.2 The Hanging Gardens of Babylon, one of the greatest wonders of the Ancient World;
after Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach, c. 1700. Source: AKG Images.
Box 2.3 How to refer to passages in the Bible
How do you identify the biblical passage you want to study or talk about? To make this
as easy as possible, a kind of shorthand way of referring to biblical passages has evolved
over the centuries. To locate a verse in the Bible, you need to identify three things: the
book of the Bible; the chapter of that book; and the verse of that chapter. To make sure
you understand this, turn to the Acts of the Apostles, chapter 27, verse 1. What is the
name of the centurion mentioned in this verse? If your answer is not “Julius,” check your
reference again. Now try turning to Paul’s letter to the Romans, chapter 16, verse 5. Who
was the first convert to Christ in Asia? If you answer is not “Epenetus,” check it again.
The above system is potentially cumbersome. Writing out everything – as in “Paul’s
letter to the Romans, chapter 16, verse 5” – takes up too much space. So this entire
formula is abbreviated as follows: Rom 16: 5. This is the standard form of reference,
and it has the following features:
1 an abbreviation of the name of book of the Bible being referred to, usually two or
three letters in length (such as 1Ki for “1 Kings,” Mt for “Matthew,” or 1Co for “1
Corinthians”);
2 the number of the chapter of that book, usually followed by a colon (:) or a full stop (.);
3 the number of the verse in that chapter.

40 The Christian Bible
affirmation of the repentance of the people of God. The temple was rebuilt and the religious
cult re-established. The post-exilic writings of the Old Testament are notable for their emphasis
on the need to maintain racial and religious purity and for the importance they attach to reli-
gious festivals as national events. Jerusalem had no king; the temple and its priests gradually
came to assume most of the roles of the monarchy, including responsibility for civil matters.
The term “Jews” now began to be used to refer to the returned exiles (see, for example,
Ezra 4: 23, 5: 1). Up until this time, the people of God had been referred to as “Israelites” or
“Judahites.” The term “Jew” comes to be used in the post-exilic period to designate the
people of God, and will be used regularly in later writings for this purpose.
The New Testament
The New Testament consists of 27 books, which can be classified into a number of different
categories – such as “gospels” and “letters.” Their common theme is the identity and signifi-
cance of Jesus, and this includes the practical and ethical implications of following him.
Christians were proclaiming the words and actions of Jesus almost immediately after his death.
Christian churches were being established in the eastern Mediterranean within a matter of
years. The earliest written documents in the New Testament take the form of letters sent by
There is no need to identify the writer of the book (such as Paul) or to state whether it
is found in the Old or New Testament. All that is needed is these three parameters.
Having got used to referring to individual verses, we now need to explore how to refer
to a passage of more than one verse. This is very simple. The reference “Mt 3: 13–17”
points to the passage that begins at Mt 3: 13 and ends at Mt 3: 17. To indicate a passage
within a single chapter of a biblical book, you need only include in the span the opening
and the closing verse; the chapter itself is mentioned just once. But sometimes the passage
will contain material from two or more chapters. In that case the numbers of the straddled
chapters will feature on both sides of the dash. Here is an example of this kind: 1Th 4: 13–5:
11. This is a reference to a passage that begins at 1Th 4: 13 and ends at 1Th 5: 11.
Now that you are familiar with the basic aspects of this system, there are some minor
points that need qualifying. First, some biblical books are so brief that they consist only
of one chapter (Obadiah; Philemon; 2 John; 3 John; Jude). In this case, only the verse
number is cited. Thus Phm 2 is a reference to the second verse of Philemon. Second,
individual Psalms are treated as chapters of the Psalter. Thus a reference to Ps 23: 1 is a
reference to the first verse of the twenty-third Psalm.
Finally, you will find that this system is not always followed in older books. Roman
numerals, superscript numbers, and all kinds of punctuation may be used. To give you
an idea of the variety, here are several such stylistic variants in the way of referring to
Paul’s second letter to the Corinthians, chapter 13, verse 14:
2Co 13: 14 II Cor. xiii.14 2 Cor 13.14 II Cor 13.14

The Christian Bible 41
prominent Christians to these churches. Yet the preaching of the words and deeds of Jesus went
on in the background. It was only at a later stage, probably in the early ad sixties, that the words
and deeds of Jesus were committed to writing, in the form that we now know as “the gospels.”
We shall begin our study of the New Testament by examining these works.
The gospels
The English word “gospel” comes from an Old English word godspel meaning “good news,”
which was used to translate the Greek word euangelion. The word “gospel” is used in two
different senses within Christianity. First, it refers to events that center on Jesus of Nazareth,
which are seen as being good news for the world. The gospel is primarily the “good news”
of the coming of Jesus of Nazareth, with all that this has to offer humanity.
Box 2.4 The books of the New Testament
Book Abbreviation
Matthew Mt
Mark Mk
Luke Lk
John Jn
Acts Ac
Romans Rom
1 Corinthians 1Co
2 Corinthians 2Co
Galatians Gal
Ephesians Eph
Colossians Col
1 Thessalonians 1Th
2 Thessalonians 2Th
1 Timothy 1Ti
2 Timothy 2Ti
Titus Tit
Philemon Phm
Hebrews Heb
James Jas
1 Peter 1Pe
2 Peter 2Pe
1 John 1Jn
2 John 2Jn
3 John 3Jn
Jude Jud
Revelation Rev

42 The Christian Bible
The term is also used in a secondary and derivative sense, to refer, en bloc, to the four
writings that open the New Testament – Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John – and focus on the
life, death, and resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth (“the gospel”). Strictly speaking, these
books should be referred to as “the gospel according to Matthew,” “the gospel according to
Luke,” and so on – as they sometimes are. This mode of reference makes it clear that it is
always the same “gospel” or “good news” that is being described, despite the different styles
and approaches of the compilers of each of these four works.
The four “gospels” are best understood as four distinct yet complementary portraits of
Jesus, seen from different angles and drawing on various sources. The first three share many
features and are widely regarded as drawing on common sources in circulation within early
Christian circles.
The gospel writers were not biographers – or even historians – by our standards, nor were
they interested in providing a comprehensive account of everything that Jesus said and did.
The gospel’s accounts of Jesus clearly contain a solid base of historical information.
Nevertheless, this is linked with an interpretation of this information. Biography and the-
ology are interwoven to such an extent that they can no longer be separated. The early
Christians were convinced that Jesus was the Messiah, the Son of God, and their savior; and
they believed that these conclusions should be passed on to their readers along with any
Figure 2.3 The gospel of Mark: a manuscript
illumination from the Lindisfarne Gospels,
c. 698–700. Manuscript illumination, Irish–
Northumbrian, c. 698/700. Mark the Evangelist.
From the Lindisfarne Gospels, written and illumi-
nated by Bishop Eadfrith in Lindisfarne monastery.
Source: British Library/AKG Images.

The Christian Bible 43
biographical details that helped cast light on them. For this reason, fact and interpretation
are thoroughly intermingled in the gospels. To tell the story of Jesus involved explaining who
he was and why he was so important. Interpretation of the significance of Jesus is therefore
found alongside the historical material that is the basis of these theological conclusions.
The gospels were not written by Jesus himself, nor do they date from his lifetime. It is
generally thought that Jesus was crucified around ad 30–33, and that the earliest gospel
(probably Mark) dates from about ad 65. There is probably a gap of about thirty years
between the time at which the events described in the gospels took place and the time at
which they were first written down in the form of a gospel. By classical standards, this was
a relatively short time. The Buddha, for example, had one thing in common with Jesus:
he wrote nothing. Yet the definitive collection of his sayings (the Tripitaka) is thought to
date from around four centuries after his death – more than ten times the interval between
the death of Jesus and the appearance of the first gospel.
Even before Mark’s gospel was written, Christians were committed to writing down their
understanding of the importance of Jesus of Nazareth. The New Testament letters date
mainly from the period ad 49–69 and provide confirmation of the importance of Jesus – as
well as of interpretative work around him – in this formative period.
Some may find this gap of about thirty years puzzling. Why were these things not written
down immediately? Might people not forget what Jesus said and did, or what happened at
the crucifixion and resurrection? It is difficult for twentieth-century readers, who are so
used to information being recorded in written or other visual form, to appreciate that the
classical world – and this extends also to the archaic, Hellenistic, and late antique periods –
communicated a lot more than us by means of the spoken word. The great Homeric epics,
almost one thousand years before Jesus, are good examples of the way in which stories were
passed on with remarkable accuracy from one generation to another. If there is one ability
that modern westerners have probably lost, it is the ability to remember a story or narrative
as it is told, and then to pass it on to others.
Studies of traditional cultures, including the period of the New Testament, have shown
how the passing down of stories from one generation to another was characteristic of the
entire premodern era. Indeed there are excellent grounds for arguing that early educational
systems were based upon learning by rote. The fact that most people in the West today find
it difficult to commit even one narrative to memory naturally tends to prejudice them
against believing that anyone could ever do it. Yet the recitation of narratives that were held
to be important to a community’s history or understanding of its own identity appears to
have been routine in more traditional cultures.
The period between the death of Jesus of Nazareth and the writing of the first gospel is
usually referred to as the “period of oral tradition,” meaning the period in which accounts of
Jesus’ birth, life, and death, as well as his teaching, were passed down with remarkable accu-
racy from one generation to another. In this period it seems that certain of Jesus’ sayings and
certain aspects of his life, especially those connected to his death and resurrection, were sin-
gled out as being of particular importance and were passed down from the first Christians to
those who followed them. Other things were not passed down and have been lost forever.
The early Christians seem to have identified what was essential and what was not in Jesus’
words, deeds, and fate and transmitted to us only what pertained to the former class.

44 The Christian Bible
The period of oral tradition may thus be regarded as a period of sifting, in which the first
Christians assessed the data and decided what needed to be set down for those who fol-
lowed them. In this process of transmission, some of Jesus’ sayings may have become
detached from their original context and perhaps on occasion even acquired a new one, as
a result of the uses to which the first Christians put them – which were, in the main, to pro-
claim the gospel to those outside the early community of faith and to deepen and inform the
faith of those inside it.
The gospel of John – sometimes referred to as the “Fourth Gospel,” in order to emphasize
its distinct literary character – differs from the three synoptic gospels in several respects.
Probably written in Asia Minor around ad 90, this gospel does not include much of the
teaching of Jesus of Nazareth found in the synoptic gospels – such as the parables of the
kingdom, or the Lord’s Prayer. Some scholars suggest that the work is structured around
seven “signs,” pointing to the true identity and significance of Jesus.
Some other works purporting to be gospels were in circulation in the early church. These
are generally regarded as originating from groups with particular agendas. The gospel of
Judas, for example, is a relatively late document, almost certainly originating from a mar-
ginalized sect within Christianity that was convinced that everyone else had got Jesus of
Nazareth seriously wrong. No documentary evidence within the body of literature accepted
by Christians as authoritative at the time (and that body included some works that never
made it into the New Testament canon) supported the case that this particular group wished
to make. Its members remedied this situation by writing their own gospel. Only Judas really
understood Jesus, we are told; the other disciples got him wrong and passed on hopelessly
muddled accounts of his significance.
The gospel of Judas portrays Jesus of Nazareth as a spiritual guru similar to the gnostic
teachers of the second and third centuries; this portrait bears little relation to the one found
in the synoptic gospels. Christianity becomes a kind of mystery cult, in which Jesus of
Nazareth has been reinvented as a gnostic teacher with gnostic ideas. The gospel of Judas
has indeed the potential to illuminate our understanding of gnosticism in the mid-second
century and beyond, especially its often noted parasitic relationship with existing world-
views. But it seems to have nothing historically credible to tell us of the origins of Christianity
or of the identity of Jesus of Nazareth.
The New Testament letters
The New Testament includes a series of letters written to individuals or churches by leading
figures of the early church. These letters often clarify points of Christian doctrine and prac-
tice and offer encouragement to Christians in the face of hostility from other religious
groupings or from the secular authorities. It is clear, for example, that Christianity was sub-
ject to various forms of harassment from Jews in the first decades of its existence. It must be
remembered that, for much of the first century, Christianity was numerically very weak and
was often forced to hold its meetings in secret, for fear of persecution from the local Roman
authorities. In particular, the reigns of Nero and Domitian witnessed concerted efforts to
eliminate the growing Christian church; some documents in the New Testament are written
in the face of this kind of situation.

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By far the largest collection of letters in the New Testament is attributed to Apostle Paul.
According to the New Testament, Paul (initially known as “Saul”) was a Jew and a native of
Tarsus, the capital city of the Roman province of Cilicia, who had been hostile toward
Christianity to begin with and had approved of Jewish attempts to suppress it. Then Paul
underwent a dramatic conversion while on the road to Damascus (Acts 9: 1–31), and this
led to his becoming one of the early Christian movement’s most important advocates. His
Jewish origins are reflected in the seriousness with which he engaged the question of
Christianity’s relation to Judaism.
Some scholars ask whether all the letters attributed to Paul in the New Testament were
actually written by him. The letters to the Ephesians and Colossians show stylistic differences
from Paul’s earlier writings, which, some suggest, would point to a different author. Others
suggest that Paul’s style may have changed over time, or that these letters were written on
behalf of Paul – or perhaps dictated by him – with occasional interpolations.
During the course of his three missionary journeys in Southeastern Europe, Paul
established a number of small Christian groups in Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece. He
subsequently remained in touch with some of them, by letter. Not all of these letters have
survived; Paul himself makes reference to other letters to the church at Corinth and to a
letter to the church at Laodicea. The use of the term “church” here is potentially misleading;
early Christians did not meet in buildings designated as “churches,” they gathered in secret
in small groups. The word “church” is probably better translated as “congregation” or
“gathering” in this context. Paul’s early letters are often concerned with matters of doctrine,
particularly the second coming of Christ and the relation between Jews and Gentiles. The
later letters reflect the increasing importance of church order and structure, as Christianity
was growing into a permanent presence in the eastern Mediterranean region.
The fixing of the New Testament canon
The Christian Bible is a collection of 66 books, of which 39 are found in the Old Testament
and 27 in the New Testament. But how were the contents of the Bible decided upon? By
what process were the 66 books of the Bible selected? At a fairly early stage in its history, the
Christian church had to make some important decisions as to what “Scripture” actually
designated. The patristic period witnessed a process of decision making in which limits to
the New Testament were laid down – a process usually known as “the fixing of the canon.”
The technical term “canon” derives from the Greek word kanōn, meaning “rule,” “stan-
dard,” or “fixed reference point.” The phrase “the canon of Scripture” thus refers to a limited
and defined group of writings that are accepted as authoritative within the Christian church.
The term “canonical” is used to refer to scriptural writings accepted to be within the canon.
Thus the Gospel of Luke is considered “canonical,” whereas the Gospel of Thomas is
considered “extra-canonical” (that is, lying outside the canon of Scripture).
However, within a short period, early Christian writers (such as Justin Martyr) were
referring to “the New Testament” (to be contrasted with the “Old Testament”) and insisting
that both were to be treated with equal authority. By the late second century, when Irenaeus
was writing, it was generally accepted that there were four canonical gospels, and there was
a widespread consensus that these four gospels, together with Acts and various letters, had

46 The Christian Bible
the status of inspired Scripture. Thus Clement of Alexandria recognized four gospels, Acts,
14 letters of Paul (the letter to the Hebrews being regarded as Pauline), and Revelation; and
Tertullian in the early third century declared that alongside the “law and the prophets” were
the “evangelical and apostolic writings,” which were both to be regarded as authoritative
within the church.
Gradually agreement was reached on the list of books that were recognized as inspired
Scripture and on the order in which they were to be arranged. This process of reception did
not involve the arbitrary authoritarian imposition of the views of influential bishops or
churches. It was a gradual process of reflection and consultation, in which a consensus as to
which writings were to be regarded as authentic and helpful gradually emerged within
Christian communities. In ad 367 the influential Greek Christian writer Athanasius circu-
lated a letter that summed up this consensus by identifying the 27 books of the New
Testament (as we now know it) as being canonical. Athanasius was not imposing his own
views at this point but reporting the views of the church as a whole – views that he clearly
expected his readers to take very seriously. Christianity has always stressed the importance
of the consensus fidelium (“agreement of the faithful”), and the formation of the canon is an
excellent example of this gradual movement toward the emergence of such a consensus
within the Christian movement throughout the Mediterranean area.
A number of criteria played a role in deciding whether a given writing was to be accepted
as “canonical” or not. Three of the most important considerations in evaluating claims to
canonicity of writings were:
1 Their apostolic origins or connections Were they to be attributed to, or based upon, the
preaching and teaching of the first generation of apostles or those in their immediate
circle? Some were clearly works of the apostles – for instance the letters of Peter and
Paul. In other cases, such as the letter to the Hebrews, things were not quite so straight-
forward. This criterion was of major importance in the second century, when the church
had to defend itself in the face of attacks from various groups, each claiming to have an
“authoritative” revelation of its own.
2 The extent to which they had secured general acceptance within Christian communities
throughout the region Individual churches were moving toward agreement as to which
texts were to be regarded as authoritative. While there were inevitably disagreements over
certain texts, the process of fixing the canon can be seen as “crystallizing” this consensus.
Eusebius of Caesarea, who wrote in the early part of the fourth century, no longer used the
criterion of apostolic authority, which had been so important to writers of the second
century. For Eusebius, the issue was the reception of a book. In other words, was the book
quoted by early and “orthodox” church fathers? The debate had clearly moved on – namely
from apostolic credentials to reception within the global Christian community.
3 The extent to which they were used in the liturgy One of the main uses of the Bible was in
Christian worship. An important criterion for canonicity was thus the extent to which a
book was used liturgically – that is, read publicly when early Christian communities
gathered for worship. This practice is already referred to in the New Testament: “And
when this letter has been read among you, have it read also in the church of the
Laodiceans; and see that you read also the letter from Laodicea” (Colossians 4: 16).

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This process of determining the canonical works of the New Testament was not always an
easy or straightforward one. There was debate, especially around a number of books. The
western church had hesitations about including the letter to the Hebrews, because it was not
specifically attributed to an apostle; the eastern church had reservations about the book of
Revelation (sometimes also referred to as “the Apocalypse”). Four of the smaller books (2
Peter, 2 and 3 John, and Jude) were often omitted from early lists of New Testament writ-
ings. Some writings, which are now outside the canon, were regarded favorably within some
sections of the church, although they ultimately failed to gain universal acceptance as
canonical. Examples include the first letter of Clement, an early bishop of Rome who wrote
around ad 96, and the Didache, a short early Christian manual on morals and church prac-
tices probably dating from the first quarter of the second century.
The arrangement of the material was also subject to considerable variation. Agreement
was reached at an early stage that the gospels should have the place of honor within the
canon, being followed by the Acts of the Apostles. The eastern church tended to place the
seven “catholic epistles” or “general letters” (that is, James, 1 and 2; Peter, 1, 2 and 3; John;
and Jude) before the 14 Pauline letters (Hebrews being accepted as Pauline), whereas the
western church placed Paul’s letters immediately after Acts and made the catholic letters
follow them.
The Christian Understanding of the Relation
of the Old and New Testaments
Texts are open to multiple interpretations. Christianity offers a specific reading of the Old
Testament, which differs from that offered by Jewish readers and scholars. This is reflected
in many ways, including in the understanding of the phrase “Old Testament” itself. As we
noted in an earlier section, early Christians used this phrase to express the theological
framework within which these texts were to be read. History was divided into the periods
of the “Old Covenant” between God and Israel and the “New Covenant” between God and
all of humanity. The Christian notions of an “Old Testament” and a “New Testament” are
strongly theological in nature, in that they express the belief that the contents of the Old
Testament belong to a period of God’s dealings with the world that has been fulfilled
through the coming of Christ in the New Testament.
From a Christian perspective, the collection of writings described as the “Old Testament”
refers to the history of God’s actions in the world – actions undertaken in preparation for the
coming of Jesus Christ. Christians regard the New Testament as an extension of the same
pattern of divine activity and presence as that declared in the Old, so that the New Testament
both continues and extends the witness to the words and deeds of the God of Israel.
This way of thinking is reflected in the New Testament. New Testament writers clearly
saw themselves as continuing the history of salvation narrated in the Old Testament.
Matthew’s gospel, for example, brings out the continuity between Jesus and Moses, the
gospel and the Law, and the church and Israel. Paul’s letters often focus on the continuity
between the faith of Christians and that of Abraham. The letter to the Hebrews provides
what is virtually a point by point comparison between Christianity and Judaism, stressing

48 The Christian Bible
both the continuity between them and the way in which Christianity brings to perfection
the themes of the Old Testament.
The coming of Jesus of Nazareth is thus seen as fulfilling the hopes of the people of Israel.
Jesus did not come to abolish the Law or the Prophets but to fulfill it (Matthew 5: 17). This
helps us understand the extraordinary amount of engagement with the Old Testament that
we find in the New Testament. On a conservative reading of the New Testament, there are
at least 300 specific references to texts from the Old Testament, and more than 2,000 allusions
to Old Testament texts or themes.
Yet, despite this emphasis on continuity with the old covenant, the New Testament
understands the coming of Jesus of Nazareth as inaugurating something new. For example,
full membership of the people of God is no longer considered to be determined by a person’s
ethnic origins but by his or her faith. Race no longer determines religious identity; Jews and
Gentiles have equal status within the people of God, on the basis of their faith and common
possession of the Holy Spirit. Similarly, the food laws and cultic observances of the Old
Testament are no longer regarded as binding on Christians, because Christ has fulfilled the
demands of the law and has declared all foods to be clean.
New Testament writers did not see these developments as a distortion of the meaning or
intention of the Old Testament; rather they saw them as its intended outcome. Paul’s letters
are of particular importance in developing this theme. For example, Paul argues that the
Old Testament understands Abraham as the father of all those who believe, not just as a
patriarch of Israel (Romans 4: 9–17; Galatians 3: 6–9). Fulfillment of the proper intention of
the Old Testament required cultic, theological, and spiritual redirection. Christianity thus
provided a framework for the rereading of the Old Testament, allowing its proper meaning
to be discerned and implemented.
Not all Christians were happy with this close relationship between the Christian faith and
Judaism. The second-century writer Marcion of Sinope, who was excommunicated in the
year 144, argued that the Old Testament concerned a religion that had nothing to do with
Christianity. According to Marcion, Christianity was a religion of love that had no place
whatsoever for law. The Old Testament relates to a different god than the New; the Old
Testament’s god, who merely created the world, was obsessed with the idea of law and seemed
predisposed to use violence excessively. The New Testament’s god, however, redeemed the
world and was concerned with love. Marcion argued that Jesus of Nazareth came in order to
depose the Old Testament’s god and usher in the worship of the true God of grace. A similar
teaching was associated with the Manicheans, who had a significant influence on the leading
Christian writer Augustine of Hippo (354–430) during his younger period.
In refuting the Manichean view of the Old Testament as an embarrassment or irrele-
vance, Augustine argued that it was necessary to see the Old Testament in the light of the
New in order to appreciate its full significance and importance for Christians. Augustine’s
views are set out succinctly in his famous dictum: “The New Testament lies hidden in the
Old, and the Old Testament is unveiled in the New.” Gregory the Great took this a stage
further, remarking that “the Old Testament is a prophecy of the New Testament; and the
best commentary on the Old Testament is the New Testament.”
The majority position within Christian theology has followed Augustine and Gregory.
On the one hand, it emphasizes the continuity between the two testaments; on the other, it

The Christian Bible 49
notes the distinction between them. The Catechism of the Catholic Church (1992) provides a
particularly clear statement of this approach, drawing as it does on the idea of a “typological”
reading of the Old Testament. A “type” (Greek tupos) is a person, thing, or action that pre-
cedes and prefigures a greater person, thing, or action – such as the coming of Jesus Christ.
The Church, as early as apostolic times, and then constantly in her Tradition, has illuminated
the unity of the divine plan in the two Testaments through typology, which discerns in God’s
works of the Old Covenant prefigurations of what he accomplished in the fullness of time in
the person of his incarnate Son. Christians therefore read the Old Testament in the light of
Christ crucified and risen. Such typological reading discloses the inexhaustible content of the
Old Testament; but it must not make us forget that the Old Testament retains its own intrinsic
value as revelation reaffirmed by our Lord himself.
The Translation of the Bible
The Bible is written in the classical languages of the ancient world – Hebrew, Greek, and, to
very limited extent, Aramaic. So what is a modern western reader of the Bible, unable to
read any of these languages, meant to do? Unlike the Muslim Qu’ran, which, as tradition
insists, should be read in the original classical Arabic language, the Bible, as most Christians
accept, can be published and read in the language that ordinary people can understand. In
the twenty-first century most Christian denominations have produced vernacular transla-
tions of the Bible for their members, aiming to render the original biblical texts in accessible
and engaging ways.
This process can be illustrated from most modern European languages and is especially
important in the case of English. Although demands for the Bible to be translated into the
vernacular became particularly significant in the sixteenth century, they can be traced back
much further. One of those who pressed most vigorously for an English version of the Bible
in the fourteenth century was John Wycliffe (c. 1330–1384), widely hailed as a champion of
biblical translation. Wycliffe argued that the English people had a right to read the Bible in
their own language rather than be forced to listen to what their clergy wished them to hear
in Latin – the language of the church, which ordinary people did not understand. As
Wycliffe pointed out, the ecclesiastical establishment had considerable vested interests in
not allowing the laity access to the Bible. Its members might even discover that there was a
massive discrepancy between the lifestyles of bishops and clergy and those commended –
and practiced! – by Jesus of Nazareth and the apostles.
In practice, one of the most influential biblical translations of the Middle Ages was the
“Vulgate” – a Latin translation of both the Old and New Testaments, which was finalized in
the twelfth century. Latin was at the time the language used by the church and scholars
throughout Western Europe. As a result, this translation achieved considerable influence,
even though it is now known to be inaccurate at several points.
As it happens, the translations that Wycliffe inspired – we are not sure how much translation
work he himself actually carried out – were not based on the original Greek and Hebrew texts
of the Bible, but on this standard medieval “Vulgate.” In other words Wycliffe was translating
into English a Latin translation. But what if the Vulgate translation was inaccurate?

50 The Christian Bible
This question came to be of considerable importance during the sixteenth century, when
the famous scholar Erasmus of Rotterdam criticized the inaccuracy of the Vulgate. Erasmus
pointed out that this version translated the opening words of Jesus’ ministry (Matthew
4: 17) as “do penance, for the Kingdom of heaven is at hand.” The translation suggested that
the coming of the kingdom of heaven had a direct connection with the sacrament of
penance. Erasmus pointed out that the Greek text should be translated as “repent, for the
Kingdom of heaven is at hand.” Where the Vulgate seemed to refer to an outward practice
(the sacrament of penance), Erasmus insisted that the text spoke of an inward psychological
attitude – that of “being repentant.”
These demands were taken up again by Martin Luther in the 1520s. Luther insisted
that lay people should have the right to read and interpret the Bible for themselves.
Why did the Bible have to be locked away from the people, imprisoned in the fetters of
a dead language that only a charmed circle could read? Why could not educated lay
people be allowed to read the Bible for themselves, in their own languages? Having real-
ized the need for such a translation, Luther decided
that the task was too important to leave to anyone else.
He would do it himself – and he translated the New
Testament directly from the original Greek into
everyday German.
William Tyndale followed Luther’s lead and published
the first English translation of the New Testament directly
from the original Greek text; he did so anonymously, in
1526. Although Tyndale had hopes to translate the entire
Bible into English, he managed only a few Old Testament
books – from Hebrew. In the event, the first English
translation of the complete Bible to be printed – the
Coverdale Bible – appeared in 1535. It was followed by
the more accurate Matthews Bible of 1537 and by the
Great Bible of 1539. In 1560, a group of English émigrés
based in Calvin’s city of Geneva produced a particularly
good translation, accompanied by illustrations and
marginal notes. This rapidly became the favorite Bible of
English-speaking Protestants.
However, the world’s best-known English translation
of the Bible dates from the early seventeenth century. In
1604 James I commissioned a new translation. More than
fifty scholars were assembled for the task, working at
Westminster, Oxford, and Cambridge. In 1611 the fruit of
their labors was finally published. This new translation –
generally known as the “Authorized Version” or the “King
James Version” of the Bible – would achieve the status of
a classic, becoming the standard and most widely used
English translation of the Bible until the end of World
War I in 1918.
Figure 2.4 The frontispiece to the King James Bible
of 1611, widely regarded as the most influential English
translation of the Bible. The Holy Bible, published by
Robert Barker, 1611. Source: Alamy.

The Christian Bible 51
The King James Version of the Bible was an outstanding translation by the standards of
1611 and beyond. Yet translations eventually require revision – not necessarily because they
are defective, but because the language itself into which they are made changes over time.
Translation involves aiming at a moving target, which has accelerated over the centuries.
English is developing more quickly today than at any time in its previous history. Some
words have ceased to be used; others have changed their meanings. Many words used by
King James’s translators have now changed their meaning. Their version can be misleading,
simply because the English of 1611 is not the English of the twenty-first century. For
example, consider the sentence: “For this we say unto you by the word of the Lord, that we
which are alive and remain unto the coming of the Lord shall not prevent them which are
asleep” (1 Thessalonians 4: 15). A modern reader would find this puzzling, mostly because
the 1611 meaning of the word “prevent” does not correspond to its modern sense. For King
James’s translators, “prevent” meant what we now understand by “precede” or “go before” –
not “hinder,” which is the modern sense of “prevent.” Given the fact that linguistic change
such as this means that the King James Bible has the potential to mislead and confuse, there
is a clear case for revising the translation. The extent of that revision is a matter for
discussion; the need is beyond doubt. When a translation requires explanation, it has ceased
to function as a working translation.
There is no difficulty here. All living languages, including English, change over the years.
Linguistic development is simply a sign of life – it means that a language is being used and
adapted to new situations. The task of translating is ongoing, not completed once and for
all. Any modern translation of the Bible – whether into English, Swahili, or Mandarin –
must be seen as provisional, requiring amendment as the language undergoes change and
development. Translation is a never-ending task.
Debates over the correct translation of the Bible continue to this day. Yet there are other
debates within Christianity over how to use the Bible. One of the most important of these
discussions concerns whether the Bible stands on its own or needs to be read in the light of
“tradition.” In what follows we shall consider this matter further.
The Bible and Tradition
A series of controversies in the early church brought home the importance of the concept of
tradition. The word “tradition” comes from the Latin term traditio, which means “handing
over,” “handing down,” or “handing on.” It is a thoroughly biblical idea; we find St. Paul
reminding his readers that he was handing on to them core teachings of the Christian faith
that he himself had received from other people (1 Corinthians 15: 1–4).
The term “tradition” can refer both to the action of passing teachings on to others –
something that, Paul insists, must be done within the church – and to the body of teachings
that are passed on in this manner. Tradition can thus be understood as a process as well as as
a body of teaching. In particular, the Pastoral Epistles – three later New Testament letters that
are particularly concerned with questions of church structure and with the transmission of
Christian teaching (1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus) – stress the importance of “guarding
the good deposit which was entrusted to you” (2 Timothy 1: 14). The New Testament also

52 The Christian Bible
uses the notion of “tradition” in a negative sense, meaning something like “human ideas and
practices that are not divinely authorized.” Thus Jesus of Nazareth was openly critical of
certain human traditions within Judaism (e.g., see Matthew 15: 1–6; Mark 7: 13).
The importance of the idea of tradition first became obvious in a gnostic controversy that
broke out during the second century. The controversy centered on a number of questions,
including how salvation was to be achieved. (The word “gnostic” derives from the Greek
noun gnōsis, “knowledge,” and refers to belief in certain secret ideas that had to be known
in order for individuals to secure salvation.) Christian writers found themselves having to
deal with some highly unusual and creative interpretations of the Bible. How were they to
deal with these? If the Bible was to be regarded as authoritative, was every interpretation of
it to be treated as of equal value with any other?
Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 130–c. 200), one of the church’s greatest early theologians, did not
think so. The question of how the Bible was to be interpreted was of the greatest impor-
tance. Heretics, he argued, interpreted the Bible after their own taste. Orthodox believers,
in contrast, interpreted the Bible in ways that their apostolic authors would have approved.
The apostles passed on to their successors both the biblical texts and a certain way of
reading and understanding them.
Everyone who wishes to perceive the truth should consider the apostolic tradition, which has
been made known in every church in the entire world. We are able to number those who are
bishops appointed by the apostles, and their successors in the churches to the present day, who
taught and knew nothing of such things as these people imagine.
Irenaeus’ point is that a continuous stream of Christian teaching, life, and interpretation
can be traced from the time of the apostles to his own period. The church is able to point to
those who have maintained the teaching of the church, and to standard public creeds that
set out the main lines of Christian belief. Tradition is thus the guarantor of faithfulness to
the original apostolic teaching and a safeguard against innovations and misrepresentations
of biblical texts such as the gnostics would introduce.
This development is of major importance, as it underlies the emergence of “creeds” –
public, authoritative statements of the basic points of the Christian faith, which are based
upon the Bible but avoid maverick interpretations of biblical material. The creeds thus
provide a framework – a “rule of faith” (regula fidei in Latin) – setting out the right
interpretation of the Bible. Their emergence was stimulated by two important factors:
1 the need for public statements of faith that represented the church’s interpretation of
the Bible and could be used in teaching and in defending the Christian faith against
misrepresentations;
2 the need for personal “confessions of faith” at the time of baptism.
We have already touched on the first point; the second needs further exploration. It is
known that the early church attached special importance to the baptism of new members.
In the third and fourth centuries, a definite pattern of instruction and baptism developed:
new members of the church were instructed in the basics of the Christian faith during the

The Christian Bible 53
period of Lent and baptized on Easter Day. These new members of the church were asked
to confirm their faith by assenting to key statements of Christian belief.
According to the Apostolic Tradition, a work written by Hippolytus of Rome (died c. 236)
in the early years of the third century, three questions were put to each baptismal candidate:
“Do you believe in God, the Father Almighty? Do you believe in Jesus Christ, our Savior?
Do you believe in the Holy Spirit, the holy church, and the forgiveness of sins?” As time
went on, these questions were gradually changed into a statement of faith, which each can-
didate was asked to make.
The most important creed to emerge from these “baptismal creeds” is the Apostles’
Creed, which is widely used in Christian worship today. Traditionally this creed is set out
as twelve statements, each of which is attributed to one of the twelve apostles. Although it is
now widely agreed that this creed was not actually written by the apostles themselves, it is
nevertheless “apostolic” in the sense that it contains the main ideas of the Christian faith
that the church received from the apostles. The Apostles’ Creed offers a very convenient
summary of some of the main topics of the Christian faith, and we shall use it as a basis for
our discussion of the leading beliefs of Christianity in the following chapter.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Christianity is not simply about religious and devotional practices, or about the cultivation
of ethical behavior. It is also about a “big picture” of reality – an understanding of God, the
world, and human identity and purpose. While individual Christians generally understand
this “big picture” in different ways, there is a clear family resemblance between their
outlooks. This way of understanding the world is usually framed in terms of “beliefs” or
“doctrines” (from the Latin word doctrina, meaning “teaching,” “body of beliefs/views”).
In the present chapter we shall look at some of these Christian beliefs, including disagree-
ments within Christianity on some matters of importance – for example, the nature of
baptism or the identity of the church.
Some writers present Christian beliefs as if they were isolated ideas, disconnected from
others. It is easy to see how this approach arises. Textbooks and lecture courses on Christian
doctrines tend to deal with beliefs in separate chapters, creating the impression that each
doctrine is like a hermetically sealed compartment. Yet it is important to realize that
Christian doctrines are interconnected. Doctrines are not self-contained, watertight
compartments, each one of which may be mastered without reference to anything else.
They are more like a web with intersecting nodes.
For example, in thinking about the doctrine of creation, it is important to appreciate its
interconnectedness with other leading themes of faith. To consider the Christian doctrine
of creation leads into reflection on the nature of God, the identity of Jesus Christ, the role
of the Holy Spirit, the nature of salvation, or sacramental theology – to mention just the
more obvious themes; others can easily be added to these. There is a sense in which to
study any single doctrinal theme is actually to study the whole web of faith, the grand
narrative of the gospel or the big picture of faith, as it intersects at this node, or as it focuses
on this theme.
Christian Creeds and Beliefs
3

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 55
Faith is a principled conviction that a certain way of thinking is trustworthy, reliable, and
relevant. It is a way of seeing things that cannot be proved to be right, yet proves to be reliable.
Faith is about entering into this way of thinking and allowing it to become a way of living.
It is about embracing a “big picture” of reality, which is capable of catching the imagination,
illuminating the reason, and creating an ethical vision for how we should live in the world.
What draws some people to Christianity is this “big picture,” rather than the individual
arguments that lead to it. While science takes things apart so that we can see how they work,
faith puts them back together again, so that we can see what they mean.
This “big picture” of faith sketched in the creeds, amplified in theology textbooks, and
applied in and through sermons helps to shape the Christian view of the world. Faith leads
to the consequence that the Christian community of faith sees the world in its own distinct
manner. The philosopher and social scientist Charles Taylor terms this kind of consequence
a “social imaginary,” understood as
the ways people imagine their social existence, how they fit together with others, how things go
on between them and their fellows, the expectations that are normally met, and the deeper
normative notions and images that underlie these expectations.
In this chapter we shall present an overview of basic Christian beliefs. So where should we start?
Perhaps the most obvious question to consider is why Christianity, in marked contrast with other
major world religions, has creeds. So how did Christianity come to develop them? And why?
The Emergence of Creeds
Early Christian statements of faith were often very short – for example, the simple confes-
sion that “Jesus is Lord!” (Romans 10: 9; 1 Corinthians 12: 3). Yet the New Testament also
contains a number of slightly longer creed-like statements, such as the following:
There is one God, the Father, from whom are all things and for whom we exist, and one Lord,
Jesus Christ, through whom are all things and through whom we exist. (1 Corinthians 8: 6)
I handed on to you as of first importance what I in turn had received: that Christ died for our
sins in accordance with the scriptures, and that he was buried, and that he was raised on the
third day in accordance with the scriptures. (1 Corinthians 15: 3–4)
[Jesus Christ] was revealed in flesh, vindicated in spirit, seen by angels, proclaimed among
Gentiles, believed in throughout the world, taken up in glory. (1 Timothy 3: 16)
Yet these and other similar statements are scattered throughout the biblical texts and are not
integrated into a greater whole. The creeds gather these threads together and express them
in more systematic forms. These statements of faith were easily memorized through
constant repetition in public worship or private instruction, allowing new Christians to
confess and summarize their faith. They are an expression, not the cause, of faith. The early
Christians regarded the creeds as being like ancient aqueducts – channels through which
water is directed and flows, but not the life-giving water itself.

56 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
For the first three centuries Christians had to manage without any formal creeds. At that
point Christianity was still an illegal religion within the Roman empire; believers were thus
forced to meet in secret to worship. There was no way in which Christian leaders could
meet together to discuss developing a common set of beliefs. The risk of arrest by the
Roman authorities was simply too great. As a result, there were no agreed universal public
norms of faith throughout the Christian world.
Yet a remarkable degree of consensus appears to have emerged within and across the
Christian world of the late second century. For reasons that are not fully understood,
Christians throughout the Roman empire were beginning to converge on a specific group
of texts that they read aloud in public worship and regarded as authoritative in matters of
life and thought, and on a set of basic shared beliefs. While there were local variations, col-
lections of texts very similar to the modern New Testament and “confessions of faith” very
similar to the modern Apostles’ Creed (quoted in Box 3.1) were taking shape by about 190.
These collections of texts and “confessions of faith” were used by individual congregations
and seem to have been spread primarily through the movement of Christians across imperial
frontiers. The leaders of Christian communities in the metropolitan cities – such as
Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Rome – developed their own distinct ways of teaching
the faith, and this gave rise to prototypes of the creeds. Those used in Rome were especially
significant on account of the status of Rome as the Eternal City, the capital of the empire.
Given imperial hostility toward Christianity, admission to Christian worship was a
serious and solemn matter in the first three centuries. New Christians were only admitted
Box 3.1 The Apostles’ Creed
I believe in God, the Father Almighty,
creator of heaven and earth.
I believe in Jesus Christ, God’s only Son, our Lord,
who was conceived by the Holy Spirit,
born of the Virgin Mary,
suffered under Pontius Pilate,
was crucified, died, and was buried;
he descended to the dead.
On the third day he rose again;
he ascended into heaven,
he is seated at the right hand of the Father,
and he will come to judge the living and the dead.
I believe in the Holy Spirit,
the holy catholic Church,
the communion of saints,
the forgiveness of sins,
the resurrection of the body,
and the life everlasting. Amen.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 57
once they had been carefully vetted (they might, after all, be Roman spies) and thoroughly
instructed in the basics of their faith. At their baptism, which marked formal admission into
the Christian community, believers were asked to confirm their faith by responding to three
questions:
1 Do you believe in God the Father Almighty?
2 Do you believe in Jesus Christ, the Son of God?
3 Do you believe in the Holy Spirit?
These questions were sometimes asked in more extended and elaborate forms; the basic
threefold pattern, however, was widely used in both western and eastern churches. The
answers given to these three questions were not seen as representing full accounts of the
Christian faith, but simply as summaries of its most important themes. By answering “I
believe” to each of these questions, the person who was about to be baptized was affirming
her commitment to the overall Christian way of thinking rather than to three of its
components.
From the end of the second century, documents that are clearly recognizable as having
the form of creeds began to be used by leading churches and Christian leaders as conve-
nient summaries of their personal and corporate faith. Although slightly different forms of
words were used across the Christian world, their shared features are more obvious than
their minor divergences. The Latin phrase regula fidei (“rule of faith”) came to be widely
used to refer to these statements. Tertullian (c. 160–c. 225), a Latin-speaking theologian
writing in the late second and early third century, provided his own statement of this “rule
of faith.” Christians, Tertullian declared, believed
that there is one only God, the Creator of the world, who produced all things out of nothing
through his own Word, who was sent forth first of all; that this Word is called his Son, and,
under the name of God, was seen “in diverse manners” by the patriarchs, heard at all times in
the prophets, was brought down by the Spirit and power of the Father into the Virgin Mary, was
made flesh in her womb, and, being born of her, went forth as Jesus Christ; he then preached
the new law and the new promise of the kingdom of heaven, and worked miracles; having been
crucified, he rose again on the third day; having ascended into the heavens, he sat at the right
hand of the Father; sent in his place the power of the Holy Spirit to guide those who believe;
will come with glory to take the saints to the enjoyment of everlasting life and of the heavenly
promises.
Although there are some obvious differences with what is later found in the Apostles’ Creed,
there are remarkable similarities between Tertullian’s personal “rule of faith” and this later creed.
These “rules of faith” were adopted by individual churches and Christian leaders; they
were not imposed upon them by any centralized authority. They commanded respect on
account of their merits and were adopted and adapted over a period of several generations,
until a degree of consensus emerged. The Apostles’ Creed was the final outcome of a long
process of reflection and refinement across the Christian world, a process leading to a “rule
of faith” that commanded assent not on account of any external authority, but because of its
internal qualities.

58 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
But why is this document known as the Apostles’ Creed? What role did the apostles have
in drawing it up? In the Middle Ages it was widely believed that this creed was written by
the twelve apostles, each apostle contributing one of its short statements. This suggestion,
which is found as early as the fourth century, is best regarded as a pious legend. Around
ad 390, the Council of Milan referred to a “Symbolum apostolorum” (“Creed of the Apostles”),
urging believers to recognize its importance and to use it as a summary of faith. There is no
doubt that the material included in this creed is authentically apostolic, in that it is deeply
rooted in the New Testament. Perhaps it might be referred to as the “Apostolic Creed” rather
than “Apostles’ Creed.” Indeed, many earlier Christian writers used the Latin formula
symbolum apostolicum to make this point.
So what of the Nicene Creed? To understand the development of this document, we need
to appreciate Christianity’s radical change in status in the early fourth century, as a result of
the conversion of the Roman Emperor Constantine. We shall consider this matter in more
detail in our discussion of early Christian history (pp. 129–131). Christianity was now a
legal religion. Its laity and its leaders were no longer subject to any form of state harassment,
victimization, or persecution. Christian worship no longer had to take place in secret.
Christian leaders were free to meet and travel.
As Christianity moved toward becoming the state religion of the Roman empire,
Constantine made it clear that he expected it to fulfill the functions of classical Roman reli-
gion – above all, by acting as a unifying force within the empire. Divisions within Christianity
had to be sorted out, so that the church could offer the world a model of the unity that
Constantine wished to see prevailing across his realm.
There were several debates within Christianity at this time, and one of them concerned
the status of the great metropolitan bishops – in other words, the bishops of Rome,
Alexandria, Antioch, Constantinople, and Jerusalem. Which of these bishops took pri-
ority within the empire? Who was the most senior bishop? And there were other divisions
too, most notably over the best way of expressing the identity and significance of Jesus
Christ.
Constantine wanted these issues sorted out, and he summoned a council of Christian
bishops to express a consensual theological framework that would bring religious harmony
to his empire. They met in ad 325 at the town of Nicaea, not far from the great new imperial
city of Constantinople. Agreement was reached, and a new creed was developed on that
basis. What we now know as the “Nicene Creed” is actually a later development of the creed
of 325, agreed upon at the Council of Chalcedon in 451. This creed was longer than the
Apostles’ Creed and included additional material clarifying how Christians should think
about the divinity and the humanity of Jesus of Nazareth.
Yet there is another difference between the two creeds presented so far (Box  3.1 and
Box 3.2). The Apostles’ Creed was a product of Christian communities, which took shape
over many generations and commanded wide assent and support. The Nicene Creed was
developed by a committee of bishops, in response to the Roman emperor’s demand for reli-
gious consensus. There has always been a sense in which the Apostles’ Creed is a “people’s
creed,” whereas the Nicene Creed is a “bishop’s creed.”
Having reflected on how the creeds arose, we may now turn to consider their contents –
beginning with the notion of “faith” itself.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 59
What Is Faith?
The Christian creeds open in the language of faith: “I believe in God ….” Before we begin to
reflect on what it is that Christians believe in, we need to ask what it means to “believe.”
What is faith? Christian writers down the ages have distinguished two senses of the word
“faith.” First, it designates a “faith by which we believe” – that is to say, the act of trust and
assent that says “yes” to God and reaches out to hold fast to God as the secure ground of life
and thought. Second, it designates a “faith that we believe” – that is to say, a set of beliefs. In
Box 3.2 The Nicene Creed
We believe in one God,
the Father, the Almighty,
maker of heaven and earth,
of all that is, seen and unseen.
We believe in one Lord, Jesus Christ,
the only Son of God,
eternally begotten of the Father,
God from God, Light from Light,
true God from true God,
begotten, not made,
of one Being with the Father;
through him all things were made.
For us and for our salvation
he came down from heaven,
was incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary
and became truly human.
For our sake he was crucified under Pontius Pilate;
he suffered death and was buried.
On the third day he rose again
in accordance with the Scriptures;
he ascended into heaven
and is seated at the right hand of the Father.
He will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead,
and his kingdom will have no end.
We believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life,
who proceeds from the Father and the Son,
who with the Father and the Son is worshipped and glorified,
who has spoken through the prophets.
We believe in one holy catholic and apostolic Church.
We acknowledge one baptism for the forgiveness of sins.
We look for the resurrection of the dead,
and the life of the world to come. Amen.

60 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
this second sense of the word, “faith” refers to the content of what Christians believe rather
than to the act of believing and trusting. Although these two senses of the word “faith”
are inseparable – they are like two sides of the same coin – it is nevertheless helpful to
distinguish between them. Creeds relate mainly to faith in the second sense of the word –
that is, they are a publicly agreed summary of the main points of Christian belief.
It is helpful here to make a distinction between “faith” (which is generally understood
relationally) and “belief ” (which is generally understood cognitively or conceptually). Faith
primarily describes a personal act of trust, a relationship with God that is characterized by
trust, commitment, and love. For Christians, to have faith in God is to place one’s trust in
God, believing him to be worthy of such trust.
Beliefs represent an attempt to put into words the substance of that faith. One has to
admit that words are often not up to the task of representing what they describe, yet one has
also to recognize the need to try to entrust to words what they ultimately could not contain.
Words, after all, are of critical importance in communication, argument, and reflection.
It is simply unthinkable for Christians not to try to express in words what they believe. The
eleventh-century theologian Anselm of Canterbury made this point succinctly through the
Latin phrase fides quaerens intellectum (“faith seeking understanding”). Yet these creedal
formulations are, in a sense, secondary to the primary act of trust and commitment.
The Christian faith is not a checklist of beliefs. In a sense, Christianity is a profoundly
relational faith, which rests on the believer’s trusting acceptance of a God who has been
proved worthy of such trust in the first place. As the poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge
(1772–1834) once remarked, “faith is not an accuracy of logic, but a rectitude of heart.” Yet,
despite this relational emphasis within Christianity, there remains a cognitive dimension to
faith. Christians do more than simply trust in God or in Christ. They also believe certain
quite definite things about them. We shall be looking at some of those beliefs later in this
chapter. For the moment, however, we focus on the idea of faith.
So, when the creeds declare that Christians “believe in God,” what do they mean? A useful
starting point is this: to believe in God is to trust in God. This is not an adequate definition
of faith, but it is an excellent starting point for further exploration. God is the one who may
be trusted in the midst of life’s turbulence, confusion, and ambiguities. Trusting someone
leads to commitment. As William Temple (1881–1944), a former archbishop of Canterbury,
put it in his opening speech at the Second World Conference on Faith and Order at
Edinburgh in 1937, “faith is not only the assent of our minds to doctrinal propositions: it is
the commitment of our whole selves into the hands of a faithful Creator and merciful
Redeemer.”
This pattern recurs throughout the narratives of calling and response that we find in the
Christian Bible. One of the great examples of faith is Patriarch Abraham. Abraham trusted
God and left behind his family home in order to go to a distant land (Genesis 15; 17). To
believe in God is to believe that God may be trusted, which leads us to entrust ourselves to
God. To believe in God goes far beyond the mere factual acceptance of God’s existence; it is
to declare that this God may be trusted. It is a familiar theme, and it has been explored by
just about every major Christian writer down the ages.
Similarly, to believe in Jesus of Nazareth goes far beyond accepting his historical existence.
In its full-blooded sense, faith in Jesus is about recognizing Jesus as one who may be trusted.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 61
When Jesus of Nazareth asked a man whom he had just healed whether he “believes” in the
Son of Man (John 9: 35), the healed man was quite clear that he was not being asked whether
he believed that Jesus existed. He knew that he was being asked whether he was ready to
trust Jesus and to commit himself to him.
It is therefore no accident that the gospels of the New Testament go to such length to
illustrate why Jesus of Nazareth may be trusted and what shape this trust would take. The
calling of the first disciples is of especial importance here. In Mark’s account of this dramatic
event (Mark 1: 16–20), Jesus spoke these simple words: “Come, follow me.” No explanation
or elaboration is offered. Yet the fishermen left everything immediately and followed Jesus.
No reason is given for their decision to follow this stranger who has so dramatically entered
into their lives. Mark leaves us with the impression of an utterly compelling figure, who
commands assent by his very presence. They abandon their nets – the basis of their meager
existence as fishermen – and follow Jesus into the unknown. He does not even tell them his
name. Yet they choose to entrust themselves to him.
This is where their faith in Jesus Christ began; it is not where it ended. For the gospels
enable us to see the disciples growing in their faith, as they gradually come to understand
more about the identity and significance of Christ. To begin with, they trusted him; as time
passed, they also came to understand something of who he was and why he mattered. Even
in the New Testament, this leads to supplementing personal trust in God and Christ with
beliefs concerning their identity – in other words, with doctrinal or creedal statements. For
example, John’s gospel provides an account of the things that Jesus said and did; and it does
this in order to bring its readers to the point at which they can commit themselves to him,
both personally and intellectually. The narrative of the words and deeds of Jesus has been
written so that “you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that by
believing you may have life in his name” (John 20: 31).
Faith and reason
The rise of an Age of Reason in western culture, which most historians suggest is to be dated
roughly to the two hundred years between 1750 and 1950, saw religious faith regarded with
suspicion. Thinkers of the Enlightenment regarded faith as little more than belief unsup-
ported by evidence – lacking any real warrant or logical basis. The Age of Reason led to a new
confidence in the capacity of unaided human reason to explain and master the world. Reason,
it was argued, was capable of deducing anything that needed to be known about God. There
was no need to propose divine revelation. We could rely totally upon reason instead.
This position is generally known as “rationalism” and is still encountered today in some
quarters. However, its credibility has been severely shaken by the growing realization that
different cultures have different understandings of rationality. Reason, it turned out, was
not the universal quality that many rationalists believed it to be. As the noted French
philosopher Blaise Pascal (1623–1662) put it: “Reason’s final step is to realize that there are
an infinite number of things which lie beyond it. It is simply feeble if it does not get as far as
realizing that.”
The worldview of the Enlightenment is increasingly regarded with suspicion by post-
modern writers, who see it as highly limiting and restrictive, in effect as confining humanity

62 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
to the very narrow world of what can be proved by reason. Strictly speaking, it limits human
knowledge to the realms of logic and mathematics. For the literary critic Terry Eagleton,
this view shuts down serious discussion of all major religious, moral, social, and cultural
issues. “We hold many beliefs that have no unimpeachably rational justification, but are
nonetheless reasonable to entertain.”
The mainstream Christian tradition takes a critical yet positive attitude toward human
reason. Faith goes beyond what is logically demonstrable, yet it is nevertheless capable of
having a rational motivation and a foundation. The truths of Christianity may lie beyond
reason’s ability to discover them. Yet, when they are disclosed, their rationality is grasped.
Thus faith is to be seen as a form of motivated or warranted belief. It is not a blind leap into
the dark, but a discovery of a bigger picture of things. Faith is not irrational; it simply
transcends the limits of reason.
One of the most important recent discussions of the relation of faith and reason is
contained in Pope John Paul II’s 1998 encyclical letter Fides et ratio (Faith and Reason). In
the opening to that letter John Paul II (Karol Josef Wojtyla, 1920–2005) sets out the classic
Christian approach to this question as follows:
Faith and reason are like two wings on which the human spirit rises to the contemplation of
truth; and God has placed in the human heart a desire to know the truth – in a word, to know
himself – so that, by knowing and loving God, men and women may also come to the fullness
of truth about themselves.
This rich statement deserves close attention. The basic idea is that human beings long to
know the truth and are constantly searching for it. “In the far reaches of the human heart
there is a seed of desire and nostalgia for God.”
So: Can reason alone lead humanity to this truth? John Paul II pays a handsome
tribute to philosophy as the legitimate object in the human quest for truth. Philosophy
is “one of noblest of human tasks” and is “driven by the desire to discover the ultimate
truth of existence.” Yet unaided human reason cannot fully penetrate to the mystery
of  life. It cannot answer questions such as “Why are we here?” For this reason, John
Paul II argues, God graciously chose to disclose through revelation those things
that  would otherwise remain unknown. “The truth made known to us by Revelation
is  neither the product nor the consummation of an argument devised by human
reason.”
The letter stresses that faith is not blind trust opposed to the evidence presented by the
world. Rather it points out that the world – which Christians see as God’s creation – is stud-
ded with hints about God’s existence and nature. John Paul II appeals to Paul’s sermon
preached on the Areopagus in Athens (Acts 17), arguing that it is entirely reasonable to
infer the existence of God from the wonders of nature and from a human sense of divinity
within us. These do not count as “proofs”; they are, however, confirmation or corroboration
of the basic themes of faith.
But what about “proofs” of God’s existence? What role do they play in any account of the
Christian faith? And is God’s existence something that can be proved in the first place? We
shall consider these questions in the next section.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 63
Can God’s existence be proved?
The mainstream Christian attitude to proofs for the existence of God can be set out as
follows:
1 The existence of God is something that reason cannot prove conclusively. Yet the fact
that the existence of God lies beyond reason does not mean that the existence of God is
contrary to reason. Faith in God transcends reason but does not contradict it.
2 Good reasons may be put forward for suggesting that God exists; these do not, however,
count as “proofs” in the sense of “rigorous logical demonstrations.” In this strict sense of
the word, proof is limited to logic and mathematics.
In what follows we shall explore the question of proofs of God’s existence in a little more
detail, focusing on Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) – probably the most famous and
influential theologian of the Middle Ages. Born in Italy, he achieved fame through his
teaching and writing, at the university of Paris and in other northern universities. His name
is chiefly associated with the Summa theologiae, a treatise composed toward the end of
his life and not totally finished at the time of his death. However, he also wrote many
other significant works, particularly the Summa contra Gentiles, which represents a major
statement of the rationality of the Christian faith and of the existence of God.
Aquinas believed that it was entirely proper to identify pointers toward the existence of
God – pointers drawn from general human experience of the world. His “five ways” repre-
sent five lines of argument in support of the existence of God, each of which draws on some
aspect of the world that “points” to the existence of its creator.
So then, what kind of pointers does Aquinas identify? His basic line of thought is that the
world, being created by God, mirrors God as its creator – an idea that is given more formal
expression in Aquinas’ doctrine of the “analogy of being.” Just as an artist might sign a painting
to identify it as her handiwork, so God has stamped a divine “signature” upon the creation.
What we observe in the world – for example, the signs of its ordering – can be explained if
God was its creator. If God both brought the world into existence and impressed a divine
image and likeness upon it, then something of God’s nature can be known from the creation.
So where in creation might we look to find evidence for the existence of God? Aquinas
argues that the ordering of the world is the most convincing evidence of God’s existence and
wisdom. This basic assumption underlies each of his five ways, although it is of particular
importance in the case of the argument often referred to as the “argument from design” or
the “teleological argument.” We shall consider the first and the last of these ways to illustrate
the issues.
The first way begins from the observation that things in the world are in motion or
change. The world is not static but dynamic. Examples are easy to list. Rain falls from the
sky. Stones roll down valleys. The earth revolves around the sun (incidentally, this fact was
unknown to Aquinas). This kind of argument is usually referred to as the “argument from
motion”; however, it is clear that the “movement” in question (motus in Aquinas’ Latin)
should be understood in very general or basic terms, so that the word “change” would be
more appropriate as a translation of motus at many points.

64 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
So how did nature come to be in motion? Why is it changing? Why isn’t it static? Aquinas
argues that everything that moves is moved by something else. For every motion, there is a
cause. Things don’t just move; they are moved by something else. Hence each cause of
motion must itself have a cause. And that cause must have a cause as well. And so Aquinas
argues that there is a whole series of causes of motion lying behind the world as we know it.
Now, unless there is an infinite number of these causes, there must be a single one right at
the origin of the series. All motion is ultimately derived from this original cause of motion.
This is the starting point of the great chain of causation, which we see reflected in the way
the world behaves. Thus, from the fact that things are in motion, Aquinas argues for the
existence of a single original cause of all motion. And this cause, he insists, is none other
than God.
In more recent times, this argument has been restated in terms of God’s being the one
who brought the universe into existence – which is why it is often referred to as the
“cosmological argument” (the Greek word kosmos meant “universe,” but also “order,”
hence the world as an ordered system). The most commonly encountered statement of
the cosmological argument runs along the following lines:
1 Everything in the universe depends on something else for its existence.
2 What is true of the individual parts of the universe is also true of the universe itself.
3 The universe thus depends on something other than itself for its existence – for as long
as it has existed or will exist.
4 Hence the universe depends on God for its existence.
The argument basically assumes that the existence of the universe is something that requires
explanation. It will be clear that this type of argument relates directly to modern cosmological
research, particularly to the “big bang” theory of the origins of the cosmos.
Aquinas’ fifth and final way is known as the teleological argument, which takes its name
from the Greek word telos, meaning “purpose” or “goal.” Aquinas notes that the world
shows obvious traces of intelligent design. Natural processes and objects seem to be adapted
to life with certain definite objectives in mind. They seem to have a purpose; they seem to
have been designed. But things don’t design themselves: they are designed by someone or
something else. Arguing from this observation, Aquinas concludes that it must be conceded
that the source of the natural ordering of processes and objects is God.
How useful are these arguments? The great French mathematician and philosopher
Blaise Pascal had two major concerns about the kind of approach adopted by Aquinas. First,
he found it difficult to accept that the rather abstract philosophical “god” who resulted from
such arguments was anything like the living God of the Old and New Testaments. It is a
point with which many would agree. As Pascal put it, “the metaphysical proofs for the
existence of God are so remote from human reasoning, and so complex, that they have
little impact.”
But, second, Pascal argued that these “proofs” assumed that God was known primarily
through reason. For Pascal, the human heart also had its reasons for believing (or not
believing!) in God. “We know the truth, not only through our reason, but also through our
heart.” God’s appeal for the human condition extended far beyond any resonance between

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 65
the world as we know it and the ideas of the Christian faith. It went right to the deep-seated
longing for God that Pascal held to be the culmination of the human quest for meaning
and significance.
In more recent years, new interest has developed in “inductive” arguments for the existence
of God – arguments that are based on the capacity of the Christian faith to make sense of
things. Here the criterion of assessment is how well a system can make theory and observation
fit in with each other. Although this approach is developed by many philosophers, for
instance Richard Swinburne, its most accessible statements are found in more popular
writings, particularly those of C. S. Lewis (1898–1963) and G. K. Chesterton (1874–1936).
After losing faith in his early agnosticism, Chesterton published a newspaper article
explaining why he and many others now regarded Christianity with intense intellectual
seriousness. “We have returned to it because it is an intelligible picture of the world.”
Chesterton realized that testing a theory meant checking it out against observation. “The
best way to see if a coat fits a man is not to measure both of them, but to try it on.” Let
Chesterton himself explain what he has in mind.
Numbers of us have returned to this belief; and we have returned to it, not because of this
argument or that argument, but because the theory, when it is adopted, works out everywhere;
because the coat, when it is tried on, fits in every crease … We put on the theory, like a magic
hat, and history becomes translucent like a house of glass.
Chesterton’s argument is that it is the Christian vision of reality as a whole – rather than any
of its individual components – that proves so compelling. Individual observations of nature
do not “prove” Christianity to be true; rather Christianity validates itself through its ability
to make sense of those observations. “The phenomenon does not prove religion, but
religion explains the phenomenon.”
For Chesterton, a good theory – whether scientific or religious – is to be judged by the
amount of illumination it offers and by its capacity to accommodate what we see in the
world around us and experience within us. “With this idea once inside our heads, a million
things become transparent as if a lamp were lit behind them.” The same idea is also expressed
in Lewis’s famous statement: “I believe in Christianity as I believe that the sun has risen, not
only because I see it, but because by it I see everything else.”
Thus far we have briefly explored some of the issues relating to faith and the creeds,
looking especially at the rationality of faith. We now need to begin to engage with some
specific items of belief. Let’s begin by looking at the opening statement of the creeds:
“I believe in God.”
The Christian Understanding of God
God lies at the heart of the Christian faith. But which God? Is it the same God as that of
Judaism or Islam? And what is this God like? It is clear that the little word “God” needs
considerable expansion, if we are to understand what it means. Israel’s reflections on the
identity of its God – which it styled by using phrases such as “the Lord God of Israel” – took

66 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
place against a background of polytheism. Each nation in the region had its own god; many
had highly developed pantheons, recognizing many different gods, each with its own
distinctive function or sphere of influence. Simply talking about “God” was thus not
particularly informative. It invited the question: Which of these gods do you mean? Part of
the task of Christian theology is to identify the God in which Christians believe.
This process of clarifying the identity of God can be followed in both the Old and New
Testaments. For the Old Testament prophets, Israel knew and worshipped the God who had
brought them out of Egypt and led them into the promised land. In the New Testament, we
find this idea picked up and developed further. Christians believe in the same God as
Abraham; this God is, however, finally and fully disclosed in Jesus of Nazareth (pp. 87–89).
Thus Paul speaks of “the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ” (2 Corinthians 1: 3). By
this, Paul means both the God in whom Jesus of Nazareth believed, and the God who is
revealed in Jesus’ words and deeds.
The New Testament teaches that Christians worship and know the same God as Israel.
Nevertheless, they hold that this God is supremely and finally revealed in Jesus of Nazareth.
Thus the letter to the Hebrews opens by declaring that the same God who spoke to Israel “in
many times and in various ways” through the prophets has now “spoken to us through a
Son,” who is to be recognized as the “exact representation” of God (Hebrews 1: 1–3). This
point is of great importance, as it demonstrates how the Christian understanding of God is
linked with the person of Christ. As a second-century Christian writer put it, “we must
learn to think of Jesus as of God” (1 Clement 1: 1).
So what do Christians believe about this God? The opening words of the Apostles’ Creed
state that Christians believe in a God who is “the Father Almighty, Creator of heaven and
earth.” We shall turn to explore the very rich and powerful theme of creation in the follow-
ing section. To begin with, we shall look at the idea of God as “Father Almighty.” We can
break this down into two segments, each of which really deserves a chapter to itself.
However, limits on space mean that we will have to consider them both briefly, beginning
with the question of what it means to speak of God as “Father.” How are we to understand
this analogy?
Perhaps the best starting point is to reflect on the way in which Christian theology uses
analogies as a way of grasping God in manageable and imaginatively engaging forms.
Christian analogies for God
One of the most noticeable and interesting things about the biblical representation of God
is that extensive use is made of images. We may begin by considering one of the most
familiar of these analogies and images: “The Lord is my shepherd’ (Psalm 23: 1). This image
of God as a shepherd is encountered frequently in the Old Testament (e.g., Isaiah 40: 11;
Ezekiel 34: 12) and is taken up in the New Testament to refer to Jesus, who is declared to be
the “good shepherd” (John 10: 11).
To speak of “God as a shepherd” is to affirm that “God is like a shepherd.” In other words,
the image of a shepherd is analogical, helping us to think about the nature of God. It
does not mean that God is identical with a human shepherd. Rather it means that some

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 67
aspects of a human shepherd help us think about God more effectively, engaging both
the reason and the imagination.
So then, is every aspect of this human analogy to be carried over to God? After all, every
analogy breaks down at some point, if it is taken too far. How far can we press this analogy
before it ceases to be reliable? To explore the issue, we could draw up a brief list of things
that are true about shepherds.
1 Shepherds look after sheep.
2 Shepherds protect their sheep against danger.
3 Shepherds lead their sheep to food and water.
4 Shepherds are human beings.
The first three aspects of the analogy can clearly be carried over to thinking about God.
God cares, protects, and leads. In all these respects the analogy of the shepherd works well
and illuminates the character of God.
Yet shepherds are ultimately human beings. So is this aspect of the analogy also to be
carried over? It is quite clear that we are not meant to think of God as a human being.
Christians do not think that God is a human being. This, it would seem, is one aspect of the
analogy that we are not meant to press too far.
With these points in mind, let us return to think about the analogy of “God as Father.”
What does it convey about God? And what are the limits of this analogy?
God as Father
The Christian tradition is saturated with language about God as Father – for example, the
Lord’s Prayer opens with the words “Our Father.” If Jesus of Nazareth referred to God in this
way, this element is clearly of major importance to Christian faith. But how are we to inter-
pret this image? What does it mean to speak of God in this way? In particular, do Christians
think that God is male? Does speaking of God as “father” mean that Christianity believes in
a male deity?
Box 3.3 The Lord’s Prayer
Our Father in heaven,
hallowed be your name.
Your kingdom come.
Your will be done, on earth as it is in heaven.
Give us this day our daily bread.
And forgive us our debts, as we also have forgiven our debtors.
And do not bring us to the time of trial, but rescue us from the evil one.
(Matthew 6: 9–13; see also Luke 11: 2–4)

68 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
What does the analogy of God as Father convey? The following ideas might come to mind,
and we shall explore each of them briefly.
1 Fathers are human beings.
2 Fathers bring their children into existence.
3 Fathers care for their children.
4 Fathers are male.
The first of these characteristics is clearly not meant to be transferred to our thinking about
God. As we saw in the case of the shepherd analogy, this is the inevitable consequence of
using language drawn from the created order when we refer to the creator.
The second is clearly important. Christians believe that God is our originator. Without
God we would not be here. Both the Old and the New Testament stress the complete
dependence of humanity upon God, from beginning to end. We shall explore the theme of
God as creator in more detail later in this chapter (pp. 78–82).
The third aspect of the analogy is also clearly applicable to God. There can be no doubt
that the analogy of God as father conveys – and is intended to convey – the idea of care. The
Old Testament in particular often compares God’s relation with his people to a father’s
relationship with his young son. When the son is very young, he is totally dependent upon
his father for everything, and their relationship is very close. But, as the son grows older, he
gradually comes to exercise his independence and to break away from his father, so that the
relationship becomes more distant.
The Prophet Hosea used this illustration to help his readers grasp how Israel has become
a virtual stranger to the God who called it into existence:
When Israel was a child, I loved him, and out of Egypt I called my son. But the more I called
Israel, the further they went away from me. They sacrificed to the Baals, and they burned
incense to images. It was I who taught Ephraim to walk, taking them by the arms, but they did
not realize it was I who healed them. I led them with the cords of human kindness, with ties of
love. (Hosea 11: 1–4)
This aspect of the analogy is also picked up by Jesus of Nazareth in the Sermon on the Mount
(Matthew 7: 9–11). Human fathers want to give their children good things. So how much more
will God, as a heavenly father, want to give good things to those who ask for them in prayer?
Yet it is the fourth aspect of this analogy that has generated most interest and needs further
discussion. Both the Old and the New Testament use male language about God. The Greek word
for “god” (theos) is unquestionably masculine, as are most of the analogies used for God
throughout Scripture – such as father, king, and shepherd. Does this mean that God is male?
This question needs to be answered in the negative. To begin with, we need to note that
the Bible also uses female imagery to refer to the love of God for humanity. Just as a mother
can never forget or turn against her child, so God will not forget or turn against his people
(Isaiah 49: 15). There is a natural bond of affection and sympathy between God and his
children, simply because he has brought them into being. Thus God loved us long before we
loved God (1 John 4: 10, 19). Psalm 51: 1 refers to God’s “great compassion.” Interestingly,

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 69
the Hebrew word for “compassion” (rachmin) is derived from the word for “womb”
(rechmen). God’s compassion toward his people is that of a mother toward her child
(cf. Isaiah 66: 12–13). Compassion, so to speak, stems from the womb.
The statement that a “father” is a good analogy for God in ancient Israelite society is not
equivalent to saying that God is male. To speak of God as father is to say that the role of the
father in ancient Israel allows us insights into the nature of God. It is not to say that God is
“male” in human herms. As we have noted, the Old Testament also uses mothers in analogies
for aspects of God’s love for Israel. Although the cultural context of the ancient world means
that there are many more references to paternal role models than to maternal, there is no
doubt that both fathers and mothers function as analogies for God in the Bible.
The Catechism of the Catholic Church thus stresses the manner in which parental imagery –
both of fatherhood and of motherhood – brings out some central themes of the Christian faith:
By calling God “Father,” the language of faith indicates two main things: that God is the first
origin of everything and transcendent authority; and that he is at the same time goodness and
loving care for all his children. God’s parental tenderness can also be expressed by the image of
motherhood, which emphasizes God’s immanence, the intimacy between Creator and creature.
The language of faith thus draws on the human experience of parents, who are in a way the first
representatives of God for man.
Yet there is a more important point here, grounded in the doctrine of creation. Neither male
nor female sexuality is to be attributed to God. For Christians, God creates both male and
female. Yet this does not mean that God is either male or female. Sexuality is seen as an attri-
bute of the created order; it does not correspond to any such polarity within the creator God.
In fact the Old Testament completely avoids attributing sexual functions to God, on
account of the strongly pagan overtones of such associations. Thus Canaanite fertility cults
emphasized the sexual functions of both gods and goddesses, whereas the Old Testament
refuses to endorse the idea that God’s gender and sex(uality) are a significant matter, or to
think of the act of creation in sexual terms – for example, as the mating of a god and goddess.
This leads us to another important theme in Christian thinking about God: the concept
of a personal God, to which we now turn.
A personal God
Down the ages, theologians and ordinary Christian believers alike have spoken and thought
about God in strongly personal terms. Christianity thinks and speaks of God in terms of
divine love, trustworthiness, and purpose, which have strongly personal associations. Many
spiritual writers have pointed out that the Christian practice of prayer is partly modeled on
the relationship between a child and a parent. Prayer expresses a gracious relationship of
trust and dependency.
Similarly, one of Paul’s most important ways of thinking about salvation – reconciliation –
is modeled on the dynamics of human personal relationships. The transformation, through
faith, of the relationship between God and sinful human beings is like the reconciliation of
two persons – say, an alienated husband and his wife.

70 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
For early Christian writers, the word “person” expressed the individuality of a human
being as seen in his or her words and actions, especially in social relationships. A person is
someone who plays a role in a social network. “Individuality” does not imply social
relationships, whereas “personality” relates to the part played by an individual in a web of
relationships – a part by virtue of which that person is perceived by others to be distinctive.
Our identity is expressed partly through our relationships. The basic Christian idea of “a
personal God” is that of a God with whom believers can be in a relationship analogous to
any relationship with a human person.
It is helpful to consider the overtones of the phrase “an impersonal God.” There are
strongly negative overtones to the idea of “impersonal,” and they have passed into Christian
thinking about the nature of God. “Impersonal” suggests a God who is distant or aloof, who
deals with humanity in general terms, who pays no heed to human individuality. On the
contrary, having a personal relationship with God, such as love, suggests a reciprocal
dimension to God’s dealings with believers. This idea is incorporated into the notion of a
personal God, but not into impersonal conceptions of the nature of God.
Personal relationships establish the framework within which such key biblical themes as
“love,” “trust,” and “faithfulness” have meaning. Both the Old and the New Testament make
frequent reference to the “love of God,” the “trustworthiness of God,” and the “faithfulness
of God.” “Love” is a word used primarily to refer to personal relationships. Furthermore, the
core biblical themes of promise and fulfillment are given their proper context within
personal relationships. This can be seen in the covenant between God and Israel: “I will be
their God, and they will be my people” (Jeremiah 31: 33). The basic underlying idea is that
of God’s personal commitment to God’s people and of God’s people’s commitment to
their God.
A twentieth-century philosophical analysis of what it means to speak of a “person” is also
helpful in clarifying what it means to speak of a personal God. In his major work I and Thou
(1927), the Jewish writer Martin Buber (1878–1965) drew a fundamental distinction
between two categories of relations: “I–Thou relations,” which are understood to be
“personal,” and “I–It relations,” which are impersonal.
1 I–It relations Buber uses this category to refer to the relation between subjects and
objects – for example, between a human being and a pencil. The human being is active,
whereas the pencil is passive. This type of relation is often referred to in more
philosophical language as a subject–object relation, in which an active subject (in this
case, the human being) relates to an inactive object (in this case, the pencil). According
to Buber, the subject acts as an “I,” and the object as an “it.” The relation between the
human being and the pencil could thus be described as an “I–It relation.”
2 I–Thou relations At the heart of Buber’s philosophy is the notion of an “I–Thou relation,”
which exists between two active subjects. It is something that is mutual (or reciprocal)
and links two persons.
How does Buber’s philosophy help us understand and explore the idea of God as a person?
First, his approach affirms that God cannot be reduced to a concept – or to some neat
conceptual formulation. According to Buber, only an “It” can be treated in this way. For

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 71
Buber, God is the “Thou” who can, by its nature, never become an It. That is, God is a being
who escapes all attempts at objectification and transcends all description. Theology must
learn to acknowledge and wrestle with the presence of God, realizing that this presence
cannot be reduced to a neat package of contents.
Second, the approach allows valuable insights into the Christian idea of revelation. For
Christian theology, God’s revelation is not simply a making known of facts about God, but
a self-revelation of God. Revelation of ideas about God is to be supplemented by the revela-
tion of God as a person. Revelation includes knowledge of God as an “it” and as a “Thou.”
We come to know things about God; yet we also come to know God. Similarly, “knowledge
of God” includes knowledge of God as both “it” and “Thou.” To “know God” is not to have
access to data about God, but to have a personal relationship with God.
Buber’s approach helps us encompass the spectrum of understandings of God encoun-
tered within Christianity. The idea of God as an “I” lies at the heart of Christian prayer and
worship, which are often taken in terms of a personal relationship with God. Yet some
forms of Christian mysticism prefer to think of God more impersonally, believing that
the use of personal language about God fails to do justice to divine immensity or to the
complexity of the human experience of God.
God as almighty
The Apostles’ Creed goes on to speak of God as “almighty.” What do Christians mean when
they say that God is “almighty”? At first sight, this might seem to be a rather pointless
question. The meaning of the word “almighty” is perfectly obvious in everyday language:
“capable of doing anything.” So to say that “God is almighty” is to say that “God can do
anything.” What more is there to say?
Yet it is not quite as simple as this. We have to consider whether the word “almighty”
might take on a somewhat different meaning when applied to God. To explore this, let’s
consider the statement in greater detail: “To say that God is almighty means that God can
do anything.”
On the face of it, this definition seems fairly straightforward. Yet it runs into some diffi-
culties at an early stage. Consider the following question: “Can God draw a triangle with
four sides?” It does not take much thought to see that this question has to be answered in
the negative. Triangles have three sides; to draw something with four sides is to draw a qua-
dilateral, not a triangle.
However, on further reflection, it is not clear that this question causes problems for the
Christian understanding of God. Four-sided triangles do not and cannot exist. The fact that
God cannot make such a triangle is not a serious issue. It just forces us to restate our simple
statement in a more complicated way. “To say that God is almighty means that God can do
anything that does not involve logical contradiction.” Or we could follow Thomas Aquinas,
who remarked that it was not that God could not do such things; it was simply that such
things cannot be done.
Yet the real issue concerns the Christian understanding of the nature of God. We can
begin to engage with this important matter by considering this question: “Can God break
promises?” There is no logical contradiction involved in people breaking promises.

72 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
It happens all the time. It may be regrettable, but there is no intellectual difficulty here. If
God can do anything that does not involve a logical contradiction, God can certainly break
a promise.
Yet, for Christians, this suggestion is unacceptable. The idea of a “covenant” between God
and Israel is grounded on God’s faithfulness and commitment. Christians hold that God
remains faithful to what has been promised. If God cannot be trusted, whom can anyone
trust? The suggestion that God might break a promise contradicts a vital aspect of the
Christian understanding of God’s character – namely God’s faithfulness and truthfulness.
One of the great themes of both the Old Testament and the New is the total trustworthiness
and reliability of God. Humans may fail; God remains faithful.
The point here is that there is a tension between power and trust. An all-powerful cheater
could easily make promises – but those promises cannot be trusted. Yet the Christian faith
focuses on a God who could do anything – but who chose to act in certain ways. God did
not need to enter into a covenant with Israel – but God chose to do so, and having done so,
remained faithful to this promise. God does not act arbitrarily or whimsically; God acts
reliably and faithfully.
God as spirit
The Christian tradition makes extensive appeal to the Holy Spirit. Christian baptism
invokes the name of the “Father, Son, and Holy Spirit” (Matthew 28: 17–20). The recent rise
of Pentecostal and charismatic movements (pp. 212–213) throughout the Christian world
has seen a new emphasis given to the role of the Holy Spirit, particularly in worship and
personal experience. So what is meant by the “Holy Spirit”?
The English language uses at least three words – “wind,” “breath,” and “spirit” – to translate
a single Hebrew term regularly used to refer to the Holy Spirit: ruach. This important
Hebrew word has a depth of meaning that makes it is virtually impossible to reproduce in
English. Ruach, traditionally translated simply as “spirit,” has a range of associations, each
of which casts some light on the Christian notion of the Holy Spirit.
1 Spirit as wind The Old Testament writers are careful not to identify God with the
wind and thus reduce God to the level of a natural force. Nevertheless, a parallel is drawn
between the power of the wind and that of God. To speak of God as spirit is to call to mind
the surging energy of the “Lord of Hosts” and to remind Israel of the power and dynamism
of the God who had called Israel out of Egypt. This image of the spirit as redemptive power
is perhaps stated in its most significant form in the account of the exodus from Egypt in
which a powerful wind divides the Red Sea (Exodus 14: 21). Here the idea of ruach conveys
both the power and the redemptive purpose of God.
The image of the wind also allowed for the complexity of believers’ experiences of God to
be accounted for and visualized in a genuinely helpful manner. The Old Testament writers
were conscious of experiencing the presence and activity of God in two quite distinct manners.
Sometimes God was experienced as a judge, one who condemned Israel for its waywardness;
yet at other times God was experienced as one who refreshed the chosen people like water in
a dry land. The image of the wind conveyed both these ideas in a powerful manner.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 73
2 Spirit as breath The idea of spirit is associated with the idea of life. When God created
Adam, God breathed into him the breath of life, as a result of which Adam became a “living
being” (Genesis 2: 7). The basic difference between a living and a dead human being is that the
former breathes, the latter does not. In ancient cultures, this led to the widespread thought
that life was dependent upon breath. God is the one who breathes the breath of life into empty
shells and brings them to life. God brought Adam to life by breathing into him. The famous
vision of the Valley of the Dry Bones (Ezekiel 37: 1–14) also illustrates this point. Can these
dry bones live? The bones only come to life when breath enters into them (Ezekiel 37: 9–10).
The model of God as spirit thus conveys the fundamental insight that God is the one
who gives life, even the one who is able to bring the dead back to life. It is important to note
that ruach is often linked with God’s work of creation (e.g., Genesis 1: 2; Psalm 104: 27–31),
even if the precise role of the spirit is left unspecified. There is clearly an association bet-
ween “spirit” and the giving of life through creation.
3 Spirit as charism The technical term “charism” (from the ancient Greek charisma,
meaning “grace”) denotes a state in which one is filled with the spirit of God to the point
where one can perform tasks that would otherwise be impossible. The gift of wisdom is
often portrayed as a consequence of being thus endowed by the spirit (Genesis 41: 38–39;
Exodus 28: 3; 35: 31; Deuteronomy 34: 9). At times, the Old Testament attributes leadership
or military prowess to the influence of the spirit, regarding them as gifts (Judges 14: 6, 19;
15: 14, 15). However, the most pervasive aspect of this feature of the spirit relates to the
question of prophecy. One of the statements of the creeds identifies the Holy Spirit as the
ultimate source and inspiration of prophecy.
Yet the Old Testament does not offer much in the way of clarification concerning the
manner in which the prophets were inspired, guided, or motivated by the Holy Spirit. In the
period before the Israelites were exiled to Babylon, prophecy was often associated with
ecstatic experiences of God and linked with wild behavior (1 Samuel 10: 6; 19: 24).
Nevertheless, this kind of activity gradually became associated with the message rather than
the behavior of the prophet. The prophet’s credentials rest upon being endowed with and
by the spirit (Isaiah 61: 1; Ezekiel 2: 1–2; Micah 3: 8; Zechariah 7: 12); such endowment
authenticates the prophet’s message – a message that is usually described as “the word
[dabhar] of the Lord.”
But is the Holy Spirit divine? This question was discussed extensively in early Christianity.
Leading writers such as Athanasius of Alexandria (c. 296–373) and Basil of Caesarea
(c. 330–379) argued that the formula that had become universally accepted for baptism
implied the full divinity of the spirit. Since the time of the New Testament (see Matthew 28:
18–20), Christians were baptized in the name of “the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.”
Athanasius argued that the baptismal formula clearly pointed to the Spirit sharing the same
divinity as that of the Father and the Son. This argument eventually prevailed.
However, early Christian writers were hesitant to speak openly of the Holy Spirit as
“God,” on the grounds that this practice was not explicitly endorsed by the Christian Bible – a
point discussed at some length by Basil of Caesarea in his treatise on the Holy Spirit
(written in ad 374–375). Even as late as ad 380, Gregory of Nazianzus conceded that many

74 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
Orthodox Christian theologians were uncertain as to whether to treat the Holy Spirit as a
creator, as an activity, or as God.
This cautiousness can be seen in the final statement of the doctrine of the Holy Spirit
formulated by a council meeting at Constantinople in ad 381. The Holy Spirit was there
described not as “God,” but as “the Lord and giver of life, who proceeds from the Father, and
is worshipped and glorified with the Father and Son.” This indicates that the Holy Spirit is
to be treated as having the same dignity and rank as the Father and the Son, even if the term
“God” is not used explicitly. This language is reflected in the Nicene Creed.
With the full recognition of the divinity of the Holy Spirit in the fourth century, the
scene was set for the final development of the Christian doctrine of the Trinity. Yet
the place of the spirit within the Trinity would become the subject of controversy between
the eastern and western churches. The issue concerned how the spirit related to the Son.
While the theologians of the Greek-speaking church were struggling to express the nature
of the Son’s relationship with the Holy Spirit, the theologians of the Latin West quickly
came to the conclusion that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and from the Son.
This debate is often referred to as the filioque controversy (meaning “from the Son” in the
Latin sequence ex patre filioque, “from the Father and from the Son”). Tensions simmered
over this matter, especially when western versions of the Nicene Creed were developed
that included this phrase.
Theologians remain divided as to how important this distinction is and how best the
point at issue might be expressed. Historically, however, this disagreement contributed to
the growing tensions between the eastern and the western churches, eventually leading to
the Great Schism of 1054 (pp. 138–139).
The doctrine of the Trinity
For many, the doctrine of the Trinity is one of the most baffling areas of Christian theology.
How can one God be “three persons”? Thomas Jefferson (1743–1826), the third president
of the United States of America, was severely critical of what he termed the “incomprehen-
sible jargon of the Trinitarian arithmetic.” Why should Christians speak about God in this
convoluted and puzzling way? Surely this compromised the simplicity of faith?
The best way of understanding this core Christian doctrine is to suggest that it is the
inevitable and legitimate way of thinking about God that emerges from a sustained engage-
ment with the biblical witness to the words and works of God. The doctrine of the Trinity
can be regarded as the outcome of a process of critical reflection on the pattern of divine
activity revealed in the Bible and continued in Christian experience. This is not to say that
the Bible explicitly sets out a doctrine of the Trinity; rather it is to say that the Bible bears
witness to a God who is to be understood in a trinitarian manner.
At first sight, there are only two biblical verses that are open to a trinitarian interpreta-
tion: Matthew 28: 19 and 2 Corinthians 13: 14. The first commands the first disciplines to
baptize people “in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit”; the second speaks of the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit in the familiar words of “the grace.” Both these verses
have become deeply rooted in the Christian consciousness, the former on account of its
baptismal associations, the latter through the common use of the formula in Christian

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 75
prayer and devotion. Yet these two verses, taken together or in isolation, cannot be considered
to state a formal doctrine of the Trinity.
The ultimate grounds of the doctrine of the Trinity are not to be sought in these two
verses, but in the pattern of divine activity to which the New Testament bears witness. The
Father is revealed in Christ through the spirit. There is the closest of connections between
the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit in the New Testament writings. Time after time,
New Testament passages link together these three elements as part of a greater whole. The
totality of God’s saving presence and power are expressed by involving all three elements
(for example, see 1 Corinthians 12: 4–6; 2 Corinthians 1: 21–22; Galatians 4: 6; Ephesians 2:
20–22; 2 Thessalonians 2: 13–14; Titus 3: 4–6; 1 Peter 1: 2).
The starting point for Christian reflection on the Trinity is the New Testament’s witness to
the presence and activity of God in Christ and through the spirit. For Irenaeus of Lyons, who
wrote in the second century, the whole process of salvation, from its beginning to its end,
bore witness to the action of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. Irenaeus made use of a
phrase that would feature prominently in future discussions of the Trinity: “the economy of
salvation.” The use of the term “economy” here needs a little explanation. The Greek word
oikonomia basically means “the way in which one’s affairs are ordered” (the relation to the
modern sense of the word “economy” will thus be clear). For Irenaeus, the “economy of
salvation” meant the way in which God has ordered the salvation of humanity in history.
At the time, Irenaeus was under considerable pressure from gnostic critics, who argued
that God the creator was quite distinct from (and inferior to) God the redeemer. As we
noted earlier (p. 48), the second-century writer Marcion of Sinope had argued that the Old
Testament God was merely a creator God, totally different from the redeemer God of the
New Testament. As a result, the Old Testament should be shunned by Christians, who
should concentrate their attention upon the New Testament. Irenaeus vigorously rejected
this idea. He insisted that the entire process of salvation, from the first moment of creation
to the last moment of history, was the work of one and the same God. There was a single
economy of salvation, in which the one God – who was both creator and redeemer – was at
work to redeem the creation.
In his Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching, Irenaeus insisted upon the distinct yet
related roles of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit within the economy of salvation. He thus
affirmed his faith in
God the Father uncreated, who is uncontained, invisible, one God, creator of the universe; this
is the first article of our faith … And the Word of God, the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ …
who, in the fullness of time, in order to gather all things to himself, he became a human being
amongst human beings, capable of being seen and touched, to destroy death, bring life, and
restore fellowship between God and humanity. And the Holy Spirit … who, in the fullness of
time, was poured out in a new way on our human nature in order to renew humanity throughout
the entire world in the sight of God.
This passage brings out clearly the idea of the Godhead, according to which each person is
responsible for an aspect in the economy of salvation. Far from being a rather pointless
piece of theological speculation, the doctrine of the Trinity is grounded directly in

76 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
the complex human experience of redemption in Christ and is concerned with the
explanation of this experience.
The real difficulty for most Christians lies in the visualization of the Trinity. How can
anyone make sense of such a complex and abstract idea? St. Patrick, the patron saint of
Ireland, is rumored to have used the leaf of a shamrock to illustrate how a single leaf
could have three different elements. The fourth-century writer Gregory of Nyssa used a
series of analogies in his letters to help his readers grasp the reality of the Trinity, for
example:
1 The analogy of a spring, fount, and stream of water The one flows from the other and
they share the same substance – water. Although different aspects of the stream of water
may be distinguished, they cannot be separated.
2 The analogy of a chain There are many links in a chain; yet to be connected to one is to
be connected to all of them. In the same way, Gregory argues, someone who encounters
the Holy Spirit also encounters the Father and the Son.
3 The analogy of a rainbow Drawing on the Council of Nicaea’s statement – later incorpo-
rated into the Nicene Creed – that Christ is “light from light,” Gregory argues that the
rainbow allows us to distinguish and appreciate the different colors of a sunbeam. There
is only one beam of light, yet the colors blend seamlessly into one another.
Figure 3.1 One of the most famous attempts to
represent the Trinity: Andrei Rubljov’s icon of 1411,
depicting the three angels with Abraham, widely
interpreted as an analogue of the Trinity.
Illustration: Rubljov, Andrei c. 1360/70–1427/30,
The Holy Trinity (The Three Angels with Abraham)
(1411). Icon painting. Moscow, Tretjakov Gallery.
Source: AKG Images.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 77
More recently, the American theologian Robert Jenson (born 1930) has argued that the
trinitarian formula “Father, Son, and Holy Spirit” can be thought of as a proper name – a
shorthand way of identifying exactly what God Christians are talking about. The doctrine
of the Trinity is a summary of the story of God’s dealings with Israel and the church. It nar-
rates how God created and redeemed humanity, affirming that it is the story of the one and
the same God throughout. Jenson develops this approach in a fresh and helpful direction,
offering a creative restatement of the traditional doctrine of the Trinity.
Jenson thus argues that “Father, Son, and Holy Spirit” is the proper name for the God
whom Christians know in and through Jesus Christ. It is imperative, he argues, that God
should have a proper name – a name that Christians can use in prayer and in worship.
“Father, Son, and Holy Spirit” is a proper name, which we are asked to use in naming and
addressing God. As Jenson put it: “Linguistic means of identification – proper names,
identifying descriptions, or both – are a necessity of religion. Prayers, like other requests
and praises, must be addressed.”
Jenson also points out that ancient Israel was set in a polytheistic context, in which the
term “god” conveyed relatively little information. It was necessary to name the god in
question. A similar situation was confronted by the writers of the New Testament, who were
obliged to identify the god at the heart of their faith and to distinguish this god from the
many other gods worshipped and acknowledged in the region, especially in Asia Minor.
The doctrine of the Trinity thus identifies and names the Christian God – but identifies
and names this God in a manner consistent with the biblical testimonial. It is not a name
that we have chosen; it is a name that has been chosen for us and that we are authorized to
use. The Trinity is thus an instrument of theological precision, which forces us to be explicit
about the God under discussion. Christians do not believe in a generic god, but in a very
specific God who is known in and through a series of actions in history.
The doctrine of the Trinity plays a major role in contemporary Christian worship, spiri-
tuality, and theology. It explains the trajectory of revelation and salvation: God is revealed
through Jesus Christ, and that revelation is interpreted by the Holy Spirit. God redeems
humanity through Jesus Christ, and that salvation is applied to humanity through the
agency of the Holy Spirit. It is an explanation of the pathway to knowledge of God and to
fellowship with God. Christians believe in a saving encounter with God through Christ in
the power of the Holy Spirit.
At one level, the Christian doctrine of the Trinity emphasizes the sheer immensity of
God. The fallen and finite human mind is unable to comprehend the fullness of God. At
another, it provides a framework both for making sense of, and deepening the quality of,
Christian worship. Christians pray to the Father through the Son in the Holy Spirit. This
trinitarian trajectory identifies the goal of Christian prayer and worship as God; the medium
or means through which this goal is achieved as the risen Christ; and the power that inspires
and elicits these actions as the Holy Spirit.
In the past, Christian theologians were primarily concerned with rebutting rationalist
criticisms of the doctrine of the Trinity that held it to be incomprehensible nonsense. The
influence of rationalism is now on the wane and the twentieth century has seen a massive
recovery of confidence in the doctrine, largely through the pioneering theological work of
Karl Barth and Karl Rahner. Yet the fading of rationalism must be set against the increasing

78 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
importance of a new critic of Christian theology, especially at this point. In recent years,
increasing attention has been paid to Islamic criticism of the doctrine of the Trinity. The
three great monotheistic faiths of the world – Christianity, Judaism, and Islam – share a
belief that there is only one supreme being: the Lord and creator of the universe. “Hear, O
Israel, the Lord your God is one Lord” (Deuteronomy 6: 4). Islamic critics of Christianity
regularly criticize Christians, however, for deviating from this emphasis upon the unity of
God (to which they often refer through the Arabic word tawhid) in the doctrine of the
Trinity. Muslim writers argue that this doctrine is a late invention that distorts the idea of
the unity of God and ends up teaching that there are three gods.
The teaching of the Qu’ran on what Christians believe is not quite as clear as might be
hoped for and has led some Christian interpreters of Islam to suggest that, according to the
Qur’an, Christians worship a Trinity consisting of God, Jesus, and Mary (see Qu’ran 5.116).
Although there are reasons for suspecting that Muhammad may have encountered het-
erodox forms of Christian belief in Arabia, including unorthodox statements concerning
the Trinity, it seems more likely that the doctrine has simply been misunderstood as
implying that Christians worship either three gods or a single God with three component
parts. Christian responses to this Islamic criticism of the doctrine of the Trinity argue that
it fails to appreciate the Christian emphasis upon the unity of God, or the Christian experi-
ence of the complexity of God’s engagement with the world – which leads Christians to
formulate the doctrine of God in this particular way. Clarification of this point will unques-
tionably help the relationship between Christianity and Islam in the contemporary world.
God as the creator
The creeds depict God as the creator of the world. How is this to be understood? What
models or analogies illuminate this belief ? Before we consider this question, we need to
note that Christian writers quickly came to the conclusion not simply that God created the
world, but that the world was created from nothing (ex nihilo in Latin). Various forms of
gnosticism, developing an idea found in Plato’s dialogue Timaeus, held that creation was
merely the assembly of preexisting matter. Christian theologians held that God brought the
world into being from nothing, and gave it shape and form.
The manner in which God acts as creator has been the subject of intense discussion
within the Christian faith. Three models of, or ways of picturing, the manner in which God
is to be thought of as creating the world have been particularly influential. Each one casts
some light on the complex and rich Christian understanding of the notion of “creation.”
1 Emanation This term was widely used by early Christian writers to clarify the relation
between God and the world. Its roots lie in Middle Platonism (e.g., Philo of Alexandria) and
especially in the Neoplatonism of Proclus and Plotinus, and many early Christian writers
sympathetic to this influential philosophical trend saw the image of “emanation” as a con-
venient and appropriate way of articulating Platonic insights. Emanation is typically thought
of in terms of light or heat radiating from a natural source such as the sun, or from a human-
generated source such as fire. This image of creation (hinted at in the Nicene Creed’s phrase
“light from light”) suggests that the creation of the world can be regarded as an overflowing

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 79
of the creative energy of God. Just as light derives from the sun and reflects its nature, so the
created order derives from God and expresses divine nature. There is, on the basis of this
model, a natural or organic connection between God and the creation.
However, the model has three weaknesses. First, it reflects a Platonic way of thinking
that was part of the intellectual furniture of the world of late classical antiquity but is not
well known today. As a result, this model seems strange and implausible to many contem-
porary western Christians.
Second, the image of a sun radiating light or a fire radiating heat suggests that creation
is an involuntary emanation from God (or results from him involuntarily) rather than
reflecting a conscious and willful decision on God’s part to create. The Christian tradition
has consistently emphasized that the act of creation rests upon God’s prior decision to cre-
ate, which this model cannot adequately express.
This naturally leads us to the third weakness, which relates to the impersonal nature of
the emanationist model. The idea of a personal God, expressing a personality both in the
very act of creation and in the subsequent result – the creation itself – is difficult to convey
through this image. Nevertheless, the model clearly articulates a close connection between
creator and creation, leading us to expect that something of the identity and nature of the
creator is to be found in the creation.
2 Construction Some biblical passages portray God as a master builder constructing a
designed and ordered world (for example, Psalm 127: 1). The imagery is powerful, conveying
ideas of purpose, planning, and deliberate intention to create. The image is important in that
it brings out both the skill of the creator and the beauty and ordering of the resulting creation.
However, the image has a deficiency. Like the idea of creation found in Plato’s dialogue
Timaeus, this approach portrays creation as the assembly or organization of preexisting
matter. To “create” is here understood to mean to give shape and form to something that is
already there. The image of God as a builder suggests the assembling of the world from
material already to hand. But, as we noted earlier (p. 78), Christians soon came to regard
creation “from nothing” as the best way of describing God’s creative action.
Nevertheless, despite this difficulty, it can be seen that the model conveys the insight that
the character of the creator is, in some manner, expressed in the natural world, just as the
character of an artist is communicated or embodied in her work. In particular, the notion of
“ordering” – that is, the imparting or imposing of coherence or structure on the material in
question – is clearly affirmed by this model. Whatever else the complex notion of “creation”
may mean within a Christian context, it certainly includes the fundamental theme of ordering – a
notion that is especially significant in the creation narratives of the Old Testament.
3 Artistic expression Many Christian writers from various periods in the history of the
church speak of creation as the handiwork of God, comparing it to a work of art that both
is beautiful in itself and expresses the personality of its creator. This model of creation as the
“artistic expression” of God as creator is particularly well expressed in the writings of the
eighteenth-century North American theologian Jonathan Edwards and of the twentieth-
century lay theologian Dorothy L. Sayers (1893–1957), especially in her remarkable book
The Mind of the Maker (1941).

80 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
Sayers, one of England’s finest novelists of the period between the two World Wars, used
the analogy between God creating the world and an author writing a novel in order to make
two important points. First, the act of creation is a work of love. Sayers here sums up the
wisdom of the Christian tradition down the ages. Love is the motivation for God’s creation
of the world. The creation is the expression of God’s fundamental character. It is about
bringing into being something that is valuable, something that really matters. Yes, it
expresses the mind of its creator; but it is also something that is important in its own right.
It matters partly because it is not identical with its creator, possessing instead its own dis-
tinct God-given identity.
Second, the creation has its own distinct integrity. It originates from God and reflects
God’s nature and character, but it is different from God. Sayers explores this point by asking
us to imagine how an author creates and develops a character in a novel. Unless she respects
the integrity of a character, he is likely to remain a two-dimensional and unreal fictional
invention that readers will find difficult to take seriously.
The image of creation as “artistic expression” is helpful in that it supplements a deficiency
of both models noted earlier – namely their impersonal character. The image of God as
Figure 3.2 William Blake’s watercolor “The Ancient
of Days” (c. 1821), depicting God in the act of
creating the world. Blake, William (1757–1827), “The
Ancient of Days,” frontispiece of Europe: A Prophecy
(c. 1821). Relief etching, pen, and watercolor.
Fitzwilliam Museum, University of Cambridge, UK.
Source: Fitzwilliam Museum, University of
Cambridge/Bridgeman Art Library.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 81
artist conveys the idea of personal expression in the creation of something beautiful, which
reflects something of the creator. Once more, potential weaknesses need to be noted: for
example, the model could easily lead to the idea of creation from preexisting matter, as in
the case of a sculptor carving a statue from an already existing block of stone. However, the
model offers us at least the possibility of thinking about creation from nothing, as in exam-
ples like the author who writes a novel or the composer who creates a melody and harmony.
It also encourages us to seek for God’s self-expression in the creation and adds theological
credibility to a natural theology. There is also a natural link between the concept of creation
as “artistic expression” and the highly significant concept of “beauty.”
Now what are the implications of the belief in God as creator, as set out in the Christian
creeds? Three implications may be noted.
First, a distinction must be drawn between God and the creation. A major theme of
Christian theology, from the earliest of times, has been that of resisting the temptation to
merge the creator and the creation. The theme is clearly stated in Paul’s letter to the Romans,
the opening chapter of which criticizes the tendency to reduce God to the level of the world.
According to Paul, there is a natural human tendency, as a result of sin, to serve “created
things rather than the creator” (Romans 1: 25). A central task of a Christian theology of
creation is to distinguish God from the creation, while at the same time to affirm that it is
God’s creation. Many scholars believe that this distinction was of importance in shaping an
intellectual framework within which the natural sciences could emerge.
In the second place, creation implies God’s authority over the world. There is a
characteristic biblical emphasis on the notion that the creator has authority over the
creation. Humans are thus regarded as part of that creation; they have special functions
within it. The doctrine of creation leads to the idea of human stewardship, which is to be
contrasted with a secular notion of human ownership of the world. The creation is not ours;
we hold it in trust for God. We are meant to be the stewards of God’s creation, and we are
responsible for the manner in which we exercise that stewardship. This insight is of major
importance in relation to ecological and environmental concerns, in that it provides a the-
oretical foundation for the exercise of human responsibility toward the planet.
In the third place, the doctrine of God as creator implies the goodness of creation. This
point is made in several places throughout the creation accounts of the Old Testament:
“And God saw that it was good” (Genesis 1: 10, 18, 21, 25, 31). (Incidentally, the only thing
that is “not good” about creation is that Adam was alone. Humanity is created as a social
being, and humans are meant to exist in relation with one another.)
There is no place in Christian theology for the gnostic or dualist idea of the world as an
inherently evil place. Christians holds that the world remains God’s good creation and is
capable of being redeemed and renewed. Affirming the goodness of creation also avoids the
suggestion, unacceptable to most theologians, that God is responsible for evil. The constant
biblical emphasis upon the goodness of creation is a reminder that the destructive force of
sin is not present in the world by God’s design or permission.
This is not to say that the creation is presently perfect. An essential component of the
Christian doctrine of sin is the recognition that the world has departed from the trajectory
upon which God placed it in the work of creation. It has become deflected from its intended
course. It has fallen from the glory in which it was created. The world as we see it is not the

82 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
world as it was intended to be. The existence of human sin, evil, and death are themselves
tokens of the extent of the departure of the created order from its intended pattern. For this
reason, most Christian reflections on redemption include the idea of some kind of restora-
tion of creation to its original integrity, in order that God’s intentions for it might find
fulfillment. The Christian doctrine of salvation sets out some aspects of this theme, and we
shall return to discuss it further later on (pp. 92–101).
The Christian Understanding of Humanity
“What are human beings, that you are mindful of them?” (Psalm 8: 4). From the beginning
of history, people have wondered about their place in the greater scheme of things. Why are
we here? What is our destiny? What is the meaning of human existence? The doctrine of
creation offers the beginnings of an answer. It helps us to deepen our understanding and
appreciation of the world in which we find ourselves placed.
The Christian understanding of God’s creation is that humanity is part of it. Yet, although
humanity is part of the created order, this does not mean that people are indistinguishable
from the remainder of creation. Human beings have been set a little lower than the angels
and have been “crowned with glory and honor” (Psalm 8: 5). Men and women are created
“in the image of God” (Genesis 1: 27). In what follows we shall explore this idea further.
Figure 3.3 Michelangelo’s fresco The Creation of Adam (1511–1512) from the Sistine Chapel,
Rome. Michelangelo Buonarroti (1475–1564). Fresco, 280 × 570 cm. Rome, Vatican, Cappella Sistina
(Sistine Chapel), 4th image. Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 83
Humanity and the “image of God”
The brief yet deeply significant phrase “image of God” opens the way to a right under-
standing of human nature and of the overall place of humanity within the created order.
Although humanity is not divine, it possesses a relationship with God that is different from
that of other creatures. Humanity bears the image of God. For some, this is a statement of the
privileged position of humanity within creation. Yet, for most Christian thinkers, it is above
all an affirmation of responsibility and accountability toward the world in which we live.
So how are we to understand this relationship with God? How can we visualize it? What
does it mean to speak of “being made in the image of God”? A number of models have been
developed within Christian theology, of which we may note three.
First, the “image of God” can be seen as expressing the authority of God over humanity.
In the ancient Near East monarchs would often display images of themselves as an assertion
of their power in a region (see, for example, the golden statue of Nebuchadnezzar, described
in Daniel 3: 1–7). To be created in the “image of God” could be understood there as being
owned by God or as being accountable to God.
This idea seems to be reflected in an incident in the ministry of Jesus Christ (Luke 20:
22–25). Challenged as to whether it was right for Jews to pay taxes to the Roman author-
ities, Jesus requested that a coin be brought to him. He asked: “Whose image and title does
it bear?” Those standing around replied that it was Caesar’s. Christ then tells the crowd to
give to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s. While some might take this to be
an evasion of the question, it is actually a challenge to those who bear God’s image – that is,
to humanity – to dedicate themselves to God.
Second, the idea of the “image of God” can be taken to refer to some kind of correspondence
between human reason and the rationality of God as creator. On this understanding of
things, there is an intrinsic resonance between the structures of the world and human
thought. This approach is set out with particular clarity in Augustine of Hippo’s major
theological writing On the Trinity:
The image of the creator is to be found in the rational or intellectual soul of humanity … [The
human soul] has been created according to the image of God in order that it may use reason
and intellect in order to apprehend and behold God.
For Augustine, humanity is created with the intellectual resources that allow people to find
God by reflecting on the creation.
A third approach suggests that being made in the “image of God” affirms a human
capacity to relate to God. On this understanding, to be created in the “image of God” is to
possess the potential to enter into a relationship with God. The term “image” here expresses
the idea that God has created humanity with a specific goal – namely in order for it to relate
to God. Humanity is thus meant to exist in a relationship with its creator and redeemer.
Augustine expressed this idea in a famous prayer: “You have made us for yourself, and our
heart is restless until it finds its rest in you.”
Blaise Pascal argued that the human experience of emptiness and yearning is both a
reflection of the absence of such a relationship and a pointer to the true destiny of humanity.
It illuminates human nature and discloses its ultimate goal – which, for Pascal, is God.

84 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
What else does this longing and helplessness show us, other than that there was once in each
person a true happiness, of which all that now remains is the empty print and trace?
Nothing and no one other than God is able to fill this “abyss” – a profound, God-shaped gap
within human nature, implanted by God as a means of drawing people back to him.
This approach was developed further in the twentieth century by C. S. Lewis. Following
Pascal, Lewis argues that there is a God-shaped gap within humanity that only God can fill.
And in the absence of God people experience a deep sense of longing – a longing that is
really for God, but is misunderstood as a longing for things within the world. And these
things can never satisfy. If humanity is made for God, and God alone, then there is nothing
else that will ultimately satisfy it. And, as Lewis argued, this God-given sense of longing
provided a key to answering the great questions of life with which humanity has wrestled.
Yet the Christian understanding of human nature is not totally determined by the idea
of being made in the image of God. Important though this idea may be, it needs to be
supplemented with the idea of sin.
Humanity, the fall, and sin
For Christianity, humanity is sinful – that is, alienated from God; and, as a result of this
fundamental disruption of its identity, it is alienated from society, from itself, and from the
environment. What is sin? Although in everyday language the word “sin” means something
like a “moral failing” or an “immoral act,” the term has a more precise theological meaning. The
fundamental sense of “sin” is something that separates humanity from God. Salvation is the
breaking down of the barrier of separation between humanity and God on account of Christ.
Sin is thus the antithesis of salvation. It is quite simple to develop a list of fundamental
New Testament concepts related to salvation and to link them to corresponding concepts
related to sin. Some examples will help make this point.
Sin Salvation
Alienation Reconciliation
Captivity Liberation
Guilt Forgiveness
Condemnation Vindication
Illness Healing
Being lost Being found
We shall explore some of these themes further, when we come to look at the Christian
understanding of salvation later in this chapter (pp. 92–101).
Two narratives from the book of Genesis are often cited as illustrating some Christian
insights into the profound contradictions within human nature – namely eating the fruit of
the “tree of the knowledge of good and evil” and the construction of the Tower of Babel. The
first of these Genesis narratives relates how Adam and Eve were placed in the garden of
paradise and given complete freedom to eat of all its trees – except one (Genesis 2: 15–17).
This limitation on their freedom proves too much for them. If they were to eat the fruit of

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 85
the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, they would become
like God himself, determining what is good and what is evil
(Genesis 3: 1–5). We long for autonomy; we do not want to be
accountable to anyone. As the great Russian novelist Fyodor
Dostoyevsky pointed out in his novel The Devils (1871–1872),
if there is no God, people are able to do as they please. This
was one of the great themes of the golden age of atheism,
which began with the French Revolution in 1789.
Much the same theme is found in the second Genesis
narrative – the Tower of Babel (Genesis 11: 1–9). Karl Barth
(1886–1968), one of the twentieth century’s greatest Christian
writers, saw in this narrative an illustration of one aspect of
sinful human nature: the desire to assert human authority and
power in the face of God. Barth suggested that the Tower of
Babel could be interpreted as a symbol of our human longing
to be able to have knowledge of God on our own terms. Yet
this desire for human control contained within itself the seeds
of its own negation. Like many, Barth was traumatized by the
catastrophe of World War I, which discredited the optimistic
progressivism of the Age of Reason. When humans take
charge, Barth noted, they seem to mess things up.
Over the years, Christian thinkers have developed two
fundamental images to help make sense of this puzzling human predicament: defection and
deflection. The first is more characteristic of the Latin-speaking western church; the sec-
ond, of the Greek-speaking eastern church.
The western view is found in the writings of Augustine of Hippo. For Augustine,
humanity has defected from its true calling. Instead of using their God-given freedom to
love God, human beings used it to advance their own self-centered agendas. As a result,
they are now caught in a trap of their own making. Augustine argues that they are unable to
break free from their entanglement with sin. Held captive by in-dwelling sin, human beings
prove unable to do the good that they would like to do; instead they do the bad things they
do not want to do (see Romans 7: 17–25). For Augustine, the freedom to love that ought
to have led to fellowship with God – as Adam and Eve walked with God in the garden of
Eden – led instead to self-love and to a desertion of God for the lesser good.
Augustine uses a series of images to illuminate how humanity has become trapped by sin
in this way. It is like becoming ill and being unable to find a cure. It is like having fallen into
a deep pit and being unable to get out. The essential point he wants to make is that, once
sin – which he conceives of as an active force in human lives – has taken hold of people, they
are unable to break free from its grasp. To use a modern analogy, it is like being addicted to
heroin and unable to break the habit. Only God is able to heal this illness and to break the
bonds that imprison humanity.
The eastern view can be found in the second-century writer Irenaeus of Lyons, who
argued that humanity has been deflected from its true path by sin. Humanity has lost its
way and needs to be helped back onto the right road. Irenaeus tends to see humanity as
Figure 3.4 Karl Barth (1886–1968). Source:
Ullstein Bild/AKG Images.

86 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
weak and easily misled. Humans were created as mere infants, not as mature beings, and
they must learn and grow. Asked why God did not create humanity already endowed
with perfection, Irenaeus replied that they were simply not ready to cope with it. “A
mother is able to offer food to an infant, but the infant is not yet able to receive food
unsuited to its age.”
This way of thinking remains characteristic of churches that trace their roots back to the
eastern, Greek-speaking part of the Mediterranean. Eastern and Russian Orthodoxy, for
example, do not follow the western church in speaking of a “fall” but tend to think more in
terms of a “wrong turn” or failure, which can be corrected through God’s grace.
Yet, despite their differences, much the same insight lies beneath these two different ways
of thinking about the human situation. On the Christian understanding of things, both
eastern and western, human nature was intended to be the height of God’s creation, but is
now in need of radical remodeling and internal renewal. Like a once great palace fit for a
king, it has fallen into disrepair and decay. Yet the situation can be redeemed. God’s living
presence within human nature could bring about the renewal, restoration, and repristina-
tion of what is now languishing in sin and death. If God were to enter into the human
situation, the latter could be transformed from within. We can see here the prefiguring of a
doctrine of the incarnation – the idea that God entered into our world and our history as
one of us, in order to take us to heaven.
And this brings us to what many see as the central theme of Christian belief: the identity
and significance of Jesus of Nazareth as the savior and redeemer of fallen humanity.
Jesus of Nazareth
Jesus of Nazareth is the central figure of the Christian faith. Christians have always insisted
that there was something special, something qualitatively different about Jesus, which sets
him apart from other religious teachers or thinkers. But what exactly is it that is special
about him? This question is addressed in the area of Christian theology traditionally known
as Christology. If theology can be understood as trying to make sense of God, then
Christology is about trying to make sense of Jesus Christ.
The creeds insist that Jesus of Nazareth was a real historical person, who lived and died.
Jesus was a first-century Jew who lived in Palestine in the reign of Tiberius Caesar and was
executed by crucifixion under Pontius Pilate, the prefect of the Roman province of Judaea
from ad 26 to 36. As we saw earlier (p. 1), the Roman historian Tacitus refers to Christians
deriving their name from “Christ, who was executed at the hands of the procurator Pontius
Pilate in the reign of Tiberius.” The Christian faith certainly holds that Jesus existed as a real
historical figure and that he was crucified.
Yet the Christian faith is not limited to the mere facts that Jesus lived in the Roman prov-
ince of Judaea and was crucified by the Roman authorities. The interpretation of his life and
death is of critical importance. The creeds weave together the leading themes of the New
Testament’s interpretation of the identity and significance of Jesus of Nazareth. Christian
doctrine can be seen as the outcome of an extended and ongoing process of reflection on
these biblical ideas and themes, including:

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 87
1 the terms that the New Testament uses to refer to Jesus;
2 the impact that Jesus made upon people during his ministry – for example, through his
healing;
3 the resurrection, which New Testament writers interpret as an endorsement and valida-
tion of Jesus’ exalted status in regard to God. Thus, for Paul, the resurrection demon-
strates that Jesus is the Son of God (Romans 1: 3–4);
4 what Jesus is understood to have achieved, which is taken to be directly related to his
identity. There is a close link between the Christian understanding of the person of
Christ and the work of Christ. In other words, discussion of the identity of Jesus of
Nazareth is interlocked with discussion of his achievement, and hence with his wider
significance. We shall explore this issue further when reflecting on salvation in the fol-
lowing section.
In the present section we shall consider how Christian theology wove these various insights
into a coherent understanding of the person of Christ, culminating in the concept of incar-
nation. As background to the definitive statement of this idea at the Council of Chalcedon
(ad 451), we shall explore some aspects of the process of reflection on the New Testament
within the earlier Christian tradition.
Early Christian approaches to the identity of Jesus of Nazareth
As we have seen from our analysis of the view of Jesus found in the New Testament
(pp. 21–25), the first Christians believed that they were confronted with something so
novel in the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus that they were obliged to employ a whole
range of images, terms, and ideas to describe it. There was simply no single term or concept
available that could capture the richness and profundity of their impressions and experi-
ence of Jesus. They were forced to use a whole variety of terms – many borrowed from
Judaism – to illuminate the different aspects of their understanding of him. Taken together,
these terms combined to build up an overall picture of Jesus.
At times, early Christian writers drew on ideas or concepts whose origins lay outside
Judaism to try and build up this picture. For example, it is often thought that the opening
section of John’s gospel (John 1: 1–18), with its distinctive emphasis on the “Word” (Greek
logos), is trying to explain how Jesus occupies the same place in the Christian understanding
of the world as the idea of the Logos in secular Greek philosophy.
Yet this does not mean that Christians invented their understanding of Jesus’ significance
just because they happened to read a few textbooks of Stoic philosophy. Rather, they noticed
an analogy or a parallel and saw the obvious advantages in using it to express something they
already knew about. This use also went some way to make Christianity more understandable
to an educated Greek audience. Even at this early stage in the Christian tradition, we can
identify a principled determination to make the gospel both intelligible and accessible to
those outside the church. The gospel was thus expressed using ideas and concepts that helped
to bring out its central themes and to make them understandable to non-believers.
Two early viewpoints were quickly rejected as heretical. Ebionitism, a primarily Jewish
sect that flourished in the early centuries of the Christian era, regarded Jesus as an ordinary

88 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
human being, the human son of Mary and Joseph. This weak Christology soon came to be
regarded as totally inadequate and passed into oblivion. More significant was the diametri-
cally opposed view, which came to be known as docetism, from the Greek verb dokein (to
“seem” or “appear”). This approach – which is probably best regarded as a tendency within
theology rather than a definite theological position – argued that Christ was totally divine,
and that his humanity was merely an appearance. The sufferings of Christ are thus treated
as apparent rather than real. Docetism held a particular attraction for the gnostic writers of
the second century, during which period it reached its zenith. By this time, however, other
viewpoints were in the process of emerging, and they would eventually eclipse the docetic
tendency.
The first period in the development of Christology centered on confirming and clari-
fying the best way of understanding the divinity of Jesus. That Jesus was human appeared
to be something of a truism to most early patristic writers. What required explanation about
Jesus concerned the manner in which he differed from other human beings rather than the
ways in which he was similar to them. What was different about him? What was addition-
ally true about him, that was true of no other person?
One debate proved to be of decisive importance in catalyzing the growing consensus
within the Christian community about the best manner of conceptualizing the identity of
Jesus of Nazareth: the Arian controversy of the fourth century.
The Arian controversy and the incarnation
One of the greatest challenges faced by the early church was the weaving together of the
threads of the New Testament’s testimonial to the identity of Jesus of Nazareth into a
coherent theological tapestry. Christians gradually came to realize that no existing analogy
or model was good enough to meet their needs in expressing the significance of Jesus of
Nazareth. The concept of the incarnation began to emerge as one of central importance to
the church’s understanding of Jesus Christ.
While the idea was developed in slightly different ways by different writers, their core
theme was that of God entering into history and taking on human nature in Jesus of
Nazareth. This idea caused considerable philosophical difficulties for the prevailing schools
of Hellenistic philosophy. How, many asked, could an immutable God enter into history?
Arius (c. 270–336), a priest in one of the larger churches of the great Egyptian city of
Alexandria, argued that the best way of making Christianity’s ideas about the identity of
Jesus of Nazareth more attractive and credible to Hellenistic culture was to declare that he
was not divine in any meaningful sense of the term. He was “first among the creatures” –
that is, preeminent in rank, yet unquestionably a creature rather than a divine being. Now,
Arius was careful to emphasize that the Son is not identical with other creatures; he argued
that there is a clear distinction of rank between the Son and other human beings. Yet the
basic idea was as clear as it was simple: Jesus of Nazareth was a human being and could not
be regarded as divine in any meaningful way.
Arius’ most important critic was Athanasius of Alexandria (c. 293–373). To Athanasius it
seemed that Arius had destroyed the internal coherence of the Christian faith, rupturing
the close connection between Christian belief and worship. Athanasius insisted that only

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 89
God can save. God, and God alone, can break the power of sin and bring humanity to
eternal life. The fundamental characteristic of human nature is that it requires to be
redeemed. No creature can save another creature. If Christ is not God, he is part of the
problem, not its solution. The New Testament and the Christian liturgical tradition alike
regarded Jesus Christ as the savior. Yet, as Athanasius emphasized, only God can save. So
how are we to make sense of this? How can Jesus of Nazareth be our savior, if he is not
divine? How can he save, if he is understood in a way that declares he is not able to save?
The only possible solution, Athanasius argued, was to accept that Jesus of Nazareth is
none other than God incarnate. Salvation, for Athanasius, involves divine intervention,
which he saw affirmed in a critically important biblical text: “the Word became flesh” (John
1: 14). God entered into the human situation, in order to change it.
In the end, the approach advocated by Athanasius triumphed, although it was some time
before it achieved full acceptance in the Chalcedonian definition of the incarnation –called
so because it received definitive formulation at the Council of Chalcedon in ad 451. In what
follows we shall consider this landmark in more detail.
The incarnation: The Chalcedonian definition
The Christian doctrine of the person of Jesus Christ is often discussed in terms of “incarna-
tion.” “Incarnation” is a difficult yet important word, deriving from the Latin term for
“flesh” and setting out the basic Christian belief that Jesus Christ is both divine and human.
The doctrine of the incarnation declares that Jesus of Nazareth acts as God and for God in
human history. Jesus is understood to be enabled and authorized to disclose God and to
make promises in God’s name.
The doctrine of the incarnation makes explicit what is implicit in the biblical affirmation
that the “word became flesh and lived among us” (John 1: 14). The Greek word translated
here as “lived” more accurately means “pitched his tent.” As Christians travel on the journey
of faith, they find a new tent pitched in their midst. God himself has come to dwell among
them. The doctrine of the incarnation thus solidifies one of the great themes of the Christian
faith: that God truly cares for humanity – not as a passive distant observer, but as an active
fellow traveler on the road of human life.
The classic Christian understanding of the identity of Jesus of Nazareth is often summa-
rized in the “doctrine of the two natures” – that is, the view that Jesus is perfectly divine and
perfectly human – which was definitively stated by the Council of Chalcedon in ad 451.
This doctrine laid down a controlling principle for classical Christology that has been
accepted as definitive within orthodox Christian theology ever since. Chalcedon simply
stated definitively what the first five centuries of Christian reflection on the New Testament
had already established by using a variety of ways of speaking and thinking. The section of
the Nicene Creed dealing with the identity of Jesus – which was modified and authorized
by the Council of Chalcedon – reads like this:
We believe in one Lord, Jesus Christ, the only Son of God, eternally begotten of the Father, God
from God, Light from Light, true God from true God, begotten, not made, of one Being with
the Father.

90 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
The point being made here is that Jesus of Nazareth is to be understood as both God and a
human being. To make this point absolutely clear, the Council of Chalcedon used a technical
term, already well established by this time. This is the Greek term homoousios, which is
usually translated into English as “of one substance” or “of one being.” Although this term
was not itself biblical, it was widely regarded as expressing a thoroughly biblical insight.
Jesus is “of one substance” with God, just as he is “of one substance” with humanity. In other
words, Jesus is the same as God; it really is God who is encountered in Jesus, and not some
messenger sent from God.
An important minority viewpoint must, however, be noted. The Council of Chalcedon did
not succeed in establishing a consensus throughout the entire Christian world. A minority
viewpoint emerged during the sixth century and is now generally known as monophysitism –
literally, the view that there is “only one nature” (Greek monos, “one, single” and phusis,
“nature”) in Christ. The nature in question is understood to be divine rather than human. The
intricacies of this viewpoint lie beyond the scope of this volume; the reader should note that
the view itself remains normative within most Christian churches of the eastern Mediterranean
world, including the Coptic, Armenian, Syrian, and Abyssinian churches.
Jesus of Nazareth as mediator between God and humanity
As we noted earlier, the doctrine of the incarnation established that Jesus Christ was to be
thought of as perfectly human and perfectly divine. Important though this idea may be, it is
not easy to visualize. So what models or analogies may be helpful as we try to visualize the
Figure 3.5 Mosaic depicting Jesus Christ, in the Byzantine church of Hagia Sophia, Istanbul,
c. 1260. Istanbul/Constantinople (Turkey), Hagia Sophia, North Gallery. Deesis (Christ with Mary
and John the Baptist). Mosaic, Byzantine, c. 1260. Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 91
place of Jesus of Nazareth on the Christian map of divine and human possibilities? In this
section we shall explore one New Testament title for Christ that has been explored in some
detail by Christian theologians – namely that of mediator: the idea that Jesus of Nazareth is
a mediator between God and humanity at several points (Hebrews 9: 15; 1 Timothy 2: 5).
First, Jesus of Nazareth is able to mediate by transmitting knowledge of God to humanity.
As someone who is both divine and human, Jesus can be thought of as a bridge or channel
between God and humanity’s knowledge of God. Second, Jesus is able to mediate between
God and humanity, to re-establish the relationship between them. What was broken by sin
can be repaired by grace.
This point is developed by many Christian theologians. A good example is found in John
Calvin’s Institutes of the Christian Religion (1559). Jesus Christ mediates between God and
humanity. In order to act as a mediator, Calvin argues, Jesus Christ must be both divine and
human. Since it was impossible for humans to ascend to God on account of their sin, God
chose to descend to humanity instead. “The Son of God became the Son of Man, and
received what is ours in such a way that he transferred to us what is his, making that which
is his by nature to become ours through grace.”
So what is mediated? Two complementary answers are given by the New Testament and
by the long tradition of Christian theological engagement with Scripture: revelation and
salvation. Christ mediates both knowledge of God and fellowship with God. This theme is
expressed by many Christian writers, including Dorothy L. Sayers. She is perhaps best
known for her crime novels, which featured Lord Peter Wimsey as an amateur aristocratic
sleuth. However, she also developed a considerable interest in Christian theology, which is
evident in works such as The Mind of the Maker and Creed or Chaos? In this second work
Sayers argues that it is not good enough to agree that Jesus was a good teacher with some
useful ideas, unless we have good reasons for asserting that there is something distinctive
about Jesus that requires us to take those ideas with compelling seriousness. Hence, Sayers
argues, the great questions of Christology are inevitable and must be addressed.
Having made this point, she then turns to consider the issue of mediation. Under what
conditions is mediation between God and humanity possible? And in what way is Jesus
capable of acting in his capacity as mediator? Her answer is that the “two natures” – in other
words, the doctrine that Jesus is both truly human and truly divine – safeguard this idea.
The central dogma of the Incarnation is that by which relevance stands or falls. If Christ was
only man, then He is entirely irrelevant to any thought about God; if He is only God, then He
is entirely irrelevant to any experience of human life.
We now turn to consider an especially significant response to Jesus, which has a particularly
important place in today’s world: that of Islam.
Islamic criticisms of the Christian understanding of Jesus of Nazareth
The growing global importance of Islam makes the question of how Muslims view Jesus of
increasing significance to Christianity. Islam acknowledges that Jesus was a prophet and a
messenger of God. The name “Jesus” (Arabic isa) is used 25 times. In most cases, this name

92 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
is linked with the title “Son of Mary” (ibn Mariam); it is less frequently linked with that of
Moses. Although the New Testament makes it clear that the name “Jesus” means “God
saves” (Matthew 1.21), the Qu’ran offers no explanation of the name isa. The related term
“Messiah” (al masih) is also used in the Qu’ran. Again, the rich Old Testament associations
of this term as “God’s anointed” do not seem to be understood. It is not clear why the Qu’ran
should refer to Jesus as the “son of Mary.” This title is used very rarely in the New Testament
(Mark 6: 3). It is also unusual (but not unknown) in the Semitic world for any major figure
to be named after his mother rather than father. The Qu’ran also refers to Jesus using quite
elevated language. Thus he is described as the “word of God” and the “spirit of God,” for-
mulae that give him a place of honor within the Islamic understanding of the progression
of revelation. This progression is held to reach its definitive climax in the revelation to
Muhammad, which is committed to writing in the Qu’ran.
The Islamic view of the significance of the death and resurrection of Jesus is somewhat
complex. Although there are points where the Qu’ran refers to the death of Christ, indi-
cating that it was in accord with the will of God, the precise manner and significance of his
death remains unclear. One passage seems to teach that Jesus was neither killed by the Jews
nor crucified by his enemies, “although it seemed so to them.” Rather Jesus was translated
to heaven, some other unnamed person taking his place on the cross. The phrase “it seemed
so to them” would thus bear the sense of either “the Jews thought that Jesus died on the
cross” or “the Jews thought that the person on the cross was Jesus.”
Perhaps most significantly, the idea of the incarnation is completely unacceptable to
Islam. The Christian belief that Christ is the Son of God is seen by Islamic writers as a rever-
sion to some form of paganism, characterized by the idea of God having physical children.
The distinctively Christian notion of what the phrase “son of God” entails appears not to
have been fully grasped at the time of the composition of the Qu’ran. It therefore must be
stressed, in this context too, that the orthodox Christian doctrine of Jesus as the “Son of
God” in no way means that God physically fathered Jesus. Muslims generally regard this
description as an instance of the heresy of ittakhadha, by which Jesus is acknowledged to be
the physical Son of God. This is not a correct perception. The point of using the title “Son”
is fundamentally relational: it is an affirmation of the unique status of Jesus in relation to
God, and hence of the unique role of Jesus within the Christian tradition as a bearer of
divine revelation and as the agent of divine salvation.
The Christian Understanding of Salvation
A central theme of the Christian message is that the human situation has in some way been
transformed by the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. This change is often described as
“salvation.” Although the word “salvation” has a very specific meaning, it is often used in a
more general sense. To begin with, let us reflect on some of the analogies or images of salva-
tion that are found in Paul’s letters in the New Testament. These have proved deeply influ-
ential on Christian reflection on what some theologians call “the benefits of Christ” – in
other words, on the difference that Jesus of Nazareth made to humanity through his life,
death, and resurrection.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 93
New Testament images of salvation
The term “salvation” does not necessarily have any specifically Christian reference. It can be
used in a thoroughly secular manner. For example, it was common for Soviet writers, espe-
cially during the late 1920s, to speak of Lenin as the “savior” of the Russian people. Military
coups in African states during the 1980s frequently resulted in the setting up of “councils of
salvation,” which would try to restore political and economic stability. Salvation can thus be
a purely secular notion, concerned with political emancipation or the general human quest
for liberation.
Even in the realm of religion, salvation is not a specifically Christian idea. Many – but, it
must be stressed, not all – of the world’s religions have concepts of salvation. They differ
enormously, both in their understanding of how salvation is achieved and in the shape or
form that salvation is supposed to take.
In turning to explore the Christian notion of salvation in more detail, we need to engage
with two questions. First, there is the question of how “salvation” itself is to be construed.
In what way is the Christian understanding of the nature of salvation distinctive? We shall
consider some ways of thinking about salvation in the present section.
Second, there is the question of how salvation is possible, and in particular how it is
grounded in the history of Jesus Christ. Or, to put this another way: What is the basis of
salvation, according to Christian doctrine? Both these questions have been the subject of
intense discussion throughout history, and in the next section we shall consider some
themes that emerge from this discussion.
We begin by considering how salvation is to be understood. Throughout his letters in the
New Testament, Paul uses a rich range of images to illuminate and clarify what benefits
Christ secures for believers. He clearly assumes that his readers will be able to grasp what
these analogies are meant to convey. In what follows we shall explore some of these images
and try to appreciate their importance.
The first image is that of salvation itself. The term has a number of meanings, including
release from danger, captivity, or some form of fatal illness. Notions such as “healing” and
“liberation” can be seen as being encompassed into the sphere of this important Pauline term.
Augustine of Hippo suggested that the church was like a hospital, in that it was full of people
who were in the process of being healed. Paul sees salvation as having past (e.g., Romans 8:
24), present (e.g., 1 Corinthians 1: 18), and future (e.g., Romans 13: 11) dimensions. Thus the
word “salvation” can refer to something that has already happened in the past, to something
that is happening in the present, and to something that will happen in the future.
Many Christian preachers use narratives to make this point. One favorite is the response
of a Salvation Army officer to a child who asked whether the officer was saved. The reply
makes the point perfectly: “I have been saved from the guilt of sin. I am being saved from
the power of sin. And I shall finally be saved from the presence of sin.”
A second image of importance is that of adoption. At several points, Paul speaks of
Christians as having been “adopted” into the family of God (Romans 8: 15, 23; Galatians 4: 5).
It is widely thought that Paul is here drawing on a legal practice, common in Greco-Roman
culture (yet, interestingly, not recognized in traditional Jewish law). According to many
interpreters of Paul, to speak of “believers” having been adopted into the family of

94 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
God is to make the point that believers share the same inheritance rights as Jesus Christ,
and hence will receive the glory that Christ achieved (although only after first sharing in his
sufferings).
A third image is that of “justification.” At the time of the Reformation in the sixteenth
century (pp. 151–154), many Protestant writers came to place particular importance on the
image of justification. Especially in those letters dealing with the relation of Christianity to
Judaism (such as Galatians and Romans), Paul affirms that believers have been “justified
through faith” (e.g., Romans 5: 1–2). This is widely held to involve a change in a believer’s
legal status in the sight of God and in his or her ultimate assurance of acquittal before God,
despite his or her sinfulness. The noun “justification” and the verb “to justify” thus came to
signify entering into a right relationship with God, or perhaps being made righteous in the
sight of God.
A fourth image is that of redemption. This term primarily bears the sense of “securing
someone’s release through a payment.” In the ancient world, which acted as the backdrop to
Paul’s thought, ”redemption” could be used to refer to the liberation of prisoners of war or
to securing liberty for those who had sold themselves into slavery, often to pay off a family
debt. Paul’s basic idea appears to be that the death of Christ secures for believers freedom
from slavery to the law or to death, in order that they might become slaves of God instead
(1 Corinthians 6: 20; 7: 23).
A fifth image is that of reconciliation – the restoration of a broken relationship. Paul
speaks of God having “reconciled us to himself through Christ,” and he declares that “in
Christ God was reconciling the world to himself ” (2 Corinthians 5: 18–19). Paul uses the
same word elsewhere in his writings to refer to the restoration of a fractured human rela-
tionship, asking husbands to be reconciled to their alienated wives. This strongly
relational way of thinking about salvation is particularly accessible in modern western
culture.
In more recent times, theologians and preachers have tried to translate these ideas into
concepts that connect up easily with present cultural concerns. For example, some speak of
salvation in terms of political liberation; others in terms of securing personal fulfillment.
The basic theme, however, remains essentially the same: salvation is about God enabling
humanity to become what it was really meant to be, despite its deflection and defection
through sin (pp. 84–85).
We must now turn to the second of our questions about salvation. How are we to under-
stand the manner in which the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth fit into
God’s transformation of the human situation? This field of Christian thought is often referred
to as “theories of the atonement.” In what follows we shall look at a number of ways in which
Christians understand how Jesus is the ground for salvation. These are best seen as comple-
mentary perspectives on a complex subject, or multiple layers of a stratified reality. We begin
by reflecting on the theme of the victory of Jesus of Nazareth over death and sin.
Christ the victor: The defeat of death and sin
“Thanks be to God, who gives us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ” (1 Corinthians
15: 57). The early church gloried in the triumph of Jesus of Nazareth upon the cross, and in

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 95
the victory he won over sin, death, and Satan. The gates of heaven had been thrown wide
open through the conquest of Calvary. The powerful imagery of the triumphant Jesus rising
from the dead and being installed as “ruler of all” (Greek pantokrator) seized the imagina-
tion of the Christian East. The cross was seen as the focal point of a famous battle,
comparable to the great Homeric epics, in which the forces of good and evil engaged, the
good emerging victorious.
The early church seems to have been rather more concerned to proclaim Christ’s victory
over the enemies of humanity than to speculate over precisely how it came about. Jesus’ res-
urrection and his triumphant opening of the gates of heaven to believers was something to
be proclaimed and celebrated rather than subjected to theological analysis.
The Roman cultural context of early Christianity suggested one way of thinking about
such a triumph. The victory of Jesus over his enemies was depicted as being like the great
triumphant processions of ancient Rome, marking the achievement of Rome’s military
leaders. In its classical form, the triumphal parade proceeded from the Campus Martius
through the streets of Rome, finally ending up at the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline
Figure 3.6 A triumphal procession in Rome celebrating Titus’ victory over the Jews in ad 70;
carved on the Arch of Titus, triumphal arch in the Forum Romanum erected in ad 81. The New
Testament portrays Jesus of Nazareth as a triumphant victor over sin and death. Rome (Italy), the
Arch of Titus, section of the left internal relief: Triumphal procession with the seven-armed
candlestick from the Temple of Solomon. Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images.

96 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
Hill. The parade was led by the triumphant general’s soldiers, who often carried placards
with slogans that described the general and his achievements, or showed maps of the terri-
tories he had conquered. Other soldiers led carts containing booty that would be turned
over to Rome’s treasury. A section of the parade included prisoners, often the leaders of the
defeated cities or countries, bound in chains.
It was a small step for Christian writers to use this imagery as a way of portraying
Jesus of Nazareth’s triumph over his enemies – such as sin and death. This powerful
symbolism was firmly grounded in the New Testament, which spoke of the victorious
Jesus as “making captivity a captive” (Ephesians 4: 8). While this theme can be found in
some Christian art of this early period, its most dramatic impact was upon the hymns
of the period. One of them portrays Christ’s triumphant procession and celebrates his
defeat of his foes.
The royal banners forward go,
The cross shines forth in mystic glow;
Where he in flesh, our flesh Who made,
Our sentence bore, our ransom paid.
Christ the harrower of hell: Atonement as restoration
A further development of this theme of victory over death depicts Jesus of Nazareth
as extending the triumph of the cross and resurrection to the netherworld. The
dramatic and colorful medieval idea of “the harrowing of hell” holds that, after
dying  upon the cross, Jesus descended to hell and broke down its gates in order
that the imprisoned souls might go free. The idea rests (rather tenuously, it has to be
said) upon a biblical text (1 Peter 3: 18–22) that speaks of Jesus “preaching to the
spirits in prison.”
The hymn “You Choirs of New Jerusalem,” written by Fulbert of Chartres (c. 970–1028),
expresses this theme in two of its verses, picking up the theme of Christ as the “lion of
Judah” (Revelation 5: 5) defeating Satan, the serpent (Genesis 3: 15):
For Judah’s lion bursts his chains
Crushing the serpent’s head;
And cries aloud through death’s domain
To wake the imprisoned dead.
Devouring depths of hell their prey
At his command restore;
His ransomed hosts pursue their way
Where Jesus goes before.
The idea rapidly became established in popular English literature of the Middle Ages.
One of the most important pieces of Christian literature of this period is Piers the
Plowman, traditionally attributed to William Langland. In this poem the narrator tells of

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 97
how he falls asleep and dreams of Jesus of Nazareth throw-
ing open the gates of hell and addressing the following
words to Satan:
Here is my soul as a ransom for all these sinful souls, to redeem
those that are worthy. They are mine; they came from me, and
therefore I have the better claim on them. … You, by falsehood
and crime and against all justice, took away what was mine, in my
own domain; I, in fairness, recover them by paying the ransom,
and by no other means. What you got by guile is won back by
grace. … And as a tree caused Adam and all mankind to die, so
my gallows-tree shall bring them back to life.
It is clear that this highly dramatic understanding of the way in
which Christ threw open the gates of death and hell, allowing
their imprisoned masses to escape and enter into the joys of
heaven, made a potent appeal on the imagination of the
readers of Piers Plowman.
Such is the power of this image that it lingers, often unrec-
ognized, in later writings. A particularly striking example
can be found in C. S. Lewis’s children’s tale The Lion, the
Witch and the Wardrobe. The book tells the story of Narnia,
a land discovered by accident by four children as they
rummage around in an old wardrobe. In this work we
encounter the White Witch, who keeps the land of Narnia
covered in a perpetual wintry snow. As we read on, we
realize that she rules Narnia not as a matter of right, but by
stealth. The true ruler of the land is absent; in his absence,
the witch subjects the land to oppression. In the midst of
this land of winter stands the witch’s castle, within which
many of the original inhabitants have been imprisoned as
stone statues.
As the narrative moves on, we discover that the rightful
ruler of the land is Aslan, a lion. As Aslan advances into Narnia, winter gives way to
spring and the snow begins to melt. The witch realizes that her power is starting to fade
and moves to eliminate the threat posed to her by Aslan. Aslan surrenders himself to the
forces of evil and allows them to do their worst with him – yet by so doing he disarms
them. Lewis’s description of the resurrection of Aslan is one of his more tender moments,
evoking as it does the deep sense of sorrow so evident in the New Testament accounts of
the burial of Christ and the joy of recognition of the reality of the resurrection. Lewis
then describes how Aslan – the lion of Judah, who has burst his chains – breaks into the
castle, breathes upon the statues, and restores them to life before leading the liberated
army through the shattered gates of the once great fortress – to freedom. Hell has been
harrowed, and its inhabitants liberated from its dreary shades.
Figure 3.7 The Harrowing of Hell, as depicted
in Jean de Berry’s Petites Heures (14th century).
Harrowing of Hell, folio 166 from Jean de Berry’s
Petites Heures. Source: Bibliothèque nationale de
France, Paris, BNF Lat 18104.

98 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
Christ the redeemer: Atonement as satisfaction
A third approach to the meaning of the death of Christ integrates a series of biblical pas-
sages that deal with notions of judgment and forgiveness. The understanding of the work of
Christ outlined in the previous sections has enormous attractions, not least on account of
its highly dramatic character. However, it also has some serious weaknesses. For the
eleventh-century writer Anselm of Canterbury, two were of particular importance. In the
first place, it failed to explain why God should wish to redeem us. And, in the second, it was
of little value in making us understand how Jesus of Nazareth was involved in the process of
redemption. Anselm felt that more explanation was required.
To meet this need, he developed an approach to the achievement of Jesus of Nazareth that
stressed the fact that God redeemed humanity in a way that is consistent with the moral
ordering of the creation, which reflects God’s own nature. God cannot create the universe
as an expression of his own will and nature and then violate its moral order by acting in a
completely different way in the redemption of humanity. God must redeem humanity in a
way that is consistent with his own nature and purposes. Redemption must in the first place
be moral, and in the second place be seen to be moral. God cannot employ one standard of
morality at one point and another later on. God is therefore under a self-imposed obligation
to respect the moral order of the creation.
Having established this point, Anselm considers how redemption is possible. The basic
dilemma can be summarized as follows. God cannot restore humanity to fellowship without
first dealing with human sin. Sin is a disruption of the moral ordering of the universe. It
represents the rebellion of the creation against its creator. It represents an insult and an
offense to God. The situation must be “made right” before the fellowship between God and
humanity can be restored. God must therefore “make good” the situation in a way that is
consistent with both divine mercy and divine righteousness. Anselm thus introduces the
concept of “satisfaction” – a payment or some other action that compensates for the offense
of human sin. Once this satisfaction has been brought, the situation can revert to normal.
But this satisfaction must first be achieved.
Yet human beings do not have the ability to bring this kind of satisfaction. It lies
beyond their resources. They need to do it – but they cannot. Humanity ought to render
satisfaction for its sins, but it is unable to. God is under no obligation to bring satisfac-
tion – but God could do it, if that were appropriate. Therefore, Anselm argues, if God
were to become a human being, the resulting God-person would have both the obliga-
tion (as a human being) and the ability (as God) to render the necessary satisfaction.
Thus the incarnation brings a just solution of this dilemma, leading to the transforma-
tion of the human situation. The death of Jesus of Nazareth upon the cross demonstrates
God’s total opposition to sin, while at the same time providing the means by which sin
could be really and truly forgiven and the way opened to a renewed fellowship between
humanity and God.
The basic idea is that the value of the satisfaction thus offered had to be equivalent to the
weight of human sin. Anselm argued that the Son of God became incarnate in order that he,
as God incarnate, should both take on the human obligation to bring satisfaction and
possess the divine ability to pay a satisfaction of the magnitude required for redemption.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 99
This idea is faithfully reproduced by Mrs Cecil F. Alexander (1818–1895) in her famous
nineteenth-century hymn “There Is a Green Hill Far Away”:
There was no other good enough
To pay the price of sin;
He only could unlock the gate
Of heaven, and let us in.
But how does the death of Jesus of Nazareth upon the cross affect us? In what way do we
share in the benefits of his death and resurrection? Anselm felt that this point did not
require discussion, and so he gave no guidance on the matter. Later Christian writers, how-
ever, felt that it needed to be addressed. Three main ways of understanding how believers
relate to Christ in this respect may be noted.
1 Participation Through faith, believers participate in Jesus Christ. They are “in Christ,”
to use Paul’s famous phrase. They are caught up in him and share in his risen life. As a
result, they share in all the benefits won by Christ through his obedience upon the cross.
2 Representation Christ is the covenant representative of humanity. Through faith, we
come to be within the covenant between God and humanity. All that Christ has won for
us is available to us, on account of the covenant between God and his church. Christ,
through his obedience upon the cross, represents God’s covenant people and wins ben-
efits for them as their representative. By coming to faith, individuals come to be within
the covenant and thus participate in all its benefits won by Christ.
3 Substitution Jesus is here understood to be a substitute for believers. They ought to have
been crucified on account of their sins; Jesus is crucified in their place. God thus allows
Jesus to take human guilt upon himself, in order that his righteousness, won through
obedience upon the cross, might become the believers’ through faith.
The death of Christ as a perfect sacrifice
The New Testament draws on Old Testament imagery and expectations, in presenting the
death of Jesus of Nazareth upon the cross as a sacrifice. This approach, which is especially
associated with the letter to the Hebrews, interprets Christ’s sacrificial offering as an effec-
tive and perfect sacrifice, which was able to accomplish what the sacrifices of the Old
Testament were only able to intimate. Paul’s use of the Greek term hilastērion, often trans-
lated as “mercy seat” (Romans 3: 25), is important here, as it is drawn from Old Testament
sacrificial rituals related to the purging of sin.
This idea is developed subsequently within the Christian tradition. In order for humanity to
be restored to God, the mediator must sacrifice himself; without this sacrifice, such restoration
is simply impossible. Writing in the fourth century, Athanasius of Alexandria argues that
Christ’s sacrifice was superior in several respects to those required under the Old Covenant:
Christ offers a sacrifice which is trustworthy, of permanent effect, and which is unfailing in its
nature. The sacrifices which were offered according to the Law were not trustworthy, since they

100 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
had to be offered every day, and were again in need of purification. In contrast, the Saviour’s
sacrifice was offered once only, and was accomplished in its entirety, and can thus be relied
upon permanently.
This point was developed further in Athanasius’ Festal Letters, written annually to celebrate
the feast of Easter. In these letters Athanasius develops the New Testament idea that there is an
important analogy between the death of Christ on the cross and the sacrifice of a lamb during
the Jewish festival of the Passover, which commemorates Israel’s deliverance from Egypt:
[Christ], being truly of God the Father, became incarnate for our sakes, so that he might offer
himself to the Father in our place, and redeem us through his offering and sacrifice. … This is
he who, in former times, was sacrificed as a lamb, having been foreshadowed in that lamb. But
afterwards, he was slain for us. “For Christ, our passover, is sacrificed”.
(1 Corinthians 5: 7)
Augustine of Hippo brought a new clarity to the whole discussion of the nature of Christ’s
sacrifice through his crisp and highly influential definition of a sacrifice, set out in City of
God: “A true sacrifice is offered in every action which is designed to unite us to God in a
holy fellowship.” On the basis of this definition, Augustine has no difficulties in speaking of
Christ’s death as a sacrifice: “By his death, which is indeed the one and most true sacrifice
offered for us, he purged, abolished, and extinguished whatever guilt there was by which the
principalities and powers lawfully detained us to pay the penalty.” In this sacrifice Christ
was both victim and priest; he offered himself up as a sacrifice: “He offered sacrifice for our
sins. And where did he find that offering, the pure victim that he would offer? He offered
himself, in that he could find no other.”
These themes remain important to Christians, as can be seen from the Catechism of the
Catholic Church (1992), which sets them out as follows:
After agreeing to baptize [Jesus of Nazareth] along with the sinners, John the Baptist looked at
Jesus and pointed him out as the “Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world.” By doing
so, he reveals that Jesus is at the same time the suffering Servant who silently allows himself to
be led to the slaughter and who bears the sin of the multitudes, and also the Paschal Lamb, the
symbol of Israel’s redemption at the first Passover. Christ’s whole life expresses his mission: “to
serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many.”
Christ the lover: Atonement and the enkindling of love
A leading theme of the New Testament’s understanding of the death of Christ is that this act
demonstrates the love of God for humanity and elicits a matching love in response. This
theme is developed in Christian theology in terms of God stooping down to enter the cre-
ated world and becoming incarnate in Christ. Augustine of Hippo was one of many patristic
writers to stress that one of the motivations underlying the mission of Christ was to dem-
onstrate God’s love for us. The love of God for a wounded humanity is thus focused on an
act of divine humility: the act of God’s leaving the glory of heaven to enter the poverty and
suffering of the created order and finally to suffer death upon the cross.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 101
The recognition of the fact that Christ’s death can be seen as a demonstration of divine
love surfaces at the earliest stages of Christian thinking. The third-century writer Clement
of Alexandria pointed out how the incarnation of Christ, and especially his death, repre-
sents a powerful affirmation of the love of God for humanity and a demand that humanity
demonstrate a comparable love for God.
For [Christ] came down, for this he assumed human nature, for this he willingly endured the
sufferings of humanity, that by being reduced to the measure of our weakness, he might raise
us to the measure of his power. And just before he poured out his offering, when he gave him-
self as a ransom, he left us a new testament: “I give you my love” (John 13: 34). What is the
nature and extent of this love? For each of us he laid down his life, the life which was worth the
whole universe, and he requires in return that we should do the same for each other.
Such thoughts have proved a powerful stimulus to the Christian imagination. This theme is
developed in an imaginatively powerful way in one of the most reflective Spanish spiritual
writers of the Renaissance. Juana de la Cruz (1481–1534) is remembered particularly for
her Book of Consolation, which was widely admired during the Spanish Golden Age. Her
discussion of the passion of Christ is notable in several respects, particularly her explicit use
of feminine images to unlock its theological significance. The crucifixion of Jesus of
Nazareth is here compared to a woman giving birth. For Juana, reflecting on the pain and
sorrow that Jesus suffered in order to give life to the children of God is a powerful affirma-
tion of the love of God for humanity – a love that is here expressed using strongly maternal
imagery.
Christ gave birth to us all with very great pains and torments at the time of his cruel and bitter
passion. And since we cost him so dearly and the labor through which he gave birth to us was so
grueling that it made him sweat drops of blood, he can do nothing but pray and plead for us
before the Father, like a very compassionate mother, desiring that we should be saved and that
our souls should be enlightened, so that he might not have suffered his pain and torment in vain.
Salvation and the “threefold office of Christ”
At the season of Epiphany (p. 239), the Christian churches recall the visit of the Magi (usu-
ally translated as “wise men”) – the rulers from the East, who came to visit the infant Jesus
at Bethlehem (Matthew 2: 1–12). These mysterious visitors brought three gifts with them:
gold, frankincense, and myrrh. So might these three gifts tell us anything about how they
understood the significance of this infant?
Early church writers believed that they did. Each of these gifts was appropriate for a
certain kind of person. They were valuable items, appropriate as gifts for a king in the
ancient world: gold was a precious metal, frankincense was a perfume or incense, and
myrrh was anointing oil. Indeed, these same three items were apparently among the gifts
that King Seleucus Callinicus offered to the god Apollo at the temple in Miletus in 243 bc.
Yet early Christian writers regarded these gifts as more than honorific. Each one dis-
closed something of the true significance of Jesus of Nazareth. Gold was appropriate for a
king, expressing his authority; frankincense was appropriate for a priest, who would make

102 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
sacrifice in the temple; and myrrh was a sign of his forthcoming death, in that he would be
wrapped in clothes soaked in this oil.
This way of thinking eventually developed into what is usually called “the threefold office
of Christ,” which became particularly influential in reformed theology during the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries (although its ideas can be traced back much earlier than this).
Christ, it is argued, brought to fulfillment the three great “offices” or “roles” of the Old
Testament – the prophet, the priest, and the king.
These three categories were seen as a convenient summary of all that Jesus of Nazareth had
achieved in order to redeem his people. Jesus is a prophet (Matthew 21: 11; Luke 7: 16), a priest
(Hebrews 2: 17; 3: 1) and a king (Matthew 21: 5; 27: 11), bringing together in his one person the
three great offices of the Old Testament. Jesus is the prophet who, like Moses, will see God face
to face (Deuteronomy 17: 15); he is the king who, like David, will establish a new people of God
and reign over it in justice and compassion (2 Samuel 7: 12–16); he is the priest who will cleanse
his people of its sins. Thus the three gifts brought to Jesus by the Magi were to be seen as
reflecting or prefiguring these three functions. The great nineteenth-century Princeton theolo-
gian Charles Hodge declared that fallen humanity needed “a Savior who is a prophet to instruct
us; a priest to atone and to make intercession for us; and a king to rule over and protect us.”
Grace
A central theme in the Bible is that God’s choice of a people or of individuals is not deter-
mined by their merits but by God’s love and that it comes about through God’s will. This
can be seen particularly in God’s decision to choose Israel as his people. The Old Testament
regularly affirms that Israel was chosen not because of anything it had to offer, but solely
through the grace of God (Deuteronomy 7: 7; Isaiah 41: 8–9; Ezekiel 20: 5). This, of course,
was not understood to abrogate Israel’s responsibility to live up to its responsibilities as
God’s people. Many of the Old Testament prophets stressed the conditionality of Israel’s
election. Unless Israel behaved in ways appropriate to its identity and calling as God’s
chosen people, that status would be revoked.
Our attention in this section focuses on the idea of God’s being gracious and generous.
Salvation is not understood to be the consequence of human merit or achievement. This idea
is often expressed through the concept of “grace.” For Paul, Christians are saved through
grace, not through works (Ephesians 2: 1–10). In other words, their salvation does not
depend upon their achievements but upon the generosity and graciousness of God. Through
grace, salvation is made possible for those who have neither the merit nor the intrinsic
capacity to secure it for themselves. Hence grace affirms God’s sheer generosity and goodness.
Such ideas were developed and clarified in the long process of wrestling with the Bible
within the Christian church. Initially this process of reflection focused on the person of
Christ and on the doctrine of the Trinity. The question of what it means to speak of a “gra-
cious God” did not receive detailed attention until the late fourth and early fifth centuries.
One especially important debate helped crystallize Christian perceptions of how best to
systematize the New Testament’s teaching on grace: the Pelagian controversy of the early
fifth century.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 103
The Pelagian controversy of the fifth century
The central figure in the controversy was Augustine of Hippo. Augustine had been con-
verted to Christianity after a long struggle with a series of questions concerning the meaning
of life – such as the origin of evil and how the good life may be lived out in practice. In
Augustine’s view, humanity was totally dependent upon God for its salvation. Human
nature is frail, weak, and prone to becoming lost; it needs divine assistance and care if it is
to be restored and renewed. Grace, according to Augustine, is God’s generous and quite
unmerited care for humanity, through which this process of healing may begin. Human
nature requires transformation through the grace of God, so generously given. An integral
aspect of Augustine’s thinking at this point is the idea of “original sin” – that is, the idea that
humanity was contaminated by sin from the moment of its first appearance.
For Augustine, humanity is universally affected by sin as a consequence of the fall. The
human mind has been darkened and weakened by sin. The human will has been weakened
(but not eliminated) by sin. Using the gospel’s analogy of Christ as the physician, Augustine
argues that Jesus of Nazareth both diagnoses the human situation (sin) and offers humanity
a cure that it cannot secure by itself (grace). It is through the grace of God alone that this
illness is recognized for what it is and that a cure is made available.
So what are the implications for our understanding of human nature? For Augustine,
humanity is now imperfect: it is wounded and has been robbed of grace. God may have
made humanity perfect; as a consequence of sin, humanity is now diseased and needs to be
healed. One of the symptoms of sin that Augustine discusses in detail is the captivity of the
human free will. For him, human freedom has been compromised by sin. Our desires and
longings, which should have been directed toward God, are misdirected toward things of
the world. “We look for happiness not in you,” Augustine wrote in a prayer, “but in what you
have created.” The human free will has been weakened and incapacitated – but, to repeat,
not eliminated or destroyed – through sin. In order for that free will to be restored and
healed, the operation of divine grace is required.
In order to explain this point, Augustine uses the analogy of a pair of scales with two
balance pans. One balance pan represents good, and the other evil. If the pans were prop-
erly balanced, the arguments in favor of doing good or doing evil could be weighed and a
proper conclusion drawn. But, asks Augustine, what if the balance pans are loaded? What
happens if someone puts several heavyweights in the balance pan on the side of evil? The
scales will still work, but they are seriously biased toward making an evil decision. Augustine
argues that this is exactly what has happened to humanity through sin. The human free will
is biased toward evil. It really exists, and it really can make decisions – just as the loaded
scales still work. But, instead of giving a balanced judgment, it is seriously biased toward
evil. Using this and related analogies, Augustine argues that the human free will really exists
in sinners but is compromised by sin.
Augustine’s essential point is that humanity ultimately does not have control over its own
behavior and abilities. He understands humanity to be born with a sinful disposition; an
inherent bias toward acts of sinning is part of human nature. Augustine develops this point
with the help of three important analogies: original sin as a “disease,” as a “power,” and
as “guilt.”

104 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
The first analogy treats sin as a hereditary disease, which is passed down from one
generation to another. As we saw above, this disease weakens humanity and cannot be
cured by human agency. Christ is thus the divine physician by whose “wounds we are
healed” (Isaiah 53: 5), and salvation is understood in essentially sanative or medical terms.
The second analogy treats sin as a power that holds humanity captive and from whose
grip people are unable to break free by themselves. The human free will is captivated by the
power of sin and may only be liberated by grace. Christ is thus seen as the liberator, the
source of the grace that breaks the power of sin.
The third analogy treats sin as an essentially judicial or forensic concept – guilt – which
is passed down from one generation to the next. In a society that placed a high value on law –
such as the late Roman empire, in which Augustine lived and worked – this was regarded
as a particularly helpful way of understanding sin. Jesus of Nazareth thus comes to bring
forgiveness and pardon.
But some were deeply uneasy about Augustine’s ideas, feeling that they downplayed, or
possibly even denied, human freedom and responsibility. The Pelagian debate centered on
these themes. Augustine’s opponent in this debate was Pelagius, a British Christian who had
settled in Rome in the late fourth century. Pelagius was disturbed by the moral laxity of
Roman Christians and argued vociferously against Augustine’s doctrine of grace, which, he
argued, failed to acknowledge the need for Christians to actively seek perfection. For
Pelagius, there was nothing wrong with human nature. If God told people to be perfect,
they were capable of being perfect. Where Augustine argued that sinfulness frustrated the
human desire to be good and to do good, Pelagius argued that real problem was a lack of
commitment.
In ad 413 Pelagius wrote a lengthy letter to a Roman woman of high birth named
Demetrias, who had recently decided to turn her back on wealth in order to become a nun.
In this letter Pelagius made clear the consequences of his views on human nature and free
will. God has created humanity and knows precisely what it is capable of doing. Hence all
the commands given to us can be obeyed, and are meant to be obeyed. It is no excuse to
argue that human frailty prevents these commands from being fulfilled. God has made
human nature, and only asks of it what it can manage.
Pelagius went on to make the somewhat uncompromising assertion that, since perfection
is possible for humanity, it is obligatory. As things turned out, the moral rigor of this posi-
tion and its unrealistic view of human nature served only to strengthen Augustine’s hand, as
he developed the rival understanding of a tender and kindly God attempting to heal and
restore a wounded human nature.
Perhaps the sharpest contrast between Augustine and Pelagius is the one concerning the
basis of salvation. What do people need to do to in order be saved? The two writers offer
very different answers. To summarize them briefly: Augustine emphasizes trusting God’s
promises and receiving what fruit; Pelagius emphasizes living a good life and securing
salvation through moral integrity and good works.
For Augustine, humanity is saved through an act of grace: even human good works are to
be seen as the result of God’s working within fallen human nature. Everything leading up to
salvation is the free and unmerited gift of God, given out of love for sinners. Through the
death and resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth, God is enabled to deal with fallen humanity in

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 105
this remarkable and generous manner, giving us what we do not deserve (salvation), and
withholding from us what we do deserve (condemnation).
For Pelagius, on the contrary, humanity is justified on the basis of its merits: human good
works are the result of the exercise of the totally autonomous human free will, in fulfillment
of an obligation laid down by God. A failure to meet this obligation opens the individual to
the threat of eternal punishment. Jesus of Nazareth reveals, by his actions and teaching,
exactly what God requires of the individual if that individual is to be saved. Salvation is thus
the result of following the moral example of Jesus.
The Reformation debates of the sixteenth century
In the end, the western church opted for Augustine’s approach. Many historians suggest that
the basic issues of the Pelagian controversy are regularly replayed throughout the history of
the church. The Reformation of the sixteenth century is widely regarded as taking up the
basic issues of the Pelagian debate; but this time the language of “justification by faith”
rather than that of “salvation by grace” is being used.
Earlier Christian theologians – such as Augustine – had given priority to those New
Testament texts that use the language of “salvation by grace” (e.g., Ephesians 2: 5). However,
Martin Luther’s wrestling with the issue of how God was able to accept sinners led him to
focus on those passages in which Paul spoke primarily of “justification by faith” (e.g.,
Romans 5: 1–2). Although it can be argued that the same fundamental point is being made
in both contexts, the language used to express that point is different.
Martin Luther’s program of reform for the church was based largely on his belief that the
church had lost sight of any meaningful notion of grace. For Luther, the great question of
life was, fundamentally, “How can I find a gracious God?” As a younger man, being terrified
of hell and convinced of his own sinfulness, Luther gave an answer that was widespread in
the popular Christian culture of his day: if you want to get right with God, make yourself
into a good person. Humanity has the capacity to make itself righteous; when this happens,
God endorses this transformation and accepts the transformed person into a relationship
with him. This only happens through the institution of the church, which provides the
God-given structures that lead securely and inevitably to salvation.
Yet Luther changed his mind and moved away from these early views. He developed a
doctrine of justification through faith alone, which offered a radical alternative to the
popular idea of making yourself good in order to secure divine acceptance. Luther came to
the view that, when Paul speaks of the “righteousness of God” being revealed in the gospel,
he does not mean that humanity is told what standards of righteousness it must achieve in
order to be saved. Rather God provides the righteousness required for salvation as a free,
unmerited gift. God’s love is not conditional upon human transformation; it is rather the
other way round – personal transformation follows divine acceptance and affirmation.
More radically still, Luther insisted that the believer was “at one and the same time a righ-
teous person and a sinner” (simul iustus et peccator). While Luther admired Augustine for
his emphasis on the unconditional love of God, he suggested that Augustine had become
muddled when it came to the location of the gift of righteousness. Augustine considered
this gift to be located within humanity, as a transforming reality; Luther argued that it was

106 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
located outside us, being “reckoned” or “imputed” to humanity – not imparted. Humanity
is like a patient under the care of a wise physician and on the way to recovery.
This approach was developed by other Protestant reformers of the sixteenth century, par-
ticularly by Philip Melanchthon and John Calvin. Two themes became characteristic of
Protestant understandings of justification in the sixteenth century:
1 Justification is “by faith alone” (sola fide). It is not based on any human achievement, but
on the graciousness of God.
2 Justification is an event in which the believer is declared to be righteous; this is followed
by a process of renewal, generally referred to as “sanctification.”
This understanding of justification differed at important points from that offered by Catholic
writers; in consequence the doctrine of justification became a major source of disagreement
between Protestant and Catholic writers. It is often seen as the great issue that divides these two
major branches of Christianity, although this is probably a simplification of a complex situation.
Yet both sides in this debate affirmed that salvation is based on divine grace, not on
human achievement. The divergence between them concerned what they meant by “justifi-
cation” and how they thought it best to think about “justifying righteousness.” The Catechism
of the Catholic Church makes a statement about grace that most Christians would have little
difficulty in accepting: “Our justification comes from the grace of God. Grace is favour, the
free and undeserved help that God gives us to respond to his call to become children of God,
adoptive sons, partakers of the divine nature and of eternal life.”
The Church
The Apostles’ Creed includes a clause that declares that Christians believe in the church. What
is meant by this? How is the church to be defined, and what is its purpose? This area of Christian
belief is traditionally designated “ecclesiology” (from the Greek word for “church,” ekklēsia,
which originally meant “gathering” or “assembly”). Although Christianity appeals to individ-
uals, it is important to note the strongly communitarian aspects of the Christian faith. Christians
prefer to gather together for worship rather than worshipping God individually at home.
So what do Christians understand by this word, “church”? The best way of exploring this
theme is to pick up a statement of the Nicene Creed: “I believe in one holy catholic and apostolic
church.” These four adjectives – “one,” “holy,” “catholic” (or universal), and “apostolic” – are often
referred to as the “four notes” or “four marks” of the church. What do they tell us about Christian
thinking on the nature of the church? In what follows we shall explore this matter.
The unity of the church
The New Testament actually uses the word “church” in two somewhat different senses. At
many points it designates individual Christian congregations – local visible gatherings of
believers. For example, Paul wrote letters to churches in the cities of Corinth and Philippi.
The book of Revelation makes reference to the “seven churches of Asia,” probably meaning

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 107
seven local Christian communities in the region of Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey).
These would almost certainly have been “house churches” – clusters of believers who met
in a home, being unable to meet in public for fear of arrest.
Yet at other points in the New Testament, especially in the letters to the Ephesians and
Colossians, we find the term “church” being used in a wider, more general sense, meaning
something like “the total body of Christian believers.” The distinction between the local and
the universal senses of “church” is of considerable importance and needs careful examina-
tion. How could both aspects be maintained?
Traditionally, this tension is resolved by arguing that there is one universal church, which
is embodied or disclosed in local communities. On the basis of this approach it is possible
to argue that there is one universal church, which consists of all Christian believers but
takes the form of individual local churches in any given region.
One influential way of conceiving this distinction is due to the sixteenth-century writer
John Calvin (1509–1564), who drew a distinction between the “visible” and the “invisible”
church. At one level, the church is the community of Christian believers – a visible group. It
is also, however, the fellowship of saints and the company of the elect – an invisible entity.
In its invisible aspect, the church is the invisible assembly of the elect, known only to God;
in its visible aspect, it is the community of believers on earth. The former consists only of
the elect; the latter includes both good and evil, elect and reprobate.
The importance of this way of thinking (and of others like it) is best appreciated by con-
sidering the following question. How can anyone talk about “one” Christian church, when
there are so many different Christian denominations? Faced with an apparent tension bet-
ween a theoretical belief in “one church” and the observable reality of a plurality of churches,
Christian writers have developed a number of approaches designed to allow the later to be
incorporated in the framework of the former.
Some have adopted a basically Platonic approach, which draws a fundamental distinc-
tion between the empirical church (that is, the church as a visible historical reality) and the
ideal church. Others have favored an eschatological approach. On this understanding, the
present disunity of the church will be abolished on the last day. The present situation is tem-
porary and will be resolved on the day of judgment. This viewpoint lies behind Calvin’s
distinction between the “visible” and “invisible” churches, which we considered above.
Some have found a biological approach helpful: they compared the historical evolution of the
church to the development of the branches of a tree. This image, proposed by the eighteenth-
century German Pietist writer Nicolas von Zinzendorf and taken up with enthusiasm by
Anglican writers of the following century, allows the different empirical churches – for
example the Roman Catholic, the Orthodox, and the Anglican – to be seen as possessing an
organic unity, despite their institutional differences. The various churches are thus seen as
branches on the same root – that is, as having a fundamental unity despite their diversity.
The holiness of the church
One of the most interesting debates over the doctrine of the church concerns whether its
members are required to be holy. The debate is seen to be at its most intense during the
Donatist controversy of the fourth century, which focused on the question of whether

108 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
church leaders were required to be morally pure. Under the Roman Emperor Diocletian
(284–313), the Christian church was subject to various degrees of persecution. The origins
of the persecution date from 303; it finally ended with the conversion of Constantine and
the issuing of the Edict of Milan in 313. Under an edict of February 303, Christian books
were ordered to be burned and churches demolished. Those Christian leaders who handed
over their books to be burned came to be known as traditores – “those who handed over
[their books].” One such traditor was Felix of Aptunga, who later consecrated Caecilian as
Bishop of the great North African city of Carthage in 311.
Many local Christians were outraged that such a person should have been allowed to be
involved in a consecration, and they declared that they could not accept the authority of
Caecilian. The new bishop’s authority was compromised, it was argued, on account of the
fact that the bishop who had consecrated him had lapsed under the pressure of persecution.
The hierarchy of the Catholic church was tainted as a result of this development. The church
ought to be pure; it should not be permitted to include such people. By 388, when Augustine
of Hippo – destined to be a central figure in the controversy – returned from Rome to
North Africa, a breakaway faction had established itself as the leading Christian body in the
region, with strong support from the local African population.
The Donatists believed that the entire sacramental system of the Catholic church had
become corrupted on account of the lapse of its leaders. How could the sacraments be val-
idly administered by people who were tainted in this way? It was therefore necessary to
replace these people with more acceptable leaders, who had remained firm in their faith
under persecution. It was also necessary to rebaptize and re-ordain all those who had been
baptized and ordained by the lapsed leaders. The faction that Augustine found on his return
was larger than the church from which it had originally broken away.
Augustine responded by putting forward a theory of the church that he believed was
more firmly grounded in the New Testament than the Donatist teaching. In particular,
Augustine emphasized the sinfulness of Christians. The church is not meant to be a “pure
body,” a society of saints, but a “mixed body” (corpus permixtum) of saints and sinners.
Augustine finds this image in two biblical parables: the parable of the net that catches many
fishes; and the parable of the wheat and the weeds (or “tares,” to use an older English word
familiar to readers of the King James Bible). It is this latter parable (Matthew 13: 24–31) that
is of especial importance and requires further discussion.
The parable tells of a farmer who sowed seed and discovered that the resulting crop
contained both wheat and weeds. What could be done about it? It would be foolish to
attempt to separate the wheat and the weeds while both were still growing, as the farmer
would probably damage the wheat while trying to get rid of the weeds. But at harvest all the
plants – whether wheat or weeds – could be cut down and sorted out, thus avoiding any
damage to the wheat. The parable suggests that the separation of the good from the evil
takes place at the end of time, not in history.
For Augustine, however, this parable refers to the church rather than the world. The
church must expect to find itself comprising both saints and sinners. To attempt a sepa-
ration in this world is premature and improper. That separation will take place in God’s
own time, at the end of history. No human can make that judgment or separation in
God’s place.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 109
So then, in what sense is the church holy? For Augustine, the holiness of the church is not
that of its members, but that of Christ. In this world the church cannot be a congregation of
saints, because its members are contaminated by original sin. However, the church is sanctified
and made holy by Christ – a holiness that will be perfected and finally realized at the last judg-
ment. In addition to this theological analysis, Augustine makes the practical observation that
the Donatists failed to live up to their own high standards of morality. Donatists, Augustine
suggests, were just as capable as Catholics of getting drunk or beating people up.
Yet the Donatist vision of a “pure body” remains attractive to many. As so often happens
in theological debates, the evidence is never entirely on one side of the argument. A strong
case continues to be made for the idea of the church as a “pure body,” especially in denom-
inations that trace their identity back to the more radical wing of the Protestant Reformation,
often known as “anabaptist.” The radical Reformation conceived of the church as an
“alternative society” within the mainstream of sixteenth-century European culture. For
Menno Simmons, the church was an assembly of the righteous, at odds with the world, and
not a “mixed body,” as Augustine argued.
It will be clear that there are strong parallels with the Donatist view of the church as a
holy and pure body, isolated from the corrupting influences of the world and prepared to
maintain its purity and distinctiveness by whatever disciplinary means prove to be necessary.
Other writers have pointed out how “holiness” is often equated with “morality,” “sanctity,”
or “purity,” which often seem to bear little relation to the behavior of fallen human beings.
Yet the Hebrew term kadad, which underlies the New Testament concept of “holiness,” has
a rather different meaning, bearing the sense of “being cut off ” or “being separated.” There
are strong dedicatory overtones: to be “holy” is to be set apart for, and dedicated to, the
service of God.
A fundamental element – indeed, perhaps the fundamental element – in the Old
Testament’s idea of holiness is that of “something or someone whom God has set apart.” The
New Testament restricts the sphere of holiness almost entirely to personal holiness; it
applies “holy” to individuals, declining to pick up the idea of “holy places” or “holy things.”
People are “holy” in that they are dedicated to God; and they are distinguished from the
world on account of their calling by God. A number of theologians have suggested a corre-
lation between the idea of “the church” (the Greek word for which can bear the meaning of
“those who are called out”), and “holy” (that is, those who have been separated from the
world on account of their having been called by God).
To speak of the “holiness of the church” is thus primarily to speak of the holiness of the
one who called that church and its members. The church has been separated from the world
in order to bear witness to the grace and salvation of God. Therefore the term “holy,” taken
in this sense, affirms both the calling of the church and of its members and the hope that
the church will one day share in the life and glory of God.
The catholicity of the church
The Christian creeds refer to the church as “universal” or “catholic.” The term “catholic”
derives from the Greek phrase kath’ holou (“wholly, in its entirety”). The Greek words sub-
sequently found their way into the Latin adjective catholicus, which came to have the

110 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
meaning “universal” or “general.” (The word “universal” is now often used as an alternative
to “catholic,” particularly within Protestant denominations.) This sense of the word is
retained in the English phrase “catholic taste,” which means “wide-ranging taste” rather
than “taste for things that are Roman Catholic.” Older versions of the English Bible often
refer to some of the New Testament letters (such as those of James and John) as “catholic
epistles,” meaning that they are directed to all Christians (unlike those of Paul, which are
generally directed to the needs and situations of individually identified churches, such as
those at Rome or Corinth).
The developed sense of the word is perhaps best seen in the fourth-century catechetical
writings of Cyril of Jerusalem. In his eighteenth catechetical lecture, Cyril teases out a
number of senses of the word “catholic”:
The church is thus called “catholic” because it is spread throughout the entire inhabited world,
from one end to the other, and because it teaches in its totality [katholikōs] and without leaving
anything out every doctrine which people need to know relating to things visible and invisible,
whether in heaven and earth. It is also called “catholic” because it brings to obedience every
sort of person – whether rulers or their subjects, the educated and the unlearned. It also makes
available a universal [katholikōs] remedy and cure to every kind of sin.
It will be clear that Cyril is using the term “catholic” in four ways, each of which deserves
comment a little further:
1 Catholic is to be understood as “spread throughout the entire inhabited world.” Here Cyril
notes the geographical sense of the word. The notion of “wholeness” or “universality” is
thus understood as a mandate for the church to spread into every region of the world.
2 Catholic means “without leaving anything out.” With this phrase, Cyril stresses that the
“catholicity” of the church involves the complete proclamation and explanation of the
Christian faith. It is an invitation to ensure that the totality of the gospel is preached and
taught, not just the sections of the creed that a catechist or a preacher happens to prefer.
3 Catholic means that the church extends its mission and ministry to “every sort of
person.” Cyril here makes the essentially sociological point that the Christian gospel
and church are intended for all kinds of human beings, irrespective of their race, gender,
or social status. We can see here a clear echo of St. Paul’s famous declaration that “there
is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor female;
for you are all one in Christ Jesus” (Galatians 3: 28).
4 Catholic means that the church offers and proclaims “a universal remedy and cure to
every kind of sin.” Here Cyril makes a soteriological statement: the gospel, and the
church that proclaims that gospel, can meet every human need and distress. Whatever
sins there may be, the church is able to offer an antidote.
The apostolicity of the church
Fourth and finally, the church is declared to be “apostolic.” What does this mean? The
fundamental sense of the term is “originating with the Apostles” or “having a direct link
with the Apostles.” This epithet is a reminder that the church is founded on the apostolic

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 111
witness and testimony. In the New Testament, the word “apostle” has two related
meanings:
1 someone who has been commissioned by Christ and charged with the task of preaching
the good news of the kingdom;
2 someone who was a witness to the risen Christ, or someone to whom Christ revealed
himself as risen.
In declaring the church to be “apostolic,” the creeds emphasize the historical roots of the
gospel, the continuity between the church and Christ through the Apostles whom he
appointed, and the continuing evangelistic and missionary tasks of the church.
The church can therefore be thought of as being “apostolic” in three ways, each laying
emphasis on a different aspect of the church’s history, calling, and function.
1 Historically, the origins of the church are to be traced back to the apostles. The New
Testament tells something of this historical development, especially in the Acts of the
Apostles, and brings out the critical role played by the apostles, as Christ’s appointed
representatives, in the expansion of the church.
2 Theologically, the church is “apostolic” in that it maintains and transmits the teaching
of the apostles. Earlier we noted how the first Christians, when agreeing on the contents
of the New Testament, regarded apostolic authorship as being of major importance. The
New Testament can be thought of as a repository of apostolic teaching. In declaring that
the church is “apostolic,” the creeds are insisting that faithfulness to the apostolic tradi-
tion is an integral part of the church’s task and an essential precondition for its right to
call itself “Christian.” This theme can be seen in some of the later writings of the New
Testament, which are especially concerned with maintaining Christian faithfulness in
the post-apostolic period. Thus Paul asks his successor Timothy to remain faithful to
what he has been taught and to pass it down to those who will succeed him:
Hold to the standard of sound teaching that you have heard from me, in the faith and love
that are in Christ Jesus. Guard the good treasure entrusted to you, with the help of the
Holy Spirit living in us.
(2 Timothy 1: 13–14)
3 The church is apostolic, in that it is charged with the responsibility of carrying on the
succession of apostolic ministry. The patterns of ministry found in the New Testament,
although in an emerging form – for example, deacons, presbyters or “elders,” and
bishops – are to remain normative for Christianity. More importantly, the tasks
entrusted by Christ to the apostles – such as pastoral care for the poor and the needy,
teaching, and the preaching of the gospel to the world – are passed down within the
church to their successors within the church.
Among the tasks passed down to the apostles’ successors is Christ’s command to do certain
specific things, both as a reminder of his life, death, and resurrection and as a celebration

112 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
and proclamation of his ongoing presence in the church. In view of the importance of these
“sacraments” to the life of the church, we may consider them in some detail.
The Sacraments
The word “sacrament” is widely used to refer to certain acts of worship that are understood
to possess special importance in maintaining and developing the Christian life. The term
derives from the Latin word sacramentum, which originally meant “sacred oath,” such as
the oath of obedience that a Roman soldier might swear to the people and Senate of Rome.
The third-century theologian Tertullian used this parallel as a means of bringing out the
importance of sacraments in relation to Christian commitment and loyalty within the
church. Baptism, for example, can be seen as a sign both of allegiance to Jesus of Nazareth
and of commitment to the Christian community.
There has been considerable debate within the Christian community over the identity
and function of sacraments, as well as over what to call them. The fundamental Christian
practice of using bread and wine to recall the Last Supper is referred to in different ways by
different Christian groups. The most commonly encountered descriptions are the mass, the
eucharist, the Lord’s Supper, and the Holy Communion. Generally speaking, Protestantism
tends to accept only two sacraments – baptism and the eucharist – where Roman Catholicism
and Greek Orthodoxy recognize seven. The seven sacraments of the Roman Catholic
Church are generally grouped together in three categories: the sacraments of initiation
(baptism, confirmation, and the eucharist), the sacraments of healing (reconciliation or
penance, and the anointing or “unction” of the sick), and sacraments of vocation (marriage
and ordination). The Greek Orthodox church also recognizes these seven sacraments,
while using the term “chrismation” in place of confirmation.
What is a sacrament?
Although earlier Christian writers often refer to the sacraments, we find relatively little
reflection on what determines whether something is a sacrament or not. The word was used
somewhat uncritically, without any attempt to achieve theological precision on what the
concept entailed. Augustine of Hippo is generally regarded as having laid down the general
principles relating to the definition of sacraments. These principles can be set out as follows:
1 In the first place, a sacrament is fundamentally a sign. When applied to divine things,
signs are called sacraments.
2 In the second place, this sign must bear some relation to the thing that is signified. If
sacraments did not resemble the things of which they are the sacraments, they would
not be sacraments at all.
These definitions, though useful, are still imprecise and inadequate. For example, does it
follow that every “sign of a sacred thing” is to be regarded as a sacrament? Augustine him-
self understood by “sacraments” a number of things that are no longer regarded as

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 113
sacramental in character – for example, the creeds and the Lord’s Prayer. As time passed, it
became increasingly clear that the definition of a sacrament simply as “a sign of a sacred
thing” was inadequate. It was during the theological renaissance of the earlier Middle Ages
that further clarification took place.
In the late twelfth century, the Parisian theologian Peter Lombard developed Augustine’s
definition, giving it a new clarity and precision. Peter’s definition in his widely used and
authoritative theological textbook The Four Books of the Sentences takes the following form:
A sacrament bears a likeness to the thing of which it is a sign. … Something can properly be
called a sacrament if it is a sign of the grace of God and a form of invisible grace, so that it bears
its image and exists as its cause. Sacraments were therefore instituted for the sake of sancti-
fying, as well as of signifying.
This definition embraces each of the seven traditional sacraments noted above and excludes
such things as the creed.
The rise of Protestantism ended this consensus within the western church. Martin Luther chal-
lenged this way of thinking about the sacraments, insisting that there were three basic elements
that were essential to the definition of a sacrament: a physical sign; a divine promise; and an
explicit command from Jesus of Nazareth that this physical sign should be used in this way.
Luther’s more radical definition limited the list of sacraments to two: baptism and the eucharist.
The function of sacraments
What do sacraments do? From what has already been said it can be seen that, in Christian
theology, sacraments have universally been understood as signs. Sacraments thus signify
divine grace. But this is only a partial answer. Do sacraments do more than simply signify
the grace of God? Are the sacraments merely signs, or are they a special kind of sign – such
as an effective sign, which causes what is being signified?
Traces of this view may be found in the second century. Ignatius of Antioch declared that
the eucharist was “the medicine of immortality and the antidote that we should not die, but
live for ever in Jesus Christ.” The idea is, clearly, that the eucharist does not merely signify
eternal life, but is somehow instrumental in effecting it. This approach was developed
subsequently by many writers, and especially by Ambrose of Milan in the fourth century
(c. 340–397). Ambrose argued that, in baptism, the Holy Spirit “coming upon the font or
upon those who are to be baptized, effects the reality of regeneration.”
In medieval theology a distinction was carefully drawn between the “sacraments of the Old
Covenant” (such as circumcision) and the “sacraments of the New Covenant” (such as
baptism). Early medieval theologians held that the sacraments of the Old Covenant merely
signified spiritual realities, whereas the sacraments of the New Covenant actualized or caused
what they signified. The thirteenth-century Franciscan writer known as St. Bonaventure
(Giovanni di Fidanza, 1221–1274) made this point as follows, using a medical analogy:
In the Old Law, there were ointments of a kind, but they were figurative and did not heal. The
disease was lethal, but the anointings were superficial. … Genuinely healing ointments must

114 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
bring both spiritual anointing and a life-giving power; it was only Christ our Lord who did this,
since through his death, the sacraments have the power to bring to life.
These views remain characteristic of modern Catholicism. Sacraments are understood to
convey or enact the grace that they represent. However, many theologians add a qualifier
here, noting that it is possible for an individual to resist this grace by placing an obstacle in
its path. Thus the Second Vatican Council, while continuing to emphasize the effective cau-
sality of sacraments, noted the importance of believers’ responding appropriately to them:
Because [sacraments] are signs, they also instruct. They not only presuppose faith, but by
words and objects they also nourish, strengthen and express it. That is why they are called “sac-
raments of faith.” They do indeed confer grace, but in addition the very act of celebrating them
most effectively disposes the faithful to receive this grace to their profit, to worship God duly,
and to practise charity.
Protestantism found itself divided over the question of what the sacraments achieved.
Luther was prepared to allow that sacraments caused what they signified. In his Shorter
Catechism (1529) he made it clear that baptism brought about both the signification and the
causation of divine forgiveness:
Question What gifts or benefits does Baptism bring?
Answer It brings about the forgiveness of sins, saves us from death and the devil, and grants
eternal blessedness to all who believe, as the Word and promise of God declare.
These views remain generally characteristic of Lutheranism to this day.
Other Protestant writers, however, were suspicious of such an approach, which they
regarded as coming close to a magical view of sacraments. The Swiss reformer Huldrych
Zwingli insisted that sacraments were signs, and nothing more:
Sacraments are simply the signs of holy things. Baptism is a sign which pledges us to the Lord
Jesus Christ. The Remembrance shows us that Christ suffered death for our sake. They are the
signs and pledges of these holy things.
Zwingli therefore argues that both baptism and the eucharist (which he here refers to as “the
Remembrance”) are external signs of spiritual realities, which have no power in themselves
to bring about what they signify. Baptism is thus a sign, but not a cause, of God’s forgiveness
of sins. This viewpoint remains influential within parts of modern Protestantism, and is
especially found in modern evangelicalism.
Yet a third Protestant approach was set out by John Calvin and his successors in the
reformed tradition. Calvin’s approach can be seen as a mediating approach, roughly halfway
between Luther’s causative view and Zwingli’s representationalist view of the sacraments.
Calvin defines a sacrament as “an external symbol by which the Lord seals on our con-
sciences his promises of good will towards us, in order to sustain the weakness of our
faith.” Yet, although the sacraments are external signs, he argues that there is such a close
connection between the symbol and the gift it symbolizes that we can easily pass from one
to the other. The sign is visible and physical, whereas the thing signified is invisible and

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 115
spiritual – yet the connection between the sign and the thing signified is so intimate that it is
permissible to apply the one to the other. Calvin was thus able to maintain the difference bet-
ween sign and thing signified, while insisting that the sign really points to the gift it signifies.
In what follows we shall explore some questions linked to each of these sacraments that
continue to be debated and discussed within Christian circles.
Debates about baptism
Should children be baptized? Matthew’s gospel records Jesus Christ as commanding his
disciples to go and make disciples and to baptize them (Matthew 28: 17–20). But what about
children? Does this command extend only to adults, or does it include infants? The New
Testament makes no specific references to the baptism of infants. However, it does not
explicitly forbid the practice either, and there are also a number of passages that could be
interpreted as condoning it – for example, references to the baptizing of entire households,
which would probably have included infants (Acts 16: 15, 33; 1 Corinthians 1: 16). Paul
treats baptism as a spiritual counterpart to circumcision (Colossians 2: 11–12). So if Jews
were able to mark their male children as belonging to the household of faith in this way, why
should not Christians also mark their children – male and female – by baptism?
Most mainline Christian churches accept that the baptism of infants is a valid practice,
with roots in the apostolic period. Martin Luther and John Calvin, though severely critical
of the Catholic church over many points of doctrine and practice, held that infant baptism
was an authentic biblical practice. The reasons given for infant baptism vary. Augustine of
Hippo argued that, since Christ is the savior of all people, all people require salvation. As
baptism is a recognition both of the need for human salvation and of God’s gracious will-
ingness to provide it, all should be baptized. After all, he argued, little children were as
much in need of salvation as adults.
Another line of defense of the baptism of infants can be found in the Old Testament,
which stipulated that male infants born within the bounds of Israel should have an outward
sign of their membership of the people of God. The outward sign in question was circum-
cision – that is, the removal of the foreskin. Infant baptism was thus to be seen as analogous
to circumcision. It was a sign of belonging to a covenant community.
Writers such as Huldrych Zwingli argued that infant baptism affirmed publicly the more
inclusive and gentle character of Christianity. The more inclusive character of Christianity
was publicly demonstrated by the baptism of both male and female infants; Judaism, in con-
trast, recognized only the marking of male infants. The more gentle character of the gospel
was publicly demonstrated by the absence of pain or blood shedding in the sacrament.
Christ suffered – in being circumcised himself, in addition to his death on the cross – in
order that his people need not suffer in this manner.
But not all are persuaded by the case for infant baptism. Many Baptist writers reject the
traditional practice of baptizing infants. Baptism was to be administered only when an
individual showed signs of grace, repentance, or faith. The practice of baptizing infants is held
to be without biblical foundation. It may have become the norm in the post-apostolic period,
but not in the period of the New Testament itself. It is also argued that the practice of infant
baptism leads to the potentially confusing idea that individuals are Christians as a result of
their baptism, thus weakening the link between baptism and Christian discipleship.

116 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
Debates about the eucharist
At the Last Supper Jesus commanded his disciples to remember him through bread and
wine. It is clear that this was done from the earliest of times. The New Testament itself
makes reference to the first Christians obeying Jesus Christ’s command to remember
him in this way (1 Corinthians 11: 20–27). This act of celebration and remembrance is
referred to in different ways in the Christian churches: the mass, the Holy Communion,
the Lord’s Supper, and the eucharist (this last term derives from the Greek word for
“thanksgiving”).
An important debate within Christianity concerns whether, and if so in what manner,
Christ may be said to be present at the Lord’s Supper. This issue is often linked with the
words spoken by Christ at the Last Supper. Taking the bread, he told his disciples: “this is
my body” (Matthew 26: 26). What does this mean? The majority opinion within global
Christianity is that Christ’s words can only mean that, in some sense, Christ’s body is present
in the bread of the Lord’s Supper.
One way of understanding this idea is the doctrine of “transubstantiation,” which was
formalized in 1215. This doctrine holds that the outward appearance of the bread remains
unchanged, whereas its inward identity is transformed. In other words, the bread continues
to look, taste, smell, and feel as if it were bread; at its most fundamental level, however, it has
been changed. By a similar argument, the wine is held to have become the blood of Christ.
This position is often stated using the Aristotelian distinction between “substance” (that
which gives something its inward identity) and “accidents” (mere external appearances).
On this view, the substance of the bread and wine is changed, but their accidents remain
unaltered. Although this position is especially associated with the Catholic church, related
viewpoints can be found in eastern Orthodoxy.
Martin Luther developed a somewhat different idea, often known as “consubstantiation,”
which holds that the bread remains bread but is additionally the body of Christ. Luther
illustrated this notion by pointing to how a piece of iron, when placed in a hot fire, becomes
red-hot. Although remaining iron, it has heat added to it. In the same way, the bread of the
Lord’s Supper remains bread, but additionally contains or conveys the body of Christ.
Not all Christians take this position. Some, following John Calvin, argue that the bread is
an “efficacious sign.” In other words, although the bread is not the body of Christ, it repre-
sents it in such a way that what is signified is effectively conveyed. Others follow the Swiss
reformer Huldrych Zwingli, who argued that the bread symbolized Christ’s body. The bread
and the wine of the Lord’s Supper are there to help believers recall the events of Calvary and
to encourage them to recommit themselves to the church, to God, and to each other. Others
still adopt another approach of Zwingli’s, sometimes known as “memorialism,” which holds
that there is no objective change in either the bread or the wine. Any change that occurs is
subjective, taking place in the mind of the beholder, who now “sees” the bread as a sign of
Christ’s body and as a reminder of his sacrifice upon the cross.
These, of course, represent only a few positions that Christians have defended.
Nevertheless, they illustrate the ongoing debates within Christianity over how best to inter-
pret both the biblical witness to the Last Supper and the long Christian history of repeating
the actions Christ commanded, as a “reminder” (Greek anamnēsis) of him.

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 117
The Christian Hope
Finally, we come to the theme of the Christian hope – an idea often expressed through the
phrase “the last things” (Greek ta eschata, from which derives the word “eschatology,”
meaning “understanding of the last things”). Christianity is a religion of hope, which
focuses on the resurrection of Jesus as the ground for believing and trusting in a God who
is able to triumph over death and to give hope to all those who suffer and die. Cyprian of
Carthage (died 258), a martyr bishop of the third century, tried to encourage his fellow
Christians in the face of suffering and death at times of persecution by holding before them
a vision of heaven in which they would see the martyrs and the apostles face to face. More
than that; they would be reunited with those whom they loved and cherished.
Cyprian here conceives of heaven as the “native land” of Christians, from which they
have been exiled during their time on earth. The hope of return to their native land, there
to be reunited with those whom they knew and loved, was held out as a powerful consolation
in times of trial and suffering.
We regard paradise as our native land … Many of our dear ones await us there, and a dense
crowd of parents, brothers, children, is longing for us, already assured of their own safety, and
still longing for our salvation. What gladness there will be for them and for us when we enter
their presence and share their embrace!
Cyprian himself was martyred for his faith in 258, presumably being consoled by precisely
the ideas with which he sought to console others.
The word “heaven” is traditionally used to refer to the hope of dwelling in the presence
of God forever. It is not understood geographically or spatially, as if it referred to a country
or a region of the world. Its dominant sense is relational – that is, the word is used to desig-
nate the state of dwelling with God, without any particular understanding of precisely
where this dwelling is located.
The Christian vision of heaven is shaped by a number of controlling images or themes, of
which two are particularly important: the New Jerusalem, and the restoration of creation. A
radical transformation of all things will bring about a new order, reversing the devastating
effects of sin upon humanity and upon the world. The image of resurrection conveys the
ideas of both radical change and continuity: the new order of things, though utterly differ-
ent from what we currently know and experience, nevertheless demonstrates continuity
with the present order. The present age will be transformed and renewed, just as a seed is
completely transformed in becoming a living plant.
In this closing section we shall focus on Christian beliefs concerning heaven, the most
important of these “last things.”
The New Testament and Christian hope
The eschatology of the New Testament is complex. However, one of its leading themes is
that something that happened in the past has inaugurated something new, which will reach
its final consummation in the future. The Christian believer is thus caught up in this tension

118 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
between the “now” and the “not yet.” In one sense, heaven has not yet happened; in another,
its powerful lure already impacts upon life in a dramatic and complex fashion, as Christians
are at one and the same time excited at its prospect and rendered dejected by knowing that
they are not yet there.
The term “heaven” is used frequently in the Pauline writings of the New Testament to refer
to Christian hope. Although it is natural to represent heaven as a future entity, Paul’s thinking
appears to embrace both a future reality and a spiritual sphere or realm, which coexists with the
material world of space and time. Thus “heaven” is referred to both as the future home of the
believer (2 Corinthians 5: 1–2; Philippians 3: 20) and as the present dwelling-place of Jesus
Christ, from which he will come in final judgment (Romans 10: 6; 1 Thessalonians 1: 10; 4: 16).
As we shall see, one of Paul’s most significant statements concerning heaven focuses on the
notion of believers being “citizens of heaven” (Philippians 3: 20) and in some way sharing in
the life of heaven in the present. The tension between the “now” and the “not yet” is evident
in Paul’s statements concerning heaven, which make it very difficult to sustain the simple idea
of heaven as something that will not come into being until the future or cannot be experi-
enced at all in the present. For Paul, the hope of heaven impacts upon life in the here and now,
even though heaven, in all its fullness, remains to be consummated in the future.
The image of the “New Jerusalem” has exercised a decisively important influence over
Christian reflection on heaven down the centuries. The origins of this image lie primarily
in the book of Revelation, the closing book of the Christian Bible. Its powerful imagery has
saturated Christian hymnody and theological reflection on how heaven is to be visualized.
The consolation of heaven is here contrasted with the suffering, tragedy, and pain of life on
earth. “Death will be no more; mourning and crying and pain will be no more, for the first
things have passed away” (Revelation 21: 1–5).
The theme of the New Jerusalem is here integrated with motifs drawn from the creation
account – such as the presence of the “tree of life” (Revelation 22: 2) – suggesting that
heaven can be seen as the restoration of the bliss of the garden of Eden (Genesis 2), when
God dwelt with humanity in harmony. The pain, sorrow, and evil of a fallen world have
finally passed away, and the creation is restored to its original intention.
Probably the most helpful way of construing the New Testament’s affirmations concerning
heaven is to see the latter as a consummation of the Christian doctrine of salvation, in which the
presence, penalty, and power of sin have all been finally eliminated and the total presence of God
in individuals and in the community of faith has been achieved. This idea is clearly expressed in
the vision of heaven set out in the Catechism of the Catholic Church: “Heaven is the ultimate end
and fulfilment of the deepest human longings, the state of supreme, definitive happiness.”
The New Testament parables of heaven are strongly communal in nature. Heaven is here
portrayed as a banquet, a wedding feast, or a city – the new Jerusalem. Eternal life is thus
not a projection of an individual human existence, but is rather to be seen as sharing, with
the redeemed community as a whole, in the community of a loving God.
The nature of the resurrection body
What do resurrected individuals look like? To put this is somewhat simplistic terms, what
sort of people will walk the streets of the New Jerusalem? Many early Christian writers

Christian Creeds and Beliefs 119
argued that the “citizens of heaven” would be naked, re-creating the situation of human
innocence in paradise. This time, however, nakedness would give rise neither to shame nor
to sexual lust, but would simply be accepted as the natural and innocent state of humanity.
Others, however, argued that the inhabitants of the New Jerusalem would be clothed in
finery, which would reflect their status as citizens of God’s chosen city.
It was clear to many writers that the final state of deceased believers was not of material
importance to their appearance in heaven. The issue emerged as theologically significant
during a persecution of Christians in Lyons around the years 175–177. Aware that Christians
believed in the resurrection of the body, their pagan oppressors burned the bodies of those
they had just martyred and threw their ashes in the River Rhône. This, they believed, would
prevent the resurrection of these martyrs, in that there was now no body to be raised.
Christian theologians responded by arguing that God was able to restore or reconstitute the
bodies of believers, especially those who died violently or whose corpses have been
destroyed by burning.
Methodius of Olympus (died c. 311) offered an analogy for this process of reconstitution
that would prove highly influential in discussing the question. The resurrection could, he
argued, be thought of as a kind of “rearrangement” of the constituent elements of humanity.
It is as if a statue were melted down and reforged from the same material – yet in such a
manner that any defects or damage are eliminated.
A similar argument is found in the Four Books of the Sentences, the masterpiece of the
great twelfth-century theologian Peter Lombard. This book, which served as a core text-
book for just about every medieval theologian, took the view that the resurrected body was
basically a reconstituted humanity from which all defects had been purged.
A final question that has caused considerable debate among Christian theologians con-
cerns the age of those who are resurrected. If someone dies at the age of 60, will she appear
in the streets of the New Jerusalem as an old person? And if someone dies at the age of 10,
will he appear as a child? This issue caused the spilling of much ink, especially during the
Middle Ages. By the end of the thirteenth century an emerging consensus can be discerned.
As each person reaches his or her peak or perfection around the age of 30, each person
would be resurrected as (s)he would have appeared at that time – even if (s)he never lived
to reach that age or died long afterwards. Peter Lombard’s discussion of the matter is typical
of his age: “A boy who dies immediately after being born will be resurrected in that form
which he would have had if he had lived to the age of thirty.” The New Jerusalem will thus
be populated by men and women as they would appear at the age of 30 (the age, of course,
at which Jesus of Nazareth was crucified) – and with every blemish removed.
Christian burial or cremation?
A further issue concerning the form of the resurrection body became especially important
during the twentieth century, when the practice of cremation was increasingly common
among Christian nations, partly on account of the prohibitive cost of burial. Was cremation
inconsistent with belief in the resurrection? Was our resurrection to eternal life dependent
on being buried intact? The question, as we have already noted (p. 119), had been debated
in earlier periods. Christian theologians argued that God would not be troubled by this

120 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
inconvenience. God would still be able to reconstitute the bodies of those whose bodies
have been dismembered or destroyed.
For centuries cremation was expressly forbidden by the Catholic church. Two reasons
were often invoked. In the first place, cremation was seen as a pagan practice that denied
the doctrine of the resurrection. Second, the body was believed to be the temple of the Holy
Spirit. However, some significant changes in the Catholic practice took place in the twen-
tieth century. In 1963, the Vatican lifted the ban on cremation for Catholics. Still, no allow-
ance was made for any prayer or rituals to be used with the cremated remains. This meant
that all funeral services were to occur in the presence of the body, while cremation was to
take place afterwards. In 1997 the Vatican granted permission for the cremated remains of
a body to be brought into church for the liturgical rites of burial. It is still, however, the offi-
cial church’s preference for the funeral rites to take place in the presence of the body and for
cremation to follow afterwards.
In Protestant circles perhaps the most influential answer to this question was offered by
the famous American evangelist Billy Graham in a nationally syndicated newspaper
column:
In Corinthians 5, Paul makes the contrast between living in a tent, a temporary home that can
be pulled down and put away, and living in a permanent home that will last forever. Our bodies
are our temporary tents. Our resurrected bodies will be our permanent homes. They are sim-
ilar in appearance but different in substance. Cremation is therefore no hindrance to the resur-
rection.
Graham’s point was clear: the Christian hope of resurrection is grounded in the trustwor-
thiness of the divine promises, not in the precise circumstances of a person’s funeral
arrangements. These ideas are important in a number of respects, not least in relation to
Christian funeral services. We shall consider these services in a later chapter.
Conclusion
This brief overview of Christian beliefs is little more than a sketchy map of a complex and
fascinating landscape, which deserves much more extensive exploration and discussion.
Happily there are many guides available to you, if you wish to explore this field further.
Some suitable starting points are noted in the Further Reading section, which will help you
take things further.
We now turn to provide an overview of Christian history. The next chapter surveys some
of the major themes in the history of Christianity, from the apostolic age to the present day.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
It is impossible to understand the present state and forms of Christianity without a
knowledge of its history. To study Christian history is not about retreating from the pre-
sent into the past, but about providing a lens that brings the present into sharper focus.
The long shadows of past debates, discussions, and personalities figure large in contempo-
rary Christianity. Given the importance of this history, we shall accord it careful attention.
This large chapter considers the history of Christianity under five broad sections, as
follows:
1 the period of the early church, sometimes referred to as the “patristic period,” during
which the Christian faith began to gain a significant following throughout the
Mediterranean world;
2 the Middle Ages, a period of Christian history in Western Europe that witnessed
significant cultural and intellectual developments: the complex cultural phenomenon
known as the renaissance is included in this period;
3 the age of reformation in Western Europe, which witnessed the birth of Protestantism
in certain parts of Europe and the consolidation of Catholicism in others, eventually
leading to the Wars of religion;
4 the modern age: this section looks at the development of Christianity in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries, with particular reference to developments in Western Europe
and North America that culminated in the outbreak of the Great War (later known as
the “First World War”) of 1914–1918;
5 the twentieth century: this final section considers the dramatic changes in the shape of
global Christianity in the century following the end of the Great War; it includes
discussion of important developments in Africa, South America, and Asia.
Christian History
An Overview
4

122 Christian History: An Overview
The Early Church, c. 100–c. 500
The first major era of Christian history (c. 100–451), during which Christianity began to
expand rapidly throughout the Mediterranean world and beyond, is sometimes called
the “patristic period.” The unusual and to many unfamiliar term “patristic” comes from the
Greek word patēr (“father”), which was applied to a group of Christian leaders such as
Athanasius of Alexandria or Augustine of Hippo; these are often referred to as “fathers
of the church.”
It is difficult to make sense of the historical development of Christianity without a good
grasp of this formative period, particularly its great theological debates, and the important
implications of the unexpected acceptance of Christianity as the legitimate religion of the
roman empire. We shall therefore begin our discussion of early Christianity by reflecting
on its emergence within Judaism and on its rapid transformation into a faith that refused to
recognize ethnic or social boundaries.
The apostolic age
The first major period in Christian history is generally known as the “apostolic age.” The
term “apostle” derives from the Greek verb apostelein, “to send,” and is often used to des-
ignate those commissioned by Jesus of Nazareth to continue and extend his ministry.
Traditionally, this is understood as the period when the apostles were still alive, providing
historical continuity between the church and the original community of faith that gath-
ered around Jesus of Nazareth. We know frustratingly little about this period, even
though it is clearly of immense historical importance. However, we can begin to sketch
some of its aspects, providing an important transition to the better understood history
of the early church.
As we noted earlier, at the heart of the Christian movement lay a series of reports and
interpretations of the words and deeds of Jesus of Nazareth (pp. 3–5). His significance was
presented in terms of both his identity and his function, using a rich range of Christological
titles and images of salvation, often drawn from the Jewish roots of Christianity. Initially
Christian groups appear to have been established in leading urban centers such as Jerusalem,
by individuals who had personally known Jesus of Nazareth or were familiar with members
of his immediate circle.
Other Christian communities were established by figures with more complex associa-
tions with the Jerusalem church, most notably Paul of Tarsus (pp. 26, 45). According to the
New Testament itself, Paul was responsible for establishing Christian churches in many
parts of the Mediterranean world. At first Christianity would almost certainly have been
seen simply as one more sect or group within a Judaism that was already accustomed to
considerable diversity in religious expression. As recent historical studies of this period
have made clear, Judaism was far from being monolithic at the time.
These Christian communities were scattered throughout the roman empire, each facing
its own distinctive local challenges and opportunities. This raises two significant historical
questions, neither of which can be answered with any degree of certainty. First, how did
these individual Christian communities maintain their religious identity within their local

Christian History: An Overview 123
cultural context? It is clear, for example, that early Christian worship served to emphasize
the distinctiveness of Christian communities, helping to forge a sense of shared identity
over and against society in general.
Second, how did these individual communities understand themselves as relating to a
larger universal community, increasingly referred to as “the church” in the later writings of
the New Testament? There is evidence that these small communities maintained contact
with each other through correspondence, through traveling teachers who visited clusters of
churches, and especially through the sharing of foundational documents, some of which
(though not all) were later incorporated into the canon of the New Testament (pp. 45–47).
Women played an important role in Christianity during the apostolic or patristic age.
As we have noted, Christianity emerged from Palestinian Judaism, which often adopted
strongly negative attitudes toward women. For this reason, the gospels note that Jesus of
Nazareth’s encounters with women occasionally provoked hostility and criticism from the
official representatives of Judaism. The gospel’s accounts of the ministry of Jesus confirm
that women were an integral part of the group of people who gathered around him. They
were affirmed by him, often to the dismay of the Pharisees and other religious traditional-
ists. The gospel of Luke emphasizes the significant role of “many women” (Luke 8: 2–3) in
the spreading of the gospel.
Our most important source for the history of apostolic Christianity is the Acts of the
Apostles, generally agreed to have been written by the same Luke who compiled the third of the
four gospels. Acts emphasizes the important role of women in providing hospitality for early
Christian missionaries to Europe: women converts such as Lydia made their homes available as
house churches and staging posts for missionaries. Luke appears to be concerned to bring out
clearly the important historical fact that the early church attracted significant numbers of
prominent women from cultures that gave them a much higher social role than they had in
Judaism and offered them a significant role in its overall evangelistic and pastoral ministry.
In particular, Luke singles out Priscilla and Aquila as a husband and wife team that was
engaged in an evangelistic and teaching ministry (Acts 18: 1–3, 24–26). Paul commends to
the roman church “our sister Phoebe, a servant of the church at Cenchrea” (romans 16: 1),
commenting on how helpful she had been to him. Other passages in the New Testament
letters (such as 1 Timothy 3: 11 and 5: 9–10) point to women exercising a recognized and
authorized ministry of some form within the church. Amid the large number of folks whom
Paul lists as sending greetings in his Epistle to the romans are Prisca, a “fellow-worker”; and
Tryphaena and Tryphosa, “workers in the Lord” – descriptions that Paul also applies to men
in the same passage.
Paul’s extended list of greetings in his letter to the romans also includes Junia, who is named,
along with Andronicus, as “prominent among the apostles” (romans 16: 7). Andronicus is a
male name; Junia, a female name. (One early manuscript reads “Julia” rather than “Junia.”)
Early Christianity and the roman empire
It is impossible to make much sense of the development of early Christianity without a good
understanding of the roman empire. Many historians regard this empire as having reached
its zenith during the reign of Emperor Trajan, who ruled from 98 to 117. Christianity had

124 Christian History: An Overview
its origins in the roman province of Judaea, a relatively obscure and politically insignificant
region, and would expand rapidly throughout the empire, eventually becoming its official
religion. In view of the importance of the roman imperial context to the rise and shaping
of Christianity, we shall look at this context in more detail.
The expansion of roman influence began during the period when rome was a republic.
However, political weaknesses led to power being centralized in a single figure of authority –
the emperor (originally imperator meant “general” – “one who gives orders,” from imperare,
“to command” and imperium, “power”). For political reasons, this supreme ruler was not
referred to as “king,” as this term was always regarded as unacceptable by romans, presum-
ably on account of the kings’ abuses of power in the archaic period, before they were
expelled. As dedicated republicans, romans were anxious not think of themselves as having
fallen back into odious monarchy – the power of one. The term translated by us as “emperor” –
imperator – was used as a title for rome’s supreme ruler mainly because it avoided language
that could have linked his function to the discredited institution of kingship. It was during
the reign of the first emperor, Augustus, that the gospel of Luke places the birth of Jesus of
Nazareth.
A significant degree of roman territorial expansion took place during the reign of
Augustus, especially in Egypt and in Northern Europe. The imperial province of Egypt
became particularly important, providing substantial grain imports that fed the roman
population. Augustus’ successor Tiberius, who reigned from ad 14 to ad 37, proved an
ineffective emperor, who preferred to live in seclusion on the island of Capri. Much later,
under Trajan, the stability of the empire was initially restored, and a period of further
expansion followed. A major program of public building in rome enriched the city, empha-
sizing its status as the center of the greatest empire the world had then known.
Even in the New Testament there are clear signs of awareness of the roman author-
ities’ antagonism toward Christianity. The roman historian Tacitus (ad 56–117)
provides some evidence of popular resentment in the aftermath of the Great Fire of
rome (ad 64) when he speaks of Christians as “a class hated for their abominations.”
The revelation of St. John, the final work in the New Testament canon, is widely regarded
as reflecting active hostility toward Christian groups in the late first century ad. It is
thought to reflect the situation during the final years of the reign of the roman Emperor
Domitian, particularly around 95. Yet, although Domitian was a strong supporter of
traditional roman religion, there are no historical records of any official persecution of
Christians during his reign.
A form of roman “civil religion” began to emerge at this time; it was linked with worship
of the emperor as an expression of allegiance to the roman state and empire. A dead
emperor who was held worthy of the honor could be voted the status of divus (state divinity)
and incorporated into the roman pantheon. refusal to take part in this imperial cult was
regarded as an act of treason. First-century roman religion tended to draw a distinction
between state cult, which gave roman society stability and cohesion, and the private views
of individuals. (The Latin noun religio derives from a verb meaning “to bind together.”) The
role of the state cult was to give the city and the empire a stable and sacred foundation.
religion was primarily understood in terms of “devotion” (pietas) – a social activity and an
attitude that promoted unity and loyalty to the state.

Christian History: An Overview 125
roman citizens were free to adopt, in private, other religious practices and beliefs, so
long as they did not conflict with this “official” civil religion. These private religions would
take place in the household, the head of the family (paterfamilias) taking charge of domestic
prayers and ceremonial rites in much the same way as the public representatives of the
people performed the state ceremonial rites. During the first century ad these private reli-
gions often took the form of mystery cults, which originated in Greece or Asia and were
brought back to rome by soldiers and merchants. The best known was the cult of Mithras,
which is thought to have originated in Persia.
At that time Christianity would have fitted easily into this pattern of roman religious
diversity. Yet Christians found it difficult to accept the distinction between public and
private religious beliefs, holding that their allegiance to their one God prevented them from
taking part in the official roman cult. This became increasingly problematic in the face of
the rise of the imperial cult in the late first century. Especially in the eastern regions of the
empire, worshipping the emperor came to be seen as a mark of loyalty to rome. Christians,
who refused to worship any God other than their own, were perceived as potentially
seditious on the grounds that they did not display this form of loyalty.
The imperial cult was so deeply rooted in the major cities of the eastern roman empire
that it was inevitable that some form of confrontation between Christianity and the state
authorities would take place. One of the most frequently cited pieces of evidence here is
the famous letter of Pliny the Younger to the Emperor Trajan, which dates from about
112. In this letter Pliny asked advice as to how to deal with the growing number of
Christians who refused to worship the image of the roman emperor. It is quite clear from
Pliny’s letter that Christianity had fallen under suspicion as a result of the refusal to
worship the emperor, which suggested that Christians were bent on overthrowing the
existing social order.
The negative attitude of Christians toward the imperial cult helps us understand one of
the more puzzling developments of this age: the tendency of roman critics to ridicule
Christianity as a form of “atheism.” This makes no sense if “atheism” is understood in the
modern sense of the term – namely as rejection of the belief in God. Yet the term “atheism”
was widely used in classical culture to refer to a rejection of the official state religion. The
classical Greek philosopher Socrates was condemned to death in 399 bc, four centuries
before the apostolic age, for his “atheism” – that is, on the grounds that he rejected the
“official” religion of the city of Athens. Socrates, of course, was no atheist in the modern
sense of the word.
Early Christian worship and organization
Lacking any official religious recognition and protection, early Christianity could not be a
public religion in the roman empire. There were no buildings dedicated to public Christian
worship. It is easy to see why the secrecy surrounding Christian gatherings and worship
roused suspicions about this new faith within roman society. rumors rapidly developed that
Christians indulged in orgies and cannibalism. And we can understand how this took place.
There is much evidence that early Christian gatherings included a “love feast” (agapē, meaning
“love” in Greek), which could easily be misunderstood as involving sexual behaviors. Equally,

126 Christian History: An Overview
it is not difficult to see how the practice of consuming bread and wine as symbols of the body
and blood of Christ could be misinterpreted by outsiders as some kind of cannibalism.
We possess several important witnesses to early Christian worship. One is a manual of
church order and Christian living that dates from the late first or early second century and
is known as the Didache (The Teaching: didachē is a Greek word meaning “teaching”). This
work describes how Christians gathered together on the Lord’s Day – in other words, on
Sunday – “to break bread and give thanks.” The service is clearly understood to take place
in a private home, not in a public place.
Justin Martyr composed his First Apology in rome, around ad 155. In this work he
describes two early Christian worship services. First, he provides an account of the baptism
of new converts. Following their baptism, the new recruits are led into the assembly of
Christian believers. After prayers for the community and for the new converts, the worship-
pers greet one another with a kiss. Bread, wine, and water are then brought to the president,
who offers a eucharistic prayer, ascribing glory to the Father in the name of the Son and
Spirit, and expresses gratitude that the gathered worshippers have been counted as worthy
of receiving the bread and wine. Justin does not use the term “priest” to refer to the president
of this “thanksgiving” ceremony (eucharistia), presumably because the term had associations
with roman civil religion, which was then strongly hostile to Christianity.
The second event that Justin describes is a regular Sunday gathering of the community of
faith. Why meet on a Sunday, rather than on the Jewish sabbath? Justin explains that the
community gathers on Sunday – the first day of the week – both because it was the first day
of creation and because this was the day on which Jesus rose from the dead. Only those who
have been baptized are permitted to attend this service. The service begins with some
readings from the “memoirs of the apostles” (almost certainly a reference to the gospels) or
from the writings of the prophets, followed by a sermon based on these texts. This is in turn
followed by prayers and the celebration of the eucharist along the lines just described. At the
end of the service, those with sufficient means are invited to bring gifts to the president,
who will distribute them to those in need.
Funeral rites were also important for early Christians. romans tended to cremate their
dead and to place their ashes in carved urns. Christians insisted on burial, seeing this as
resting on the precedent of the burial of Christ. From the beginning of the second century,
Christians constructed vast underground burial sites by digging into the soft porous pumice
rock underneath the city of rome and the neighboring area. This network – known as “the
catacombs” – consisted of passages and tunnels with niches carved into the walls in which
bodies could be placed, to await the resurrection. With the legalization of Christianity in the
fourth century the catacombs gradually fell into disuse, as Christians were able to provide
funeral rites for their dead openly, without fear of persecution.
Even in rome, early Christianity was not well organized, partly on account of difficulties
in coordinating while the Christian movement remained illegal. Although the movement
had leaders, they were unable to offer any kind of centralized control. The terms episcopos
(bishop), diakonos (deacon) and presbuteros (elder) were all used to refer to leaders of the
Christian community. It is significant that all three of these words were widely used in
secular culture too, to refer to administrative positions within large households of the day.
An episcopos was a domestic supervisor, a diakonos a servant, and a presbuteros a senior

Christian History: An Overview 127
member of the household. Christianity appears to have taken over familiar secular words
here and to have invested them with specifically Christian meanings, in effect transferring
these terms to the “household of faith.”
At this early stage there is no suggestion that a bishop had oversight of a group of churches
or an ecclesiastical region. This development took place later, when Christianity became
the official religion of the roman empire, even if there are some early anticipations of it. At
the early stage, a “bishop” was often simply the leader of a single Christian community. The
roman churches of the second century are perhaps best compared to secular roman clubs
or societies (collegium, plural collegia), or to Jewish synagogues – essentially independent
associations with no centralized control.
Women and early Christianity
As we noted earlier, women played an important role in the apostolic church (pp. 25–26).
Yet, for reasons that are not fully understood, the churches tended to adopt more tradi-
tional, culturally accommodated approaches to headship and hierarchy. In the Greco-
roman world, the ideal woman was portrayed as self-effacing, industrious, and loyal to her
family. Funerary monuments provide some of the clearest expressions of these cultural
norms, celebrating a deceased woman’s conformity to what was expected of her. This
inscription on a first-century roman tombstone illustrates how these virtues were embodied
and commended.
Here lies Amymone, wife of Marcus, best and most beautiful of women. She made wool, she
was devoted to the gods and her family. She was modest, careful with money, and chaste.
She stayed at home.
Inevitably, the assimilation of such cultural norms led to the exclusion of women from
positions of communal and liturgical leadership, even if women may have exercised consid-
erable social and political influence behind the scenes. There were three orders of ministry
within the early church: bishops, priests, and deacons. Although women rapidly found
themselves excluded from the former two roles, they remained active as deaconesses. This
ministry is recorded from the second century on and played a significant role in the pasto-
ral life of the churches.
The “Didascalia of the Apostles,” which seems to date from the first half of the third
century, suggests that male deacons should be compared to Christ and deaconesses to the
Holy Spirit. In practical terms, it seems that deacons undertook pastoral ministry to men
and deaconesses to women. The Council of Chalcedon ruled that women should not be
allowed to be ordained as deaconesses until they were 40; this suggests a need to regularize
this ministerial order, which was already well established within the Christian world.
Martyrdom remained one of the most significant areas in which women played a leading
role. Two of the most celebrated women martyrs were Perpetua and Felicitas, who were
martyred together in Carthage in the first decade of the third century. The traditional
account of their martyrdom offers some insights into the social dynamics of the churches at
this time. Perpetua, a roman noblewoman, was a nursing mother; Felicitas was

128 Christian History: An Overview
her pregnant slave. Perpetua had been baptized against the explicit wishes of her father,
indicating that she was prepared to break with familial traditions and loyalties on account
of her faith. The fact that both a noblewoman and her slave were martyred together reflects
a growing tendency for martyrdom to become a means of self-empowerment for women at
this period, when imperial hostility to Christianity often led to sporadic harassment and
occasionally to systematic persecution.
One of the most remarkable witnesses to the aspirations of women in the early church is
found in the cult of Thecla of Iconium. This cult is thought to have originated in the second
half of the second century and is described in a document of this period known as The Acts
of Paul and Thecla. The document presents a noblewoman, Thecla, who is described as a
traditional “stay at home” aristocrat. One day she overhears the preaching of Apostle Paul
through an open window. Enthralled by what she hears, she leaves behind her fiancé and
her home to follow Paul, and eventually to travel and proclaim the gospel herself.
One of the core themes of this intriguing work is the rejection of the social role assigned
to women of noble birth at this time in imperial roman culture – especially the traditional
bonds of familial loyalty, the expectation that they will marry, and their dedication to their
home – as an effect of the countercultural values and beliefs of the Christian faith. At one
point Thecla is condemned to death by the roman authorities at the instigation of her
mother, who is outraged by her rejection of traditional cultural norms. Yet Thecla eventu-
ally wins out.
The story is important, because it affirms the role of women in carrying out church respon-
sibilities that were then being increasingly allotted to males – such as public leadership and
evangelism. Thecla is prepared to dress as a man in order to be able to carry out such a role.
As early as 190, the roman theologian Tertullian from Carthage expressed concern that some
were using the story of Thecla to justify the public ministry of women in churches, especially
in baptizing and preaching – something to which Tertullian was opposed.
Yet Christian women were now playing a significant role outside the mainstream of
church life. The Montanist movement of the mid-second century, for example, centered on
three charismatic individuals in the province of Phrygia: Montanus himself and two women
colleagues, Prisca (sometimes called Priscilla) and Maximilla. Montanism is perhaps best
understood as a religious renewal movement, similar in some ways to modern Pentecostalism
(p. 212). Contemporary sources suggest that, among the movement’s followers, Prisca and
Maximilla achieved greater status than Montanus himself. Although Montanism had con-
siderable influence within the churches, especially in Africa, it is best seen as a movement
operating outside the administrative and power structures of the church, thus allowing
women to assume leadership roles that were becoming problematic within church struc-
tures, which were increasingly conforming to roman social norms.
The same is true of the monastic movement, which often arose as a response to concerns
about the morality and spirituality of mainline Christian communities, especially in the
cities. The amma (meaning “mother” in Aramaic) became a recognized female figure of
spiritual wisdom and discernment in the monastic spirituality of the deserts of Egypt,
Palestine, and Syria, especially during the fourth and fifth centuries. Syncletica of Alexandria
(died c. 350) is one of a number of female spiritual writers whose sayings are included in the
collection traditionally known as The Sayings of the Desert Fathers.

Christian History: An Overview 129
If space permitted, other women of importance in early Christianity could be noted –
such as Monica, the mother of Augustine of Hippo. Despite the increasing limitations
placed on women within the churches, many found ways to subvert them and to exercise a
significant public ministry.
The conversion of the Emperor Constantine
One of the most severe outbursts of persecution came about in February 303, during the
reign of the Emperor Diocletian (284–313). An edict was issued ordering the destruction of
all Christian places of worship, the surrender and destruction of all their books, and the
cessation of all acts of Christian worship. Christian civil servants were to lose all privileges
of rank or status and to be reduced to the status of slaves. Prominent Christians were forced
to offer sacrifice according to traditional roman practices. It is an indication of how influ-
ential Christianity had become that Diocletian forced both his own wife and his own
daughter, who were known to be Christians, to comply with this order. The persecution
continued under successive emperors, including Galerius, who ruled the eastern region of
the empire.
In 311 Galerius ordered the cessation of the persecution. It had been a failure and had
merely hardened Christians in their resolve to resist the re-imposition of classical roman
pagan religion. Galerius issued an edict that permitted Christians to live normally again
and to “hold their religious assemblies, provided that they do nothing which would disturb
public order.” The edict explicitly identified Christianity as a religion and offered it the full
protection of the law. The legal status of Christianity, which had been ambiguous up to this
point, was now resolved. The church no longer existed under a siege mentality.
Flavius Valerius Aurelius Constantinus Augustus (272–337) – better known simply as
“Constantine” – became emperor during a complex and difficult period in roman imperial
history, which is regarded by many historians as marking the transition between classical
antiquity (taken as a whole) and late antiquity. A series of crises in the late third century
(235–284) came close to bringing the roman empire to collapse under the threat of inva-
sion, a damaging civil war, outbreaks of the plague, and serious economic depression. In the
end Constantine defeated his opponents and was proclaimed emperor in 313.
Constantine showed no particular attraction for Christianity in his early period. He
declared himself to be a Christian shortly after his decisive victory at the Milvian Bridge, to
the north of rome, on October 28, 312, after which he was proclaimed emperor. This point
is affirmed by both Christian and pagan writers. What is not clear is precisely why or when
this conversion took place.
Some Christian writers suggested that this conversion may have taken place before the
decisive battle, as Constantine saw a heavenly vision ordering him to place the sign of the
cross on his soldiers’ shields. “In this sign you shall conquer” (in hoc signo vinces). Whatever
the reasons for the conversion and no matter whether it dates from before or after the battle
of the Milvian Bridge, the reality and consequences of this conversion are not in doubt.
The first change in imperial attitudes toward Christianity took place in 313, when
Constantine and Licinus issued the Edict of Milan, proclaiming freedom of religion in both
the western and the eastern parts of the roman empire. This did not give Christianity any

130 Christian History: An Overview
privileges; nevertheless, it opened the way to its playing a
significant role in roman society, allowing Christians to
emerge from the shadows and the margins and to assume
major social roles. In the years that followed rome gradually
became Christianized.
Yet Constantine proceeded cautiously. Initially he retained
traditional roman pagan symbolism, anxious not to create
popular discontent against his program of religious reform. The
triumphal arch constructed in 315 to mark Constantine’s
victory in the Battle of the Milvian Bidge makes use of no
Christian symbolism, but shows sacrifices being made to gods
such as Apollo, Diana, and Hercules. In the late 310s Constantine
often made moves that could be interpreted as a reaffirmation
of traditional paganism as much as of Christianity.
An important turning point took place in 321, when
Constantine decreed that Christians and non-Christians
should worship on the “day of the Sun.” While this clearly
reflected the Christian practice of meeting and worshipping
on Sunday, it could also be presented as a reaffirmation of the
sun cult favored by earlier emperors such as Aurelian. The
roman mints continued for some time to produce coins
showing figures of traditional roman deities, reassuring the
population that traditional roman paganism was still being
taken seriously. Constantine proved to be an able diplomat,
moving rome toward Christianity while publicly retaining traditional religious symbols.
Yet alongside these traditional pagan images Christian symbols now began to appear on
roman coins. Furthermore, Constantine stipulated that his statue erected in the Forum
should depict him bearing a cross – “the sign of suffering that brought salvation,” according
to the inscription provided by the emperor himself. Christianity was now more than just
legitimate; it was on its way to becoming the established religion of the empire.
A critical step in this process took place in 324–325, when Constantine led an army
against the eastern Emperor Licinus. Licinus’ defeat made Constantine sole emperor over
the entire roman empire. Christianity would now be tolerated throughout the empire. The
city of Constantinople (from the Greek Kōnstantinou polis, meaning “the city of
Constantine”) was established as a “new rome” and would become the administrative
center of the empire.
Christian theology now emerged from the hidden world of secret church meetings, to
become a matter of public interest and concern throughout the roman empire. Increasingly,
doctrinal debates assumed both political and theological importance. Constantine wished
to have a united church; he was thus concerned that doctrinal differences should be
debated and settled as a matter of priority. This led to his calling of the Council of Nicaea
in 325, which was to settle doctrinal disputes within the church and to allow Christianity
to function in a way that Constantine believed was appropriate for the religion of an
empire like his.
Figure 4.1 Constantine, the first Christian
roman emperor. Source: Nimatallah/AKG
Images.

Christian History: An Overview 131
The conversion of Constantine and his victory over Licinus in 324 removed any remain-
ing barriers to Christians openly practicing their faith throughout the roman empire.
Christianity was offered the same legal protection as other religions, and Christians were
granted freedom to worship as and where they pleased. The most immediate result was that
Christians felt confident enough to worship in public, no longer needing to meet secretly in
private houses. The way was now clear for them to construct and own their own pur-
pose-built churches.
Within a generation, Christianity had moved from being a persecuted movement on the
fringes of imperial culture to being adopted by the establishment. The Christian church was
simply not prepared for this radical transition. Its bishops were once merely leaders of con-
gregations; they now became pillars of roman society, with power and influence. Its
churches were once private homes; they were now massive dedicated buildings, publicly
affirming the important place of Christianity in imperial culture. The simple forms of early
worship were replaced by ceremonies and processions of increased complexity, adapted to
the splendor of the great basilicas that now sprang up in imperial cities.
There were setbacks – most notably, the curious reign of Julian the Apostate from 361 to
363, memorable mainly for its unsuccessful attempts to re-establish a fading and tarnished
paganism as the official imperial religion. A later source reports that Julian’s final words
were “You have won, O Galilean” (Vicisti, Galilaee). Yet Julian’s abortive attempt to restore
the fortunes of paganism merely proved to be an interlude in the inexorable rise of
the  political, social, and intellectual influence of Christianity. His successor, Jovian,
rescinded Julian’s legal measures directed against Christianity. Theodosius the Great, who
reigned as emperor from 379 to 395, finally issued a series of measures that made Christianity
the official religion of the roman empire, bringing to a conclusion the slow process of
Christianization initiated by Constantine.
The cities and the rise of monasticism
Early Christianity established itself primarily in cities – such as the Greek-speaking port
cities on the eastern Mediterranean coastline, including Ephesus and Pergamon – rather
than in remote rural areas. Cities, especially ports, were centers of commerce and trade,
hence one of the classical means by which new religious and philosophical ideas were
spread in the ancient world. They also offered a greater degree of anonymity than was
possible in the countryside, allowing Christians to conceal themselves during an age that
was generally hostile to their beliefs and practices. Christian communities were able to meet
in secret, celebrate their beliefs, and begin to share their vision with outsiders.
The link between Christianity and the cities of the roman empire became so significant
that later on, at a time when the empire had adopted Christianity as its official religion, the
Latin term for a “country-dweller” (Latin paganus) began to be used in western Christian
circles to characterize someone who retained older roman religious beliefs. A Latin term
that originally lacked religious associations of any kind thus came to refer primarily to
someone who practiced traditional forms of religion.
As Christianity grew more deeply embedded in the imperial cities, a number of significant
institutional developments began to take place. One was the rise of the “metropolitan

132 Christian History: An Overview
bishop” – that is, a bishop who was seen to be the titular leader of all the churches in a city
rather than of one specific Christian community. The most important of these were the
bishops of Alexandria, Antioch, Constantinople, Jerusalem, and rome. After the legalization
of Christianity, these metropolitan bishops began to wield considerable political power –
especially the bishop of rome, who was considered to have a symbolic authority linked with
the imperial authority of the city of rome itself.
The growing presence of Christianity in the cities of the roman empire was seen by many
Christians as a positive development. Not only was it an important witness to the increasing
influence of the Christian faith; it was a means by which Christianity could begin to work
for the transformation of urban culture and society. Christianity, some argued, was like
yeast in bread dough – a small presence, which would gradually grow and eventually change
things for the better.
Other Christians, however, were not so sure that this development was quite such a
positive thing. While they did not rule out the possibility that urban expansion of the
Christian faith might bring about a moral and spiritual transformation of the degeneracy of
the imperial cities, it was quite possible that the reverse might happen. Might the immorality
and debauchery of the cities – a frequent topic of concern in early Christian sermons – end
up contaminating and corrupting the church?
One of the most important developments to take place within early Christianity was the
rise of monasticism. (The terms “monk” and “monasticism” both come from the Greek
word monachos, meaning “solitary” or “alone.”) The origins of the monastic movement are
generally thought to lie in remote hilly areas of Egypt and in parts of eastern Syria. Significant
numbers of Christians began to make their homes in these regions, in order to get away
from the population centers and all the distractions these offered. Anthony of Egypt, who
left his parents’ home in 273 to seek out a life of discipline and solitude in the desert, is an
excellent representative of this growing trend.
The theme of withdrawal from a sinful and distracting world acquired central impor-
tance for these communities. Yet it soon became clear that there were two quite different
ways of withdrawing from the world. Some saw monasticism as a solitary and ascetic life;
others as a form of communal religious life. The more communal approach began to gain
the upper hand in the fifth century.
One important early monastery was established by Pachomius (c. 292–348) – who is
generally recognized as the founder of this communal form of monasticism – during the
years 320–325. This monastery developed an ethos that would become normative in later
monasticism. Members of the community agreed to submit themselves to a common life
that was regulated by a rule, under the direction of a superior. The physical structure of the
monastery played an important role in reinforcing its spiritual values. The monastery
complex was surrounded by a wall, a feature that highlighted the idea of separation and
withdrawal from the world.
The monastic ideal proved to have a deep attraction for many people. By the fourth
century, monasteries had been established in many locations in the Christian East, espe-
cially in the regions of Syria and Asia Minor. It was not long before the movement was taken
up in the western church. By the fifth century monastic communities had come into
existence in Italy (especially along the western coastline), Spain, and Gaul.

Christian History: An Overview 133
This development was consolidated after the fall of the western roman empire. During
the sixth century the number of monasteries in the region grew considerably. It was during
this period that one of the most comprehensive monastic “rules” – the rule of Benedict –
made its appearance. Benedict of Nursia (c. 480–c. 550) established his monastery at Monte
Cassino (also known as “Montecassino”) at some point around 525. The Benedictine
community followed a rule that was dominated by the notion of an unconditional following
of Christ, which was sustained through regular corporate and private prayer and the reading
of scripture. These monasteries acted as agents in the transmission of Christian theology
and spirituality after the collapse of the roman empire, preparing the way for the theological
and spiritual renaissance of the Middle Ages.
The fall of the roman empire
By the end of the fourth century roman power was in decline in the West. In 387 a Gallic
tribal army overwhelmed rome’s defenses and briefly took control of the city. Yet the
tipping point in the decline of rome was 408, when a Visigoth army led by Alaric laid siege
to the city. In August 410 Alaric invaded rome and pillaged it. This invasion was only
a temporary development, lasting a few days. Yet, before it withdrew, Alaric’s army burned
many parts of rome, shaking the confidence of an entire civilization. The Eternal City was
in danger of being overthrown, if not completely destroyed.
Figure 4.2 The Abbey of Montecassino. Source: Pirozzi/AKG Images.

134 Christian History: An Overview
But this sack of rome did not mark the end of the roman empire. The administration of
the empire was increasingly located in the East, at the new imperial city of Constantinople.
As a result of earlier decisions made with this possibility in mind, rome was no longer even
the capital city of the western empire. The government of the western empire continued
without interruption for another generation. Most historians regard the western roman
empire as coming to an end sometime around the year 476; the eastern empire, whose
capital was the great city of Constantinople, continued to exist for the best part of another
thousand years. Yet the symbolic importance of the sack of rome was massive. The era of
the Eternal City seemed to be coming to an end.
The traditional date of the fall of the roman empire in the West – 476 – is the year when
romulus Augustus, the last western emperor, was overthrown by the German military ruler
Odoacer (433–493), who then declared himself king of Italy. The administrative changes
Odoacer put in place in Italy effectively ended any idea of a “roman empire.” A nominal
imperial center was maintained at the city of ravenna for some time, but it never had the
symbolic (let alone the actual) power of rome.
The real importance of the decline of imperial power for the Christian church is best
appreciated from the standpoint of the emergence of the Middle Ages. Looking back at the
period of the breakup of the roman empire, it is clear that many of the characteristic
features of the church in the Middle Ages were a result of this imperial decline. Three devel-
opments are of particular interest.
First, the erosion of roman political and military power created a vacuum that was never
really satisfactorily filled by the successors to the emperors. These rulers tended to see
themselves as exercising local rather than international authority. Furthermore, such rulers
often did not survive long enough to establish the traditions and institutions that would
secure social and political stability. Gradually the institution of the church began to emerge
as a focus of constancy and continuity. Gregory the Great, who was pope from 590 until his
death in 604, brought about reform and renewal of the church and set in place missionary
undertakings in Northern Europe that led to the further expansion of Christian influence
within the territories of the former roman empire.
Second, the rise of the monasteries created centers of learning, local administration, and
leadership that were independent of national or international agencies. Although clearly
affected to some extent by political and economic developments, the monasteries were able
to offer intellectual and spiritual continuity in times of uncertainty and turbulence.
Third, the church continued to use Latin in its liturgy, preaching, administration, and
works of theology. The language of the roman empire had a long history of use in political,
philosophical, and theological contexts and proved highly adapted to the needs of the west-
ern church. The emergence of Latin as an international language helped hold the western
church together, enhancing its sense of being a coherent community. As academic commu-
nities gradually emerged from religious contexts – such as the great monastic cathedral
schools – it was inevitable that Latin should function as the language of the academy in the
Middle Ages.
These developments are all of major importance for an understanding of the history of
Christianity in the West during the Middle Ages, which we shall consider in the next
section.

Christian History: An Overview 135
The Middle Ages and the Renaissance, c. 500–c. 1500
With the collapse and gradual disintegration of the western roman empire in the fifth
century, the face of Europe began to change. A patchwork of regions and city-states began
to emerge, each competing for territory and influence. Yet during this period of
fragmentation the Christian church gradually began to develop a political and temporal
role that placed it at the heart of western culture. As some degree of political and economic
stability developed around the year 1100, the church was poised to exercise a major role in
shaping the culture of the Middle Ages.
By the year 600 Christianity had established itself throughout much of the region of what
we now know as the Middle East, including the coastal areas of western North Africa. To
the north, Christianity extended up to the Danube and the rhine. Christian expansion had
also taken place to the east of the roman Empire, in Persia, where a form of Christianity
that came to be known as Nestorianism had gained influence. Christianity is also thought
to have become established in India by the end of the third century.
The situation of Christianity in the Mediterranean region changed significantly through
the rise of Islam – the religious belief system based on the teachings of Muhammad (570–
632). After Muhammad’s death, Islam spread through military conquest throughout much
of the Middle East, including the roman colonies of North Africa. Islam established itself
in Spain through invasions from Morocco and began to expand into France in the eighth
century, until military defeat checked this development.
Christians were called by Muslims “the People of the Book” and allowed a degree of reli-
gious freedom in territories controlled by them. Yet, while Christians living under Islamic
rule were not forced to convert, they were obliged to pay special taxes and to wear clothing
that distinguished them from Muslims. While Muslim men were permitted to marry
Christian women, Christian men were not permitted to marry Muslim women.
Fear of further Islamic expansion into Europe, whether from Spain in the southwest or
from Turkey in the southeast, was a constant concern throughout the Middle Ages and
extended well into the early modern period. The fall of the great Byzantine city of
Constantinople to Islamic armies in 1453 caused concern throughout Europe, as some
believed that it represented a tipping point, marking the possible end of a Christian Europe.
The emergence of the Middle Ages is a complex and fascinating story, involving the
political and social renewal of Western Europe, the slow decline and fall of the great
Byzantine empire in the East, the rediscovery of the philosophical and scientific writings of
the ancient world preserved by Arabic scholars, and the great renewal of letters and arts that
we know as the renaissance. All of these shaped the narrative of Christian history, as we
shall see in what follows.
The development of Celtic Christianity
The rise of Christianity in the Celtic regions of Europe – more specifically in Ireland,
Scotland, Cornwall, Brittany, and Wales – is of considerable interest, not least because this
version of Christianity found itself in opposition to the more romanized forms that rapidly
gained ascendancy in England. Although the origins of Celtic Christianity seem to lie in

136 Christian History: An Overview
Wales, it is Ireland that established itself as a major missionary center during the fifth and
sixth centuries. Other centers of missionary activity in the Celtic sphere of influence are
known from this period, most notably Candida Casa (modern-day Whithorn, in the
Galloway region of Scotland), which was established by bishop Ninian in the fifth century.
The significance of this missionary station was that it lay outside the borders of roman
Britain and was thus able to operate without the restrictions then associated with roman
forms of Christianity.
The person who is traditionally held to be responsible for the evangelization of Ireland was
a romanized Briton by the name of Magonus Sucatus Patricius, more usually known by his
Celtic name, Patrick (c. 390–c. 460). There are some difficulties in clarifying the details of
Patrick’s career. Many scholars argue that the confusion arises through some traditions that
claim that Palladius (sent by Pope Celestine I as the first bishop to Irish Christians in 431)
became attached to Patrick. According to the traditional account of his life, Patrick was taken
captive in Wales by a raiding party at the age of 16 and sold into slavery in Ireland, probably
in the region of Connaught. Here he appears to have discovered the basics of the Christian
faith. After six years in captivity, he was able to escape and make his way back to his family.
It is not clear precisely what happened between Patrick’s escape from captivity and his
subsequent return to Ireland as a missionary. A tradition dating back to the seventh or eighth
century refers to Patrick spending time in Gaul before his return to Ireland. It is possible that
some of Patrick’s views on church organization and structures may reflect first-hand acquain-
tance with the monasticism of certain regions of southern France. There is excellent histor-
ical evidence for trading links between Ireland and the Loire Valley around this time.
Patrick returned to Ireland and established Christianity in the region. It is clear that some
form of Christianity already existed; not only does Patrick’s conversion account presuppose
that others in the region knew about the gospel; contemporary records dating from as early
as 429 speak of the “Palladius” noted earlier as the bishop of Ireland, indicating that at least
some form of rudimentary ecclesiastical structures existed in the region. Irish representa-
tives are also known to have been present at the Synod of Arles (314). Patrick’s achievement
is perhaps best understood in terms of the consolidation and advancement of Christianity,
rather than related to its establishment in the first place.
The monastic idea took hold very quickly in Ireland. Historical sources indicate that
Ireland was largely a nomadic and tribal society at this time, without permanent settlements
of any importance. The monastic quest for solitude and isolation was ideally suited to the
Irish way of life and allowed local noble families to be integrated into monastic structures.
Whereas in Western Europe as a whole monasticism tended to lie on the margins of the
authority structures of the church, in Ireland it rapidly became its dominant form. The Irish
church was monastic in its outlook, the abbot rather than the bishop being seen as the
figure of spiritual authority.
The authority structures that emerged within Celtic Christianity thus differed signifi-
cantly from those that dominated the roman–British church around this time. The Irish
monastic model came to be seen as a threat to the roman model of the episcopate, in which
the government of the church resided firmly in the hands of the bishops. None of the abbots
of Iona ever allowed bishops to formally ordain them, rejecting the need for any such offi-
cial recognition.

Christian History: An Overview 137
In Ireland, some of the older bishoprics (including Armagh)
were reorganized on a monastic basis, while others were
absorbed by monasteries. Abbeys were responsible for the
pastoral care of the churches that grew up in their vicinity. The
roman episcopal system was thus marginalized. The Celtic
church leaders were openly critical of worldly wealth and
status, including the use of horses as a mode of transport and
any form of luxury.
Theologically, Celtic Christianity also stressed the impor-
tance of the world of nature as a means of knowing God. This
is especially clear from the ancient Irish hymn traditionally
ascribed to Patrick and known as “St. Patrick’s Breastplate.”
The theme of a “breastplate” was common in Celtic Christian
spirituality. It is based upon Paul’s references to the “armor of
God” (Ephesians 6: 10–18) and develops the theme of the
believer being protected by the presence of God and a whole
range of associated powers. Although strongly trinitarian in
its structure, it shows a fascination with the natural world as a
means of knowing God. The God who made the world is the
same God who will protect Christians from all dangers.
The Irish monasteries acted as centers for missionary
activity, often using sea lanes as channels for the transmission
of Christianity. Brendan (died c. 580) and Columba (died c.
597) are excellent examples of this type of missionary. In a
poem entitled “The Navigation of St. Brendan” (c. 1050),
Brendan is praised for his journeys to the “northern and west-
ern isles” (usually assumed to be Orkney, Shetland, and the
Hebrides, off the coast of Scotland).
Columba brought Christianity from the north of Ireland to
the western Isles of Scotland and established the abbey of Iona as a missionary outpost.
From there, Christianity spread southward and eastward. Aidan (died 651) is an excellent
example of a monk from Iona who acted as a missionary in this way. At the invitation of the
king of the region of Northumbria, he established a missionary monastery on the island of
Lindisfarne, off the east coast of northern England. Celtic Christianity began to penetrate
into France and became increasingly influential in the region.
The rise of the monastic and cathedral schools
For modern readers, the universities stand at the center of the world’s intellectual reflection
and scholarly research. Yet the idea of the university had yet to develop in the ninth century;
as we shall see, this new institution would not emerge until the late eleventh century. During
the period 800–1100, it was schools attached to monasteries and cathedrals that began
to  achieve distinction as centers of scholarship. These were the precursors of the great
universities of Europe.
Figure 4.3 A Celtic Cross from Ireland, widely
regarded as a symbol of the distinctive forms of
Christianity that emerged in this region. Source:
Juergen Sorges/AKG Images.

138 Christian History: An Overview
The development of cathedral schools was often due to the educational vision of the
bishop of the diocese. As the traditional educational structures of the roman empire were
getting eroded in the late fifth century, bishops made arrangements to ensure that their
clergy would continue to be well educated. In part this was a pragmatic decision, reflecting
the need to have a literate clergy, capable of writing and possessing basic administrative
skills. Yet it was often a decision that was also based on a love of learning and a desire to keep
scholarship alive in a time when there were limited opportunities for study and research.
Although the earliest cathedral schools developed in Spain during the sixth and early
seventh centuries, some of the most important schools of this kind developed in England.
The conversion of England to Christianity as a result of Gregory the Great’s decision to send
missionaries to the region created an urgent need for theological education. Provision had
to be made for the education of clergy in a region with little recent history of Christian
scholarship. Cathedral schools initially developed at Canterbury (597) and rochester (604)
in Kent, in the south of England, soon to be followed by a major school at York Minster in
the north of England (627).
The next wave of cathedral schools were established in France, especially at the cathedrals
of Chartres, Laôn, Liège, Orléans, Paris, rheims, and rouen. The cathedral school of Paris
would eventually become the University of Paris in the twelfth century. These schools were
under the control of the local bishop and generally focused on educating the local clergy.
Yet cathedral schools were not the only centers of learning. Some of Europe’s great mon-
asteries, most of which followed the Order of St. Benedict, emerged as centers of excellence
in scholarship, building up large libraries. Indeed many monasteries considered scholarship
to be essential to their calling. Three elements were of particular importance in Benedictine
spirituality: liturgical prayer, manual labor, and lectio divina, which meant “divine reading”
in Latin – a quiet, meditative reading of the Bible. Although many monks were able to com-
mit biblical texts to memory, the important place given to lectio divina inevitably created a
demand for texts of the Bible, which had to be copied out by hand.
Many monasteries established a scriptorium – a special room or section of the library
dedicated to the copying of manuscripts – and built up libraries, which often contained
classical works of history and literature alongside biblical texts and works of Christian the-
ology. Monastic libraries of the Carolingian era were filled with Christian and pagan works,
which were copied carefully for purposes of transmission. Many of the classical works
widely consulted today have survived as a result of this copying process in the Carolingian
period. For example, two of the earliest surviving manuscripts of Julius Caesar’s Gallic Wars
were created in France in the ninth century. By copying manuscripts, monasteries kept alive
some of the key sources of classical culture centuries before the dawn of the renaissance
saw them being rediscovered by the humanists and given new life.
The “Great Schism” between East and West (1054)
relations between western and eastern Christianity were generally problematic throughout
the history of early Christianity, often reflecting deep political rivalry between the pope at
rome and the emperor at Constantinople. Although clear and genuine theological differ-
ences were in the process of emerging between the two Christian churches – the eastern and

Christian History: An Overview 139
western – from about 700 on, these were often not the primary cause of the tensions that
culminated in the formal break between them in 1054.
Tensions had arisen between East and West during the Photian Schism (863–867), partly
as a result of the western church’s introduction of the phrase ex patre filioque (“from the
Father and from the Son”) into its versions of the creed (pp. 73–74), without consulting or
securing approval from the eastern church. The western churches now spoke of the Holy
Spirit as “proceeding from the Father and the Son”; the eastern churches retained the older
form of words, which spoke of the Holy Spirit as simply “proceeding from the Father.”
The schism of 1054 was, however, a more serious matter. Tensions had risen over other
differences between East and West. Should unleavened or leavened bread be used at the
eucharist? Eastern Christians retained the traditional practice of using leavened bread (that
is, bread made from flour to which yeast has been added, causing it to rise); the West
increasingly used bread made without any yeast. The East resented the increasingly strident
claims to universal authority on the part of popes and felt that Constantinople’s claims to
spiritual and political authority were not being given due weight in the West.
Yet many scholars argue that the final breaking point was the intransigence of two leading
Christians of the eleventh century: Leo IX, pope from 1049 to 1054, and Michael Cerularius,
Patriarch of Constantinople from 1043 to 1059. Leo’s enforcement of western norms in
southern Italian churches (which up until then had generally followed Byzantine liturgical
and devotional practices) was seen as tantamount to a claim to papal sovereignty over the
entire church. Cerularius seems to have come to the conclusion that the only way of safe-
guarding the identity of the Byzantine church was to break any remaining relations with
rome and to eliminate any papal influence at Constantinople.
Although various attempts were made during the Middle Ages to mitigate this breach of
communion, none of them really achieved very much. In part, this reflected the bitter after-
math of the Fourth Crusade (1202–1204; see 140). Although intent on neutralizing Islamic
military expansion in the eastern Mediterranean, the western armies ended up besieging
and finally occupying Constantinople in 1204. Whether this was an intended goal of the
crusades remains disputed among historians. But, accidental or deliberate, the sacking of
Constantinople solidified the alienation between East and West. reconciliation between
the eastern and western churches now became virtually impossible. As a result, the western
church developed along more or less independent lines during the Middle Ages, without
feeling under obligation to take Constantinople’s views into account.
The crusades: Spain and the Middle East
Although by 1100 the church in western Europe had established its own identity and con-
cerns, it could not ignore developments elsewhere in the region. It was clear that the mili-
tary expansion of Islam posed a major threat to the church throughout the southern flank
or Europe. The origins of the crusades lie in eleventh-century requests for military assistance
in stemming – or even reversing – Islamic territorial gains.
The term “crusade” is often used specifically, to designate a series of military campaigns
carried over an extended period of time in the Balkans and the Middle East. The immediate
cause of the First Crusade was the defeat of Byzantine armies by the Turks at the Battle of

140 Christian History: An Overview
Manzikert in 1071, which led to the loss of the interior of Asia Minor. Constantinople was
now vulnerable, no longer having any buffer zone to protect itself against Turkish armies.
Alexius I, the Byzantine emperor, appealed to Pope Gregory VII, asking for military
assistance in the face of this critical threat. It was not the best time to make such an appeal.
relations between the eastern and western churches had plunged to new depths in 1054
on account of the Great Schism. Gregory turned down Alexius’ request.
Nevertheless, his successor Urban II responded positively. In 1095 Urban launched a
passionate appeal for Christian princes across Europe to take up arms in a holy war in the
Middle East. The First Crusade (1096–1099) was fueled by a religious passion that prompted
armies made up of both knights and peasants to journey to the Middle East. Jerusalem was
captured in 1099.
The historical roots of the First Crusade remain contested. Historians have offered var-
ious explanations – such as Urban II’s desire to extend his religious and political influence
eastward, or rising concerns about Islamic encroachment in Europe. Some have suggested
that the outcome of the crusade was a further destabilization of the Byzantine rulers, in that
it showed them to be militarily and diplomatically incompetent.
Yet most historians agree that the crusade achieved a relatively small and short-lived vic-
tory. It would only be a matter of time before the four “crusader states” that resulted from
this incursion – the principality of Antioch, the county of Edessa, the kingdom of Jerusalem,
and the county of Tripoli (secured during a later campaign in 1101) – would fall back into
Islamic hands. There is also widespread agreement that the religious fervor that made so
many civilians volunteer for military service in the First Crusade diminished significantly
in subsequent campaigns, which were generally conducted by military professionals and
mercenaries and had little popular support.
The fall of Edessa in 1144 triggered the Second Crusade (1145–1149). This crusade was
followed by a series of campaigns. Some historians hold that there were altogether nine cru-
sades; we here follow those who suggest that there were eight:
the Third Crusade (1188–1192);
the Fourth Crusade (1202–1204);
the Fifth Crusade (1217);
the Sixth Crusade (1228–1229);
the Seventh Crusade (1249–1252);
the Eighth Crusade (1270).
Although the crusades were presented primarily as an attempt to secure the holy sites of
Christianity and prevent further Islamic expansion into Europe, it is clear that other agendas
were being pursued as well. One of the most significant of these secondary agendas concerns
the tensions between rome and Constantinople. Simmering tensions exploded during the
Fourth Crusade, when, as we have seen, an army that had been raised to capture Jerusalem
ended up laying siege to Constantinople in July 1203, by accident or by design (see p. 139).
The city fell in April 1204 and was sacked by the crusaders, with great loss of life – an action
subsequently condemned by Pope Innocent III. The crusader armies, diverted by their
attack on Constantinople, never continued their intended journey to Jerusalem.

Christian History: An Overview 141
The crusades can be seen as representing a period in history when the power and
influence of the papacy was at its height. By the fourteenth century, a degree of decentral-
ization was taking place across Europe, power being increasingly concentrated in
nation-states, which were anxious to preserve their own identity and interests.
Academic theology: The rise of scholasticism
Scholastic theology is widely regarded as an intellectual landmark of the Middle Ages. It
offered a systematic approach to Christian theology: one that was based on a rigorous
rational foundation and made full use of the disciplines of rhetoric, dialectic, and logic
(these were taught in the West in most academic contexts). The intricacy and comprehen-
siveness of leading works of scholastic theology led the great medieval scholar Etienne
Gilson (1884–1978) to describe them as “cathedrals of the mind.”
In the late eleventh century Anselm of Canterbury produced a rational defense of the
incarnation, demonstrating that this distinctively Christian doctrine was a proper and
necessary consequence of basic beliefs concerning the nature of God and the human pre-
dicament. Anselm’s positive and orthodox approach to the relation of faith and reason –
summarized in his motto fides quaerens intellectum (“faith seeking understanding”; see
pp. 60–61) – created a new awareness of the possibility of a rational approach to theology.
This was taken a step further through the use of dialectical reasoning to resolve theological
contradictions – for example, in the interpretation of biblical passages. Anselm of Laôn
(died 1117) explored some disputed questions of biblical interpretation, noting how
patristic commentators often offered quite different understandings of biblical passages.
Having noted these divergences, Anselm of Laôn then offered means of resolving them – in
effect producing a synthesis out of a dialectic.
This approach was continued by Peter Abelard (1079–1142) in his Sic et Non (Yes and
No), in which he considered 150 debated theological points and set out the contested ones
for resolution by his readers. A similar approach lay behind Peter Lombard’s twelfth-century
textbook The Four Books of the Sentences, which presented a variety of patristic statements
on various issues and left it to readers to resolve them. As a result, commentaries on the
Sentences became one of the most widely used genres of academic theological literature in
the Middle Ages.
By the beginning of the thirteenth century, there was a new theological appetite for the
systematic articulation of theological positions, justified in terms of their rational and bib-
lical basis, and the views of patristic writers. The most famous work of scholastic theology
is Thomas Aquinas’ Summa theologiae (The Totality of Theology, 1265–1274). Aquinas here
wove together the reconciliation of competing biblical and patristic statements, within a
rational framework that was intended to ensure that the Christian faith could be defended
against its rational critics – such as Jews and Muslims, both of whom were present at Paris
in the thirteenth century.
One of the most influential misrepresentations of scholastic theology is the asssertion
that it debated how many angels might dance on the head of a pin. This suggestion dates
from the seventeenth century and is not found in any medieval writings. This is not to deny
that medieval writers did discuss a number of questions relating to angels. For example,

142 Christian History: An Overview
Aquinas sets out a detailed theology of angels, distinguishing
nine quite distinct types of angels and arranging them
hierarchically.
One of the most distinctive features of scholastic theologies
of the thirteenth century is its growing awareness of addi-
tional cultural and intellectual resources made available for
Christian theology through increased contact with the Islamic
world. One of these resources was the rediscovery of Aristotle,
now rightly recognized as one of the most significant intellec-
tual developments of the Middle Ages.
Secular and religious power in the Middle Ages
By the thirteenth century, the church in Europe had become a
major influence in international politics and in the internal
affairs of regions by fostering a sense of identity at the level of
local communities and by giving individuals a sense of loca-
tion and purpose within a greater scheme of things. The
church has always played an important international role in
European society. Medieval Europe bore little relation to its
modern counterpart, composed as the latter is of individual
well-defined nation-states. In the Middle Ages Europe con-
sisted of an aggregate of generally small principalities, city-
states, and regions, often defined and given a shared sense of
identity more by language and historical factors than by any
sense of common political identity.
The church was the only international agency to possess any significant transnational
credibility or influence throughout the Middle Ages. It played a decisive role in the settling
of international disputes. Under Innocent III (pope from 1198 to 1216), the medieval
papacy reached a level of political authority without precedent in Western Europe. Although
the church had vigorously asserted its independence from kings and emperors in previous
decades, secular rulers regularly attempted to encroach on its claims to political influence.
Innocent regarded the defense of the libertas ecclesiae (“freedom of the church”) as central
to his program for the revitalization of the church.
This policy was given theological justification in a decree issued in October 1198, in which
Innocent III set out the principle of the subordination of the state to the church. Just as God
established “greater” and “lesser” lights in the heavens to rule the day and the night – a refer-
ence to the sun and the moon – so God ordained that the power of the pope exceeds that of
any monarch. Just as the moon takes its light from the sun, to which it is inferior in size and
quality, so the power of the king derives from the authority of the pope. The authority of the
church was often recognized with great reluctance by secular rulers; there was, however, no
other institution in Western Europe with anything remotely approaching its influence.
Innocent’s reforming agendas were given additional substance at the Fourth Lateran
Council of 1215. Aware of difficulties in securing the attendance of bishops from across
Figure 4.4 Thomas Aquinas, from the series of
portraits of famous men in the Palazzo Ducale in
Urbino (c. 1476), by Justus van Gent (active
between 1460 and 1480). Source: Erich Lessing/
AKG Images.

Christian History: An Overview 143
Europe, in April 1213 Innocent III issued a summons to bishops and other senior church
figures, calling them to a council to be held in rome in November 1215. As a result, the
council was unusually well attended and its decisions were seen as a landmark in the con-
solidation of the internal organization and external influence of the church.
Further reforms of papal elections were introduced in the thirteenth century. Alarmed by
how long it took cardinals to choose a new pope, Gregory X, pope from 1271 to 1276, intro-
duced rules designed to discourage delays. Cardinals were to gather and remain in a closed
area (the “conclave”) until they had made a decision. Food was to be supplied through a
window, in order to avoid contact with the outside world. After three days of conclave, the
cardinals were to receive only one meal a day; after another five days, they were to receive
just bread and water.
Yet there were many within the church at the time who were troubled by the soaring
power and influence of the papacy and tried to prevent its getting out of control. The con-
ciliarist movement argued that ecclesiastical power should be decentralized. Instead of
being concentrated in the hands of a single individual, it should be dispersed within the
body of the church as a whole and entrusted to a more representative and accountable
group – namely “general councils.” This movement reached the height of its influence in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Popular religion: The cult of the saints
To make sense of how Christianity developed during the Middle Ages, it is important to
appreciate how it impacted on different groups of people. So how did Christianity relate to the
everyday world outside the universities, monasteries, and royal courts? In recent years schol-
arship has paid increased attention to the phenomenon of “popular religion” or “folk religion,”
in which Christian ideas and practices were implemented in rural life and adapted to it.
The phenomenon of “folk religion” often bore a tangential relation to the more precise
yet abstract statements of Christian doctrine that the church preferred – but that many lay
people found unintelligible or unattractive. In parts of Europe, something close to “fertility
cults” emerged, which were connected and enmeshed with the patterns and concerns of
everyday life. The agrarian needs of rural communities – such as haymaking and harvesting –
were firmly associated with popular religion.
For example, in the early sixteenth century the saints were regularly invoked and asked
to ward off animal and infant diseases, the plague, and eye trouble or to ensure that young
women find appropriate husbands. The direct connection between religion and everyday
life was taken for granted. The spiritual and the material were interconnected at every level.
The medieval Catholic church was encountered by ordinary people through its practices
and images rather than through its abstract theological ideas. The liturgy of the church,
especially the mass, enacted dramatically a visual “grand narrative” of human history and
experience. Its ritual observance and symbolic gestures shaped the congregation’s percep-
tion of the world and of their own location within it. It offered spectacle and instruction,
theater and dogma, in a form that reaffirmed the medieval worldview and the necessary
place of the institutional church as an instrument and vehicle of salvation. Outside that
church there was no salvation.

144 Christian History: An Overview
The drama of the liturgy was supplemented by images – often gospel scenes painted on
church walls for the benefit of those who could not read; or images of saints, especially
Mary, whose intercessory powers were affirmed and proclaimed by the church. Saints were
mediators of divine grace who would hear and mitigate the prayers of ordinary people. In
all churches throughout Western Europe the cult of the saints was represented iconically:
through paintings, altarpieces, and statues.
But what was this cult of the saints, which had such a huge impact at the time? The
recognition of the importance of the saints (Latin sancti, “holy ones”) dated back to early
Christianity, where vigils were often held at the tombs of prominent Christian leaders, espe-
cially those who had been martyred for their faith. Gradually a cultic form of veneration of
the saints developed, with three distinct elements.
1 Commemoration A specific day would be set aside in the church’s calendar to recall the
life and teachings of a saint. Some saints were recognized as having universal signifi-
cance; others were seen as being of local importance.
2 The cult of relics relics (Latin reliquiae, “remains, things that are left behind”) were
material objects associated with the saints that were seen as “pledges” or “tokens” of the
saint’s intercessory power. Such relics included bodily parts as well as objects that had
belonged to or had been used by the saint, such as clothes or books.
3 Pilgrimages to shrines associated with saints In the Middle Ages there were many sacred
sites – such as Santiago de Compostela in northern Spain, linked with Apostle James, or
the tomb of the martyred Archbishop Thomas à Becket at Canterbury.
The cult of the saints played a major role in medieval Christianity, especially at the popular
level. One way of understanding this phenomenon is to consider the idea of a heavenly
court. For many in the Middle Ages, God was to be compared to a monarch surrounded by
a glittering company of courtiers – namely the saints. One of the key themes in the cult of
the saints is the notion of a saint’s intercessory power – in other words, his or her ability
to get heard at the court of heaven. The idea of saints as advocates gained a huge following
in the Middle Ages.
This idea is perhaps best represented by the concept of a “patron saint” – that is, a heav-
enly intercessor or advocate on behalf of a nation, place, or profession. Some examples of
this development may be noted.
1 A place During the Middle Ages, it was common for a city that grew to prominence to
acquire the remains of a famous saint who had lived and was buried elsewhere and to
transfer them to its own cathedral. This possession was seen as conferring considerable
prestige on the city. The best known example is offered by the city of Venice, which is
traditionally held to have secured the remains of Saint Mark from Egypt in the ninth
century. The iconic basilica of St. Mark was built to house these relics. The patron saint
of Venice had originally been the martyr Theodore of Amasea; once the relics of Mark
arrived, however, the city decided to upgrade its patron saint.
2 A profession Luke – the author of both the gospel bearing his name and the Acts of the
Apostles – was a physician, which often led to his being spoken of as a “physician of the

Christian History: An Overview 145
soul” in Christian spiritual and devotional writings. It was natural that he would be
adopted as the patron saint of the medical profession. Hospital chapels were often
dedicated to Luke for this reason.
The rise of the Ottoman empire: The fall of Constantinople (1453)
By the beginning of the fifteenth century, many had concluded that Constantinople was
unable to survive as an independent city. The city had already fallen to crusaders in 1204
and was no longer regarded as invincible, despite its formidable system of defenses. By the
late fifteenth century, Islamic leadership was in the process of passing from the Abbasid
caliphate to the Ottomans, who regarded the conquest of Christendom’s greatest city as a
jihad – a holy war. The expansionist policies of the Ottoman Turks led to the city’s being
surrounded and deprived of any economic or political hinterland. The Second rome was
isolated. It had earlier been fatally weakened through a natural disaster. Between 1348 and
1350 the Black Death spread within the city, killing as much as a half of its population.
It was just a matter of time before the city fell.
In 1452 the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II (1432–1481) constructed a fortress on Ottoman
territory, just north of Constantinople, which served the dual purpose of cutting off the city’s
links with Black Sea ports and of acting as the launching point for the siege of Constantinople
a year later. Mehmed II laid siege to Constantinople in April and May 1453. After 57 days the
city fell. Strained relations between the Christian West and East led to a marked absence
of support, political or military, for the besieged city. Having secured the city, Mehmed
continued to expand Ottoman influence in the region now known as the Balkans. Bosnia
was conquered in 1463; Albania in 1478; Herzegovina in 1482; and Montenegro in 1498.
Although western rulers had relatively little sympathy for the ailing Byzantine empire,
which many regarded as religiously heterodox and politically degenerate, the advance of
Ottoman forces into the western sphere of influence caused alarm. In 1521 Belgrade was
captured. In 1539 Vienna was under siege. A surprise Ottoman naval victory at the Battle of
Preveza in 1538 gave the Ottomans control over much of the Mediterranean Sea. It seemed
to some that the advance of the Ottoman empire was unstoppable. An Islamic Europe
seemed a real possibility.
Yet all was not well for the Ottoman empire. The siege of Vienna fizzled out inconclu-
sively. An attempt to capture the island of Malta in 1565 pitted a large Ottoman force of
around 50,000 with a much smaller Maltese army of around 6,000, including the crusader
order of the Knights of St. John. The siege failed. The turning point was the Battle of Lepanto
(1571), when a naval force put together by Southern European nations inflicted a decisive
defeat on the Ottoman navy off the coast of southern Greece. This defeat is widely regarded
as checking Ottoman expansion in the region.
Yet land-based expansion continued. Ottoman armies invaded the southern Ukraine and
mounted a second siege of Vienna in the late summer of 1683. After two months, the large
besieging army was attacked by a substantial army mustered by Emperor Leopold I (1640–
1705). In 1699, following the Ottoman defeat at the Battle of Senta (1697), a peace treaty
was signed between the Ottomans and the Habsburgs that ended the Ottoman control of
large parts of Central Europe.

146 Christian History: An Overview
The Ottoman empire left a complex legacy in Eastern Europe. Many small nations in the
Balkans developed complex religious demographies, Islamic, Orthodox Christian, and
occasionally Jewish populations existing alongside one another. The Ottoman empire was
generally tolerant of religious minorities thanks to its “millet” system, which allowed reli-
gious communities a significant degree of religious freedom and political autonomy.
However, the Ottoman occupation generated unrest, leading to growing demands for
national sovereignty in parts of Southeastern Europe, especially Serbia and Greece. In both
cases, as we shall see later, the Orthodox church would be a leading force in nourishing and
sustaining nationalist sentiments (pp. 169–170).
The rebirth of western culture: The renaissance
The French term renaissance (“rebirth”) is now universally used to designate the literary
and artistic revival in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Italy, which had major implica-
tions for both the Christian church and western culture. It is not entirely clear why Italy
became the cradle of this brilliant new movement. A number of factors may have some
bearing on the question. For example, Italy was saturated with visible and tangible
reminders of the greatness of classical antiquity. The ruins of ancient roman buildings and
monuments were scattered throughout the land and appear to have aroused interest in the
civilization of ancient rome at the time of the renaissance, acting as a stimulus for its
thinkers to recover the vitality of classical roman culture at a time which was culturally
arid and barren.
Furthermore, as Byzantium began to crumble – as we noted earlier, Constantinople
finally fell to Islamic invaders in 1453 (p. 135) – there was an exodus of Greek-speaking
intellectuals westward. Italy happened to be conveniently close to Constantinople, with the
result that many Byzantine intellectual emigrés settled in her cities. Familiarity with
Byzantine Greek was thus inevitable, and with it came a new interest in ancient Greek and
classical culture.
A central element in the outlook of the Italian renaissance was a return to the cultural
glories of antiquity, which was accompanied by a marginalization of the intellectual
achievements of the Middle Ages. renaissance writers had scant regard for these, con-
sidering them outweighed by the greater achievements of antiquity. What was true of
culture in general was also true of theology: they regarded the late classical period as
totally overshadowing the theological writings of the Middle Ages, both in substance
and in style.
The intellectual force within the renaissance is generally referred to as “humanism.”
Humanism was a cultural and educational movement, primarily concerned with the pro-
motion of eloquence in its various forms and with the discovery and publication of ancient
manuscripts and texts. Although the word “humanist” has acquired overtones of secularism
and atheism in recent times, this was not true in the period of the renaissance. To be a
humanist was to be concerned with studia humanitatis (a Latin phrase referring to what is
now known as “the humanities”). Humanism was essentially a cultural program that
appealed to classical antiquity as a model of expression and eloquence. In art and architecture
as in the written and spoken word, antiquity was seen as a cultural resource, which could be

Christian History: An Overview 147
appropriated by the renaissance. In much the same way, early Christianity came to be seen
as providing both an example and a resource for its contemporary forms.
Although there are major variations within European humanism, two ideals seem to
have achieved widespread acceptance throughout the movement: first, a concern for writ-
ten and spoken eloquence, after the fashion of the classical period; second, a religious
program directed toward the corporate revival of the Christian church. The Latin slogan
Christianismus renascens, “Christianity being born again,” summarizes the aims of this
program and indicates its relation to the “rebirth” of letters associated with the renaissance.
A central element on the humanist agenda was return to the original sources of Western
European culture in classical rome and Athens. The theological counterpart to this agenda
was a direct return to the foundational resources of Christian theology, supremely in the
New Testament. One of the most important consequences of this attitude was a new appre-
ciation of the foundational importance of the Bible as a theological resource. As interest in
the Bible developed, it became increasingly clear that existing Latin translations of this
source were inadequate. Supreme among them was the Vulgate, the Latin translation of the
Bible that achieved widespread influence during the Middle Ages (pp. 49–50). The reli-
ability of this translation was soon called into question.
The rise of humanist scholarship would show up significant discrepancies between the
Vulgate and the texts it purported to translate – and thus it would open the way to doctrinal ref-
ormation. It is for this reason that humanism is of decisive importance to the development of
medieval theology: it demonstrated the unreliability of this translation of the Bible – and hence,
it seemed, of theologies based upon it. The biblical basis of scho-
lasticism came under threat, as humanism uncovered error after
error in its translation.
The literary and cultural program of humanism can be
summarized in the Latin formula ad fontes – “back to the
original sources.” The “filter” of medieval commentaries –
whether on legal texts or on the Bible – was abandoned, in
order to engage directly with the original texts. In the case of
the Christian church, this humanist program demanded a
direct return to the title deeds of Christianity – to the patristic
writers and, supremely, to the Bible – studied in their original
languages.
The first printed Greek New Testament was produced by
Erasmus of rotterdam in 1516. Erasmus’ text was not as reli-
able as it ought to have been: Erasmus had access to a mere
four manuscripts for most of the New Testament, and only to
one for its final part, the book of revelation. As it happened,
that manuscript left out five verses, which Erasmus himself
had to translate into Greek from the Latin of the Vulgate.
Nevertheless, it proved to be a literary milestone. For the first
time, theologians had the opportunity of comparing the
original Greek text of the New Testament with the later Vulgate
translation into Latin.
Figure 4.5 Erasmus of rotterdam, c. 1525/30,
after the painting (1517) by Quentin Massys
(1465/66–1530). Source: Pirozzi/AKG Images.

148 Christian History: An Overview
Developments like this undermined the credibility of the Vulgate translation and
demonstrated the importance of biblical scholarship in relation to theology. Theology could
not be permitted to base itself upon translation mistakes! The recognition of the vitally
important role of biblical scholarship to Christian theology thus dates from the second
decade of the sixteenth century. It also led to the theological concerns of the reformation,
which we shall consider in the next section.
Competing Visions of Reform, c. 1500–c. 1650
The sixteenth century and its immediate aftermath represent one of the most fascinating
periods in the history of western Christianity. The renaissance emphasis on returning to
classic sources for inspiration and renewal began to take on a more specifically religious
focus. As pressure grew for reform of the church “in head and members,” the humanist
program of returning to the simpler form of Christianity represented in the New Testament
seemed increasingly attractive to many.
Yet there were other factors emerging as significant for church life at this time. Nationalism
was on the rise in many parts of Northern Europe, including Germany, France, and England.
An emerging middle class was resentful at the power and privilege of the traditional aristoc-
racy and wanted to flex its muscles. Lay literacy was increasing, and there was a growing
mood for change within both church and society. Forms of Christianity began to develop
that offered new ways of thinking about the place of individuals in society, and especially
about their ability to change things.
It is against this background that the movement we now refer to as “the reformation”
emerged. Demands for reform, fueled partly by political and social agendas, were given
additional energy through theological concerns – such as a desire to return to the simplicity
of apostolic Christianity. Although most saw this process of reform as taking place within
the mainstream of church life, the political and ecclesiastical situation of the time caused
some to embark on such reforming programs outside the mainstream. This age of reforma-
tion thus led on the one hand to the emergence of the complex movement generally known
as Protestantism and, on the other, to a renewed and reinvigorated Catholicism. In this sec-
tion we will explore these developments, which are of major importance for the shaping of
global Christianity.
Although a variety of terms were used to refer to the movements for reform within the
church in the sixteenth century, historians now tend to refer to them using the general
description “reformation” or “European reformation.” From an historical point of view, the
movements in question are often designated according to their geographical region – for
example, the German reformation, the reformation in England, or the French reformation.
The broad movement known as the reformation is generally agreed to include four
distinct elements: Lutheranism; the reformed church (often referred to as Calvinism); the
radical reformation (often – though not entirely accurately – referred to as Anabaptism);
and the Counter-reformation or Catholic reformation. In its broadest sense, the term
“reformation” is used to refer to all four movements. The more precise phrase “Protestant
reformation” is generally used to refer to the first three movements taken together.

Christian History: An Overview 149
Some recent studies of this age have used the plural, “reformations,” to suggest that the
reformation was a multifaceted phenomenon – perhaps even that it was a set of loosely
connected but distinct reforming movements rather than a single coherent movement with
local adaptations. The reformation in England illustrates this point neatly, as it developed
in its own characteristic manner. The interaction of religion and politics in England gave
rise to a local variant of the reformation that was quite distinct from its counterparts in
Switzerland or Germany.
Yet, before we begin to explore the debates and fractures that broke out within the west-
ern church in the 1500s, we need to note the expansion of Christianity in the New World,
which was opened up by the voyages of discovery of European naval powers.
Christian expansion: Portuguese and Spanish voyages of discovery
In the late fifteenth century new trade routes were established between Europe and Asia
and new lands were discovered – above all, the Americas. The European powers that spear-
headed the Age of Discovery were Spain and Portugal, two staunchly Catholic nations, who
regarded the spread of the Catholic faith as a natural expansion of national influence. They
were later joined by another Catholic maritime power, France.
The great Portuguese navigator Vasco da Gama (c. 1460–1524) opened up trade routes
with the east coast of Africa and subsequently across the Indian Ocean to India itself.
In addition to establishing the highly profitable spice trade route, da Gama’s exploration led
to Portugal’s establishing the East African colony of Mozambique as a staging post on the
route to India.
Christopher Columbus (1451–1506, often referred to by his Spanish name, Cristobal
Colón) initially intended to establish a western trade route to India. Based on a mistaken
measurement of the size of the earth, Columbus reckoned it would be just as quick to sail
westward to India as it would to sail eastward. Although some popular accounts of
Columbus’ voyages suggest that people believed the world to be flat, this report is clearly
incorrect. The spherical shape of the world was widely accepted in the Middle Ages.
Columbus intended to sail around the world to India, using a route that he believed would
be faster. In the end he discovered the Americas and laid the foundation for the Spanish
colonization and for the economic exploitation of this vast new territory, which soon
became known as the New World. Portugese navigators such as Pedro Álvares Cabral
(c. 1467–c. 1524) made landfall further south and established the colony of Brazil.
Yet these voyages of discovery were not merely of political and economic importance.
They were partly motivated by religious concerns and given additional impetus by a growing
awareness, within the Catholic church, of its missionary responsibilities. Individual popes
were firmly committed to the importance of global evangelization. The Council of Trent
laid the groundwork for Catholic missionary work through religious orders, especially the
Society of Jesus. As a result, Catholicism underwent considerable expansion during the
sixteenth century, establishing bases in the Americas, Africa, and Asia.
The Jesuits spearheaded Catholic expansion in Asia. In 1542 Francis Xavier (1506–
1552) arrived at Goa on the west coast of India, which was by then established as a
Portuguese trading center in Asia. Over the next 10 years Xavier initiated a series of

150 Christian History: An Overview
missionary projects in the region and many missions in India and in other parts of Asia,
including the island of Sri Lanka. During the years 1546–1547 he established a mission in
Ambon, a large island that is now part of Indonesia. In 1549 he began missionary work in
Japan. He died in 1552, as he was preparing to undertake missionary work in China.
Another Jesuit, Matteo ricci (1552–1610), continued Xavier’s work. After arriving at
Macao, ricci began a program of immersion in the Chinese language and culture, aiming
to work out how best to express Christian ideas in Chinese culture. ricci established mis-
sions in several major Chinese cities.
In 1521 the great Spanish explorer Ferdinand Magellan discovered a group of some 3,141
islands in Southeast Asia. The islands, now known as the Philippines, became a Spanish
colony. Under Spanish rule a program of evangelization was undertaken by various reli-
gious orders, especially the Franciscans and the Dominicans.
The most significant expansion of Christianity during the early modern period took
place in the Americas. Spain, Portugal, and France claimed sovereignty over vast areas of
territory, within which Catholicism began to take root. Bishoprics were established by
1511 in the islands of Dominica, San Juan, and Haiti. Spain’s empire in the Americas
extended over a vast region known as “New Spain,” which included Central America,
Mexico, Florida, and much of what is now the southwestern part of the United States.
Catholic priests built missions in all these areas to convert Native Americans. One of the
best known missions is the Alamo in Texas, which was originally constructed as a
Franciscan mission in 1722. Spanish influence also extended to the West Indies. Portugal
colonized most of the southeastern coast of South America, while Spain took over the
northern regions and the western coast.
The implications of these new discoveries could not be overlooked. Whom did they
belong to? Which European powers had rights over these new territories? In 1481 Pope
Sixtus IV confirmed Spanish rights over the Canary Islands and granted Portugal rights
over all further territorial acquisitions made in Africa and eastward to the Indies. Yet the
voyages of Christopher Columbus raised new questions about rights over hitherto unknown
lands to the west. Pope Alexander VI, whose sympathies lay with Spain, ruled that any lands
discovered after 1492 should belong to Spain. Portugal refused to accept this ruling. Bilateral
discussions between Spain and Portugal eventually led to the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494),
which allocated each nation certain areas of these new territories (which had yet to be
mapped and explored).
Although there was uncertainty about precisely how this treaty was to be interpreted, in
practice its consequence was that Portugal took possession of the vast tract of land along the
Amazon river now known as Brazil and Spain took possession of territories to the north
and west of this region, including what is now known as Latin America. The Treaty of
Saragossa, signed on April 22, 1529, divided up the territories to the east. Although the
pope was not party to those discussions, this division of territory is sometimes inaccurately
referred to as “the Papal Line of Demarcation.”
This massive expansion of a Christian presence beyond Europe would have a trans-
formative impact. Christianity had ceased to be a European phenomenon and was in the
process of becoming a global faith. Yet in Western Europe Christianity was undergoing
significant change as a result of controversies arising from Martin Luther’s views in

Christian History: An Overview 151
Germany. The invention of printing meant that regional debates could easily be followed
across Europe. Luther’s demands for a reform of the church proved to be of major impor-
tance, opening up fault lines within the western church that led to the emergence of
Protestantism as a distinct form of Christianity in the region.
The Lutheran reformation
The Lutheran reformation is particularly associated with the German territories and the
pervasive personal influence of one charismatic individual: Martin Luther (1483–1546).
Luther was especially concerned with the doctrine of justification, which formed the central
point of his religious thought. He believed that the church had fallen into some form of
Pelagianism (pp. 103–105), teaching that individuals could achieve, or even purchase, their
salvation. The sale of indulgences at Wittenberg in 1517 – a phenomenon widely seen as a
trigger for the reformation – seemed to confirm that the church had lost sight of the idea
that salvation was something given by God.
In response to this situation, Luther developed the idea of justification by faith alone,
according to which an individual receives salvation as a gracious gift from God. Luther did
not take his doctrine of justification by faith to mean that the sinner is justified because he
or she believes – that is, on account of his or her faith. He saw it as a recognition that God
provides everything necessary for justification, so that all the sinner needs to do is to receive
it. In justification, God is active and humans are passive. Perhaps the phrase “justification
by grace through faith” brings out the meaning of the doctrine more clearly: the justification
of the sinner is based upon the grace of God and is received through faith. The somewhat
rambling title of Heinrich Bullinger’s 1554 work on this subject sums up the basic idea well:
The Grace of God That Justifies Us for the Sake of Christ through Faith Alone, without Good
Works, while Faith meanwhile Abounds in Good Works.
For Luther, this doctrine of justification was a core belief, which later Lutheranism
described as the “article by which the church stands or falls.” Although this was the platform
from which Luther developed his program of reform in the 1520s, other ideas were linked
to it, including:
1 the assertion of the ultimate authority of the Bible over the church – a doctrine often
summarized through the formula sola Scriptura (“by Scripture alone” or “only by the
Bible”): Luther believed that the church tended to impose its ideas on the Bible and
that the Bible, when rightly interpreted, should be regarded as authoritative by the
church;
2 the insistence that the Bible should be translated into contemporary language, which
would allow everyone to have access to the biblical text (see pp. 50–51);
3 the practice of administering communion services in both kinds – that is, allowing the
laity to receive both bread and wine (the medieval church permitted the laity only to
receive bread);
4 the idea of the “priesthood of all believers,” which held that every Christian was a priest
by virtue of his or her baptism. Luther did not regard this as displacing the traditional
clergy but as a measure that allowed them to be seen in their proper context.

152 Christian History: An Overview
The Lutheran reformation was initially an academic
movement, concerned primarily with reforming the teaching
of theology at the University of Wittenberg. Wittenberg was
an unimportant university, and the reforms introduced by
Luther and his colleagues within the theology faculty attracted
little attention. It was Luther’s personal activities – such as his
posting of the famous Ninety-Five Theses against the sale of
indulgences (October 31, 1517) – that attracted considerable
interest and brought the ideas in circulation at Wittenberg to
the attention of a wider audience.
Strictly speaking, the Lutheran reformation only began in
1522, when Luther returned to Wittenberg from his enforced
isolation in the Wartburg. Luther was condemned by the Diet
of Worms in 1521. Fearing for his life, certain well-placed sup-
porters removed him in secrecy to Wartburg Castle, southwest
of Eisenach, until the threat to his safety ceased. In his absence,
Andreas Bodenstein von Karlstadt, one of Luther’s academic
colleagues at Wittenberg, began there a program of reform
that seemed to degenerate into chaos. Convinced that he was
needed if the reformation was to survive von Karlstadt’s inep-
titude, Luther emerged from his place of safety and returned
to Wittenberg.
From this point on, Luther’s program of academic reform
changed into one of reform of church and society. No longer was
his forum of activity the university and its world of ideas – he
now found himself regarded as the leader of a religious, social, and political reforming
movement that seemed to some contemporary observers to open the way to a new social and
religious order in Europe. In fact Luther’s program of reform was much more conservative than
the one associated with his reformed colleagues such as Huldrych Zwingli. Furthermore, it met
with considerably less success than some anticipated. The movement remained obstinately tied
to the German territories, and – Scandinavia apart – never gained the foreign power bases that
looked like so many ripe apples ready to fall into its lap. Luther’s understanding of the role of
the “godly prince” (which effectively ensured that the monarch had control of the church) does
not seem to have exercised the attraction one might have expected of it, particularly in the light
of the generally republican sentiments of reformed thinkers such as Calvin.
An integral part of Luther’s reforming program was to give a new role to the laity,
including women. Luther’s doctrine of the priesthood of all believers laid down that every
Christian – irrespective of gender or social status – was a priest in God’s sight. He reacted
against the isolation of Christians from the world, arguing that monasteries and convents
prevented Christians from living out their calling in their world. One of Luther’s most inter-
esting exploits took place in 1523, when he arranged for the liberation of a dozen nuns from
the cloister of Marienthron. They were smuggled out in herring barrels provided by a mer-
chant friend. Luther married one of them, Katia von Bora, in 1525. Up to this point women
tended to exercise religious leadership only in monastic contexts, on account of the
Figure 4.6 Portrait of Martin Luther (1528);
from the studio of Lucas Cranach the Elder
(1472–1553). Source: AKG Images.

Christian History: An Overview 153
segregation of the genders. Katia’s role as mistress of the family household set the pattern for
Lutheran women for many years and offered a significant social role for women outside the
confines of monastic life.
The Calvinist reformation
The origins of the Calvinist reformation, which brought the reformed churches (such as
the Presbyterians) into being, lie with developments within the Swiss Confederation.
Whereas the Lutheran reformation had its origins in an academic context, the reformed
church owed its origins to a series of attempts to reform the morals and worship of the
church (but not necessarily its doctrine) according to a more biblical pattern. It must be
emphasized that, although Calvin gave this style of reformation its definitive form, its ori-
gins are to be traced back to earlier reformers, such as Huldrych Zwingli and Heinrich
Bullinger, who were based at the leading Swiss city of Zurich.
Although most of the early reformed theologians – such as Zwingli – had an academic
background, their reforming programs were not academic in nature. They were directed
toward the church as they found it in Swiss cities such as Zurich, Berne, and Basle. Whereas
Luther was convinced that the doctrine of justification was of central significance to his
program of social and religious reform, the early reformed thinkers had relatively little
interest in doctrine, let alone one specific doctrine. Their reforming program was institu-
tional, social, and ethical – in many ways similar to the demands for reform emanating
from the humanist movement.
The consolidation of the reformed church is generally
thought to begin with the stabilization of the Zurich
reformation, after Zwingli’s death in battle (1531), under his
successor, Heinrich Bullinger, and to end with the emergence
of Geneva as its power base and of John Calvin as its leading
spokesman in the 1550s. The gradual shift in power within
the reformed church (initially from Zurich to Berne, subse-
quently from Berne to Geneva) took place over the period
1520–1560, eventually establishing the city of Geneva, its
political system (republicanism), and its religious thinkers
(initially Calvin, and after his death Theodore Beza) as pre-
dominant figures within the reformed church. This
development was consolidated through the establishment of
the Genevan Academy, founded in 1559, at which reformed
pastors were trained.
Calvin is of fundamental importance for understanding the
direction of the second phase of the Protestant reformation.
One of his most relevant contributions to this development
was his textbook of Christian theology titled The Institutes of
the Christian Religion. The first edition of this work appeared
in 1536, setting out theological principles very similar to those
already associated with Martin Luther. It went through several
Figure 4.7 Portrait of the Genevan reformer
John Calvin. Source: AKG Images.

154 Christian History: An Overview
editions, the definitive one being published in 1559. Calvin organized his material into four
books arranged as follows:
1 the knowledge of God the creator;
2 the knowledge of God the redeemer;
3 the manner of participation in the grace of Jesus Christ; and
4 the external means or aids that God uses to bring us to Jesus Christ.
The logical arrangement of the material made this work an ideal resource for preachers and
teachers.
Calvin was careful to present his textbook as a guide to the Bible, not as a substitute for
it. Like Luther, he saw the Bible as being of supreme importance. “My object in this work,”
wrote Calvin, “is to so prepare and train students of sacred theology for the study of the
word of God that they might have an easy access into it, and be able to proceed in it without
hindrance.” In writing his Institutes, Calvin clearly intended to offer what is essentially a
doctrinal commentary on Scripture, allowing its reader direct access to its authentic
meaning.
The term “Calvinism” is still used to refer to the religious ideas of the reformed church.
Although still widespread in the literature related to the reformation, this practice is now
generally discouraged. It is becoming increasingly clear that later sixteenth-century
reformed theology draws on sources other than the ideas of Calvin himself. To refer to later
sixteenth- and seventeenth-century reformed thought as “Calvinist” implies that that is
essentially the thought of Calvin – and it is now generally agreed that Calvin’s ideas were
subtly modified by his successors. The term “reformed” is now preferred in talking either of
those churches (mainly in Switzerland, the Lowlands, and Germany) or of those religious
thinkers (such as Theodore Beza, William Perkins, or John Owen) that, or who, based
themselves upon Calvin’s celebrated religious textbook or upon church documents in turn
based upon it (like the famous Heidelberg Catechism).
The radical reformation (Anabaptism)
Zwingli used the term “Anabaptism” to refer to his more radical opponents at Zurich. The
word literally means “rebaptizing” or “second baptizing” and refers to what was perhaps the
most distinctive aspect of Anabaptist practice: the insistence that only those who had made
a personal public profession of faith should be baptized. Anabaptism seems to have first
arisen around Zurich, in the aftermath of Zwingli’s reforms there in the early 1520s. It cen-
tered on a group of individuals (among whom we may note Conrad Grebel) who argued
that Zwingli was not being faithful to his own reforming principles. He preached one thing,
practiced another. Although Zwingli professed faithfulness to the principle sola Scriptura
(“by Scripture alone”), Grebel argued that he retained a number of practices – including
infant baptism, the close link between church and magistracy, and the participation of
Christians in warfare – that were not sanctioned or ordained by Scripture. In the hands of
reformed thinkers, the sola Scriptura principle should be radicalized; Christians should
only believe and practice those things that are explicitly taught in Scripture. Zwingli was

Christian History: An Overview 155
alarmed by this idea, seeing it as a destabilizing development that threatened to cut off the
reformed church at Zurich from its historical roots and to break its continuity with the
Christian tradition.
A number of common elements can be discerned within the various strands of the
movement: a general distrust of external authority, the rejection of infant baptism in favor
of the baptism of adult believers, the common ownership of property, and an emphasis
upon pacifism and non-resistance. It is for this reason that “Anabaptism” is often referred to
as the “left wing of the reformation” (roland H. Bainton) or as the “radical reformation.”
(George Hunston Williams). For Williams, the “radical reformation” was to be contrasted
with the “magisterial reformation,” which he broadly identified with the Lutheran and
reformed movements. These labels are increasingly being accepted within reformation
scholarship, and you are likely to encounter them in your reading of more recent studies of
the movement.
The Catholic reformation
This phrase is often used to refer to the revival of roman Catholicism in the period
following the opening of the Council of Trent (1545). In older scholarly works, the
movement is often designated the “Counter-reformation”: as this term suggests,
the roman Catholic church developed means of combating the Protestant reformation,
in order to limit its influence. It is, however, becoming increasingly clear that the roman
Catholic church countered the reformation partly by reforming itself from within, in
order to remove the grounds of Protestant criticism. In this sense, the movement was a
reformation of the roman Catholic church as much as it was a reaction against the
Protestant reformation.
The same concerns underlying the Protestant reformation in Northern Europe were
channeled into the renewal of the Catholic church, particularly in Spain and Italy. The
Council of Trent, the foremost component of the Catholic reformation, clarified catholic
teaching on a number of confusing matters and introduced much needed reforms in rela-
tion to the conduct of the clergy, ecclesiastical discipline, religious education, and mis-
sionary activity. The movement for reform within the church was greatly stimulated by the
reformation of many of the older religious orders and the establishment of new ones (such
as the Jesuits). The more specifically theological aspects of the Catholic reformation will be
considered in relation to its teachings on Scripture and tradition, justification by faith, and
the sacraments. As a result of the Catholic reformation, many of the abuses that originally
lay behind the demands for reform – whether these came from humanists or Protestants –
were removed.
In its broadest sense, the term “reformation” is applied to all four of the movements
described above. It is also used in a somewhat more restricted sense, meaning “the Protestant
reformation” but excluding the Catholic reformation. In this sense it refers to the three
Protestant movements noted above. In many scholarly works, however, the term “reformation”
is applied, even more narrowly, to what is sometimes known as the “magisterial reformation,”
or the “mainstream reformation” (p. 151) – a concept that links together the Lutheran and the
reformed churches (including Anglicanism), but excludes the Anabaptists.

156 Christian History: An Overview
The reformation in England
The English reformation took a somewhat different direction from that of its continental
counterpart. Although there was at least some degree of popular pressure for a reform
within the church, the leading force for change was Henry VIII, who ascended the English
throne in 1509. In 1527 Henry took the first steps toward dissolving his marriage to
Catherine of Aragon. This decision resulted from Henry’s desire to ensure the succession to
the English throne. The only child from this marriage, Mary Tudor, was female; Henry
wanted a male heir. The pope refused to dissolve or annul the marriage.
The English reformation was not primarily the result of the pope’s refusal to grant Henry
his divorce. Nevertheless, this was unquestionably a factor in its development. Henry gradu-
ally appears to have shifted toward a policy that involved the replacement of papal authority
in England with his own authority. The creation of an English national church was part of
this vision. Henry seems not to have been particularly interested in matters of doctrine or
theology, preferring to concentrate upon the practicalities of religious and political power.
His decision to appoint Thomas Cranmer (1489–1556) as archbishop of Canterbury led to
at least some Protestant influences being brought to bear on the English church.
When Henry died in 1547, he was succeeded by his son, Edward VI. Edward was a minor
on his accession; as a result, real power was exercised by his advisors, who were generally of
a strongly Protestant persuasion. Cranmer, who remained in office as archbishop during
Edward’s reign, was able to bring in noticeably Protestant forms of public worship and
encouraged leading Protestant thinkers (such as Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr Vermigli)
to settle in England and to give theological direction to the
reformation. However, Edward died in 1553, leaving the
nation in a state of religious flux.
Edward was succeeded by Mary Tudor, who was strongly
Catholic in her sympathies. She set in motion a series of mea-
sures that suppressed Protestantism and restored Catholicism.
Some of the measures were deeply unpopular, most notably
the public burning of Thomas Cranmer at Oxford in 1556.
Cranmer was replaced as archbishop of Canterbury by
reginald Pole, a moderate Catholic. At the time of Queen
Mary’s death in 1558, Catholicism had not yet been entirely
re-established. When Elizabeth I succeeded to the throne, it
was not entirely clear what direction her religious policies
might take. In the event Elizabeth pursued a complex policy,
which seems to have been aimed at appeasing both
Protestants and Catholics while allowing the queen to have
supreme authority in matters of religion. What is usually
referred to as the Elizabethan Settlement (1558–1559)
established the national English church as a reformed episco-
pal church with a broadly Protestant articles of faith and a
more Catholic liturgy. Nobody was really entirely happy with
the outcome, which was widely seen as a compromise;
Figure 4.8 Henry VIII (1540), by Hans Holbein
the Younger (1497–1543). Source: Nimatallah/AKG
Images.

Christian History: An Overview 157
however, it enabled England to emerge unscathed from a period of religious tension and to
avoid the serious religious conflicts that were raging elsewhere in Europe at the time.
The Council of Trent
Scholars agree that the convening of the Council of Trent was a decisive landmark in
sixteenth-century religious history. This council, which began its discussions in December
1545, was suspended at various points. In 1547 the outbreak of an epidemic at Trent forced
the council’s relocation to Bologna; this was followed by its suspension until 1551. A further
suspension resulted in 1552 in the aftermath of the revolt of the German princes against the
authority of the emperor (which was eventually settled by the religious Peace of Augsburg
in 1555). It was not until 1562 that the council could meet again; it concluded its work the
following year.
Why did the Council of Trent not meet earlier? The most important reason was the war
between Emperor Charles V and the king of France. While this war was taking place, it
would have been impossible for French and German bishops to sit down at the same
conference table. An attempt was made to convene a reforming council at Mantua in 1537,
but it had to be aborted due to the war. Another attempt was made in 1542; once more, it
failed. However, in September 1544 the Peace of Crépy brought hostilities between the
French and Germans to an end. Two months later Pope Paul III issued a document that
convened the Council of Trent. The council had the objectives of settling theological dis-
putes, reforming the church, and liberating Christians from Turkish invaders. It was sched-
uled to begin in March 1545, but delays crept in for a number of reasons.
The impact of the council on the development of Catholicism during the remainder of
the sixteenth century and beyond was considerable. It is widely regarded as the most impor-
tant church council between the Council of Nicaea (325) and the Second Vatican Council
(1962–1965). Its main achievements can be summarized as follows.
1 The clarification of Catholic teaching As noted earlier, there was considerable confusion
within Catholicism over what counted as the official teaching of the church and what
was to be regarded simply as private opinions of individuals. This was particularly
important in relation to the doctrine of justification (see pp. 105–106), which lay at the
heart of Martin Luther’s campaign for reform back in the late 1510s. Many traditional
Catholic doctrines and practices were affirmed, including the practice of communion
in one kind, the authority of the Vulgate translation of the Bible (although a revision of
the translation was ordered on 1546 and completed in 1592), and the necessity of the
seven sacraments.
2 The elimination of abuses within the church The late medieval church was plagued by a
series of abuses, which did little to enhance its popularity and reputation. Clergy and
bishops were known to be permanently absent from their parishes or dioceses, entrust-
ing their care to minor officials while they pursued their careers elsewhere. Occasionally
clergy would hold several parishes at the same time, receiving a larger income without
providing the necessary pastoral care in return. Trent moved to eliminate such abuses
by laying down strict guidelines for bishops and the clergy.

158 Christian History: An Overview
An important development that took place around this period
was the that of the Society of Jesus, whose members are more
generally known as Jesuits and to which we now turn.
The Society of Jesus
The Jesuits were founded by Ignatius Loyola, a professional
soldier. While convalescing from a leg wound in 1521, he read
biographies of the saints and became convinced of the need
for a tightly disciplined life of faith, modeled on military lines.
The importance of discipline is clearly formulated in a work
that represents Loyola’s most important contribution to the
field of Christian spirituality: the Spiritual Exercises, which he
drew up during the period 1522–1523. These set out a four-
week program of prayer, meditation, and reflection – all aimed
at deepening the reader’s commitment to Christ. The work
can be seen as a training manual for future combatants in a
spiritual war.
Loyola and six colleagues constituted the original nucleus
of the Society of Jesus, which was formally founded in Paris in
1534 and received papal approval from Paul III in 1540. From
that point on it expanded rapidly. By 1556, the year of Loyola’s death, there were more than
a thousand members of the order, which became a significant presence in Italy, Spain, and
Portugal. Their influence was felt especially in the fields of missionary work and education.
Jesuit missions were established during the sixteenth century in areas as diverse as Brazil,
China, India, Japan, and Malaya. In education, the Jesuits developed a rigorous program of
studies, designed to ensure the intellectual excellence of their order.
The Wars of religion
The rise of Protestantism and the renewal of Catholicism inevitably caused political and
social tensions throughout Europe. Emperor Charles V had felt the force of these ten-
sions and was eventually obliged to agree to an uneasy truce in the form of the 1555
religious Peace of Augsburg, which put an end to the long-standing conflicts between
the Lutheran princes and the Catholic emperor. Yet it was not long before conflict broke
out elsewhere.
The first major European war that can be shown to be directly due to religious issues
broke out in France. The specific tension in this case was between Catholics and Calvinists
(or “Huguenots,” as the latter were locally called). We noted earlier that Calvin was French.
He appears to have taken his mission in life to be (at least in part) to convert his native
country to the reformed faith, using Geneva as a base. In April 1555, Genevan records doc-
ument several agents sent out from Geneva to evangelize parts of France likely to be fertile
ground for Calvinism. Others followed rapidly, in response to requests for help from French
Calvinist congregations.
Figure 4.9 Ignatius Loyola, founder of the
Society of Jesus (1556), by Jacopino del Conte
(1510–1598). Source: AKG Images.

Christian History: An Overview 159
The whole affair was cloak and dagger. Secrecy was essential to the entire operation, at
both the Genevan and the French ends of the operation. Safe houses, complete with hiding
places, were established, a day’s journey apart. An underground network similar to that
employed by the French resistance during World War II allowed men from Geneva to slip
undetected into France. By 1560 Calvinism was firmly established in many leading French
cities and was gaining influential converts. Given this explosion in the growth of Calvinist
congregations and influence, a complete reformation in France seemed a real possibility.
Perhaps one third of the nobility had signaled its acceptance of Calvin’s religious ideas.
According to a list prepared for Admiral de Coligny in March 1562, there were 2,150
Huguenot churches in France at that point. It is difficult to verify these figures; it would,
however, seem reasonable to suggest that there were at least 1,250 such churches, with a
total membership in excess of 2,000,000, out of a national population of 20,000,000.
Tensions rose. In 1562 a war broke out. The issue was only settled through the Edict of
Nantes (1598), which guaranteed the rights of French Protestants. However, the edict was
widely ignored by subsequent French monarchs and was finally revoked by Louis XIV in
1685. This decision caused a substantial exodus of Protestants from the country.
Other religious conflicts erupted in the region. The Dutch War of Independence (1560–
1618) had strongly religious dimensions. An increasingly Calvinist Dutch population wished
to rid itself of a Catholic Spanish colonial power. In England, the Civil War (1642–1649)
clearly had religious aspects, reflecting deep-seated disagreements between royalists and
Puritans over the manner of government and the doctrines of the national Church of England.
By far the most important religious conflict, however, was the Thirty Years War, which rum-
bled on from 1618 to 1648. The context within which this war emerged was the tension after
the Peace of Augsburg (1555). The peace did not take account of Calvinism, which became a
major presence in the region from 1560. As a result, Calvinism was given no official protection,
in contrast to both Lutheranism and Catholicism. As Calvinism continued to expand, tensions
increased. The trigger for the conflict was the outbreak of anti-Protestant riots in Bohemia that
partly reflected the vigorous Catholicism of Ferdinand II. The Bohemian nobles protested to
the emperor over these developments. On failing to receive any satisfactory assurances for their
safety, they revolted and demanded to be ruled by a local Calvinist prince instead.
The revolt sparked a wider conflict, drawing in surrounding states and principalities. Its
impact on the German economy was disastrous. When the war was finally resolved through
the Peace of Westphalia (1648), any remaining enthusiasm for religious warfare had
evaporated. People had had enough. The yearning for peace led to a new emphasis on tol-
eration and to growing impatience with religious disputes. The scene was set for the
Enlightenment’s insistence that religion was to be a matter of private belief rather than one
of state policy. Our attention now turns to the curious cultural climate that amalgamated
rationalism, revival, and revolution and gained ascendancy in the eighteenth century.
Puritanism in England and America
The term “Puritan” was originally intended to be abusive. It was used to stigmatize those
members of the Church of England during the reign of Elizabeth I who wanted to adopt
more reformed beliefs and practices (such as the abolition of bishops). The University of

160 Christian History: An Overview
Cambridge became a major center for Puritan activity, Emmanuel College establishing
itself as a significant seedbed of Puritan theological and pastoral thinking. Official hostility
toward these trends led to the formation of small separatist congregations, which “withdrew”
from the national church as a protest against the latter’s failure to reform itself completely.
The most important of these separatist groups was that of the Brownists, named after
robert Browne (c. 1550–1633).
Following official harassment, separatists initially found refuge in the Netherlands; some,
however, were able to return to England later and to establish congregations. These groups,
which may be regarded as forerunners of the modern Baptists, flourished particularly
during the period of the Puritan commonwealth, when it is estimated that there were 300
such congregations in England. Following the restoration of Charles II, the Baptists found
themselves facing official hostility once more; it was not until the late eighteenth century
that they would achieve a significant degree of acceptance and stability.
One group of particular interest should be noted. A separatist congregation was
established at Scrooby, Nottinghamshire, in 1606, with John robinson (c. 1575–1625) as its
pastor. Growing official hostility forced the congregation to move to Leiden in the
Netherlands in 1609. However, the Dutch situation was still not ideal. The congregation set
its sights on America, which was then opening up to European settlers. On September 6,
1620, 102 members of the congregation set sail for America in the Mayflower. The resulting
colony that was established in Massachusetts would be seen as a model by many Europeans
dissatisfied with the restrictions of religious life at home.
Despite its growing influence within the national English church, Puritanism continued
to encounter strong hostility from both church and state in the early seventeenth century.
However, mounting popular discontent with the monarchy made Puritanism appear iden-
tifiable with the forces of democracy. As the tension between king and parliament grew,
Puritanism was seen as a vigorous supporter of parliamentary authority. The resulting Civil
War led to the execution of Charles I and to the establishment of a Puritan Commonwealth
under Oliver Cromwell during the 1650s. However, the restoration of Charles II led to the
withering of Puritanism as a significant political and social force in England.
Yet Puritanism was set to exercise a major influence elsewhere. Dissatisfaction with the
religious situation in England led many English Puritans to immigrate to America, taking
their faith with them. Massachusetts Bay became a center of Puritanism. The impact of this
development on American history was decisive in the opinion of many scholars and laid the
foundations for the emergence of the United States of America as a nation with a strong
sense of a distinctively religious identity.
A Protestant religion of the heart: Pietism
As Orthodoxy was increasingly influential within mainstream Protestantism, its defects
became clear. At its best, Orthodoxy was concerned with the rational defense of Christian
truth claims and with doctrinal correctness. Yet, all too often, this came across as an
academic preoccupation with logical niceties instead of a concern for relating theology
to  the issues of everyday life. The term “Pietism” derives from the Latin word pietas
(best translated as “piety” or “godliness”) and was initially a derogatory term, used by the

Christian History: An Overview 161
movement’s opponents to describe its emphasis upon the importance of Christian doctrine
in everyday Christian life.
The movement is usually regarded as having been inaugurated through the publication
of Philip Jakob Spener’s Pia desideria (Pious Wishes) in 1675. In this work Spener lamented
the state of the German Lutheran church in the aftermath of the Thirty Years War and set
out proposals for the revitalization of the church of his day. Chief among these proposals
was a new emphasis upon personal Bible study. These proposals were treated with derision
by academic theologians; nevertheless, they were to prove influential in German church
circles, reflecting a growing disillusionment and impatience with the sterility of Orthodoxy
in the face of the shocking social conditions endured during the war. For Pietism, a refor-
mation of doctrine must always be accompanied by a reformation of life.
Pietism developed in a number of different directions, especially in England and
Germany. In Germany, the movement became influential in the first half of the eigh-
teenth century. Nikolaus Ludwig Graf von Zinzendorf (1700–1760) founded the Pietist
community generally known as the Herrnhuter, named after the village of Herrnhut.
Alienated from what he regarded as the arid rationalism and barren Orthodoxy of his
time, he stressed the importance of a religion of the heart, based on an intimate and
personal relationship between Christ and the believer. A new emphasis was placed upon
the role of feeling (as opposed to reason or doctrinal orthodoxy) within the Christian life,
which may be regarded as laying the foundations of romanticism in later German reli-
gious thought. Zinzendorf ’s emphasis upon a personally appropriated faith finds expres-
sion in the slogan “a living faith,” which he opposed to the prevailing nominalism of
Protestant Orthodoxy.
Many of these ideas took root in England through the influence of John Wesley (1703–
1791), a founder and early leader of the Methodist movement within the Church of England,
which subsequently gave birth to Methodism as a denomination in its own right. Convinced
that he “lacked the faith whereby alone we are saved,” Wesley paid a visit to Herrnhut in
1738 and was deeply impressed by what he found. The Pietist emphasis upon the need for a
living faith and the role of experience in the Christian life led to his conversion experience
at a meeting in Aldersgate Street in May 1738, in which he felt his heart to be “strangely
warmed.”
Wesley’s emphasis upon the experiential side of Christian faith, which contrasted sharply
with the dullness of contemporary English deism, led to a minor religious revival in
England. Selina, countess of Huntingdon (1707–1791), played a particularly significant role
in this revival by establishing throughout England pulpits served by leading revivalist
preachers in rotation.
Tensions emerged within English Pietism, particularly in relation to the doctrine of
grace: both Wesleys were Arminians, while their colleague George Whitfield was Calvinist.
Yet, despite their differences, the various branches of Pietism succeeded in making Christian
faith relevant to the experiential world of ordinary believers. It is of some importance to
note that the strongly anti-religious tone of the French revolution during the eighteenth
century is partly due to the absence of any real equivalent of Pietism in the region. Pietism
may be regarded as a reaction against a one-sided emphasis upon doctrinal orthodoxy and
affirming a personal faith that relates to the deepest aspects of human nature.

162 Christian History: An Overview
American Protestantism and the Great Awakening
Christianity was brought to North America largely by refugees seeking to escape from reli-
gious persecution, which was then endemic in Europe. As a result, the first settlers in North
America were generally deeply committed to their Christian beliefs. Most early settlers
were English-speaking Protestant, fleeing from persecution in England, especially during
the reigns of James I and Charles I.
The earliest New England settlements were in the Massachusetts Bay area. However, the
tidewater district of Virginia was also of importance. Jamestown was founded in 1607, and
the colony attracted many refugees from England, especially under the reign of Charles I.
relationships with local Native American tribes were a matter of particular concern. John
Eliot, who arrived in Massachusetts in 1631, was interested in the culture and language of
the Native Americans who lived in the Boston area and made a point of studying and
learning Natic (a regional variant of Algonquian). He began to preach in this language and
was able to attract support for his missionary work in the region, eventually managing to
gain parliamentary approval in 1649 for the establishment of the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel in New England.
Many of those settling in this region at this time were Puritans, fleeing what they regarded
as an oppressive England to find religious toleration in the New World. America was to be
their promised land, the Atlantic Ocean their red Sea, and England under Charles I and
Archbishop William Laud their new Egypt. The resonances with the great biblical account
of the exodus of the people of God from Egypt and the settlement in a new land, prepared
for them by God, were too obvious to miss.
In 1620 the Pilgrim Fathers made their landmark voyage from Plymouth. Between 1627
and 1640 some 4,000 individuals made the hazardous crossing of the Atlantic Ocean and
settled on the coastline of Massachusetts Bay. For them, America was the promised land
and they were the chosen people. Expelled from their Egypt by a cruel Pharaoh, they had
settled in a land flowing with milk and honey. They would build a new Jerusalem, a city
upon a hill, in this strange land. Puritan communities emerged as strongly cohesive social
and political bodies, with a strong sense of being called by God.
By the end of the first quarter of the eighteenth century, however, it seemed to many that
Christianity had lost its way in the New World. In the early seventeenth century New
England churches would only admit to full membership individuals who could testify to a
personal experience of conversion. As the century progressed, fewer and fewer individuals
could testify to such an experience. Yet most individuals wanted some kind of connection
with the church – for example, to have their children baptized, or to have a Christian burial
service. From about 1660 on, a “half-way” membership was recognized: anyone who was
prepared to accept the truth of Christianity and the moral discipline of the church could
have his or her children baptized.
The result was that, by the beginning of the eighteenth century, a large proportion of
church members saw themselves as “nominal” or “half-way” Christians. They might attend
church and learn from the preaching of the word of God; they might have their children
baptized; they might recognize Christianity as true and morally helpful – but they were, in
the final resort, unconverted. Christianity and church membership were viewed as just

Christian History: An Overview 163
another part of American society. Being baptized and attending church formed one aspect
of being a good American citizen.
Yet in 1734 the religious landscape of the American colonies changed radically. The
Great Awakening erupted, especially at Northampton, Massachusetts, in response to the
preaching of Jonathan Edwards. Edwards published accounts of the events at Northampton
in the form of a book, A Faithful Narrative of the Surprising Work of God, which drew
international attention to the awakening. As the revival continued in New England, it was
given a new sense of direction by George Whitefield (1714–1770), recently arrived from
England.
The revival had a lasting impact on American Christianity. It established the role of
wandering preachers, unattached to any particular church. It undermined the authority
of the clergy of established churches, whose members felt their positions to be deeply
threatened by the upsurge in popular religious interest. The foundations of a mass popular
culture were laid, in which Christianity was not the preserve of a clerical elite committed
to the conservation of the existing social order, but a popular movement with a direct
appeal to the masses. The established clergy refused to allow Whitefield to preach in its
churches; he responded by preaching in the fields around towns and by attracting vast
audiences, which could never have been contained within the churches from which he
was barred.
Perhaps the group to be most deeply threatened by this development was the colonial
clergy of the Church of England – the guardians of the existing social order. It is no exag-
geration to say that the roots of the American revolution lay in the growing religious alien-
ation between the new popular American religion and the established religion of England.
Within a generation of the Great Awakening, the colonies were in revolt against the colonial
power.
The Modern Period, c. 1650–1914
During the second half of the fifteenth century, Christianity became increasingly a European
religion. Islam had launched a jihad (“holy war”) against it several centuries earlier. By
about 1450, as a direct result of its military conquests, Islam was firmly established in the
southwestern and southeastern parts of Europe. Although Christian communities continued
to exist outside Europe (most notably in Egypt, Ethiopia, India, and Syria), Christianity was
becoming geographically restricted. Its future seemed insecure.
One of the most dramatic developments to take place during the last few centuries
has been the recovery of Christianity from this crisis. By the twentieth century,
Christianity was firmly established as the dominant religion in the Americas,
Australasia, southern Africa, and throughout many of the island nations of the South
Pacific. Despite this dramatic expansion outside Europe, however, Christianity suffered
a series of internal setbacks in Europe. In this section we shall explore something of this
complex story of advances and retreats, consolidation and weakening. We begin by not-
ing one of the most significant reactions against wars of religion in Europe: the rise of
indifference to religion.

164 Christian History: An Overview
The rise of indifference to religion in Europe
With the ending of the Wars of religion, a degree of stability came upon the European con-
tinent. Although religious controversy continued intermittently, it became generally
accepted that certain parts of Europe were Lutheran, Catholic, Orthodox, or reformed. The
sense of weariness that had been created by the Wars of religion led to a new interest in
religious toleration. The classic argument for toleration of diversity in matters of religion
may be found in John Locke’s A Letter concerning Toleration (1689).
Locke, one of England’s most influential philosophers, argued for religious toleration on
three grounds. First, it is impossible for the state to adjudicate between competing religious
truth claims. Locke points out that no earthly judge can be brought forward to settle the
matter. For this reason, religious diversity is to be tolerated. Second, Locke suggests that,
even if it could be established that one religion was superior to all others, the legal enforce-
ment of this superior religion would not secure the latter’s desired objective. Third, Locke
argues, on pragmatic grounds, that the results of trying to impose religious uniformity are
far worse than those of continuing to live in diversity. religious coercion leads to internal
discord, or even to civil war. Toleration is the only way of coping with the religious diversity
of early modern Europe.
Locke’s analysis can be seen as leading to the view that religion is a private matter of
public indifference. What individuals believe should be regarded as private, with no rele-
vance to the public field. This approach at one and the same time upheld religious toleration
and indicated that religion was a purely private matter. This perception was strengthened by
the rise of the Enlightenment, which regarded the religions as different expressions of the
same ultimate reality, which could be known through reason.
Locke’s views on toleration were one response to the growing hostility toward those who
took their religion too seriously, threatening the peace and prosperity of Europe. Another
was the rise of rationalism. If religion was such a source of rage, abuse, and intolerance, why
not undermine it completely? The Enlightenment regarded reason, rather than God, as the
source and arbiter of all good and true beliefs – as we shall see in what follows.
The Enlightenment: The rise of rationalism
The movement that is now generally known as “the Enlightenment” brought new chal-
lenges for Christianity in Western Europe and North America. If the sixteenth-century
reformation challenged the church to rethink its external forms and the manner in
which it expressed its beliefs, the Enlightenment saw the intellectual credentials of
Christianity itself (rather than any one of its specific forms) facing criticism on a number
of fronts.
The Enlightenment’s criticism of traditional Christianity was based upon the principle of
the omnicompetence of human reason. A number of stages in the development of this belief
may be discerned. First, it was argued that the beliefs of Christianity were rational, and thus
capable of standing up to critical examination. This type of approach is in John Locke’s
Reasonableness of Christianity (1695), which argued that Christianity was a reasonable
supplement to natural religion. The notion of divine revelation was thus maintained.

Christian History: An Overview 165
Second, it was argued that the basic ideas of Christianity, being rational, could be derived
from reason itself. There was no need to invoke divine revelation. As this type of approach
was developed by John Toland in his Christianity not Mysterious (1696) and by Matthew
Tindal’s Christianity as Old as Creation (1730), Christianity was essentially the re- publication
of the religion of nature. It did not transcend natural religion but was merely an example of
it. All so-called “revealed religion” is actually nothing but the reconfirmation of what can be
known through rational reflection on nature. “revelation” was simply a rational reaffirma-
tion of moral truths already available to the enlightened reason.
Third, the ability of reason to judge revelation was affirmed. As critical reason was
omnicompetent, it was argued that it was supremely qualified to judge Christian beliefs
and practices, in order to eliminate any irrational or superstitious elements. This view
placed reason firmly above revelation and may be seen as symbolized in the enthronement
of the Goddess of reason in Notre Dame de Paris in 1793, in the aftermath of the French
revolution.
The Enlightenment was primarily a European and American phenomenon, and thus it
took place in cultures in which the most numerically significant form of religion was
Christianity. This historical observation is of importance: the Enlightenment critique of
religion in general was often particularized as a criticism of Christianity. It was Christian
doctrines and Christian sacred writings – rather than, for example, those of Islam or
Hinduism – that were subjected to an unprecedented critical scrutiny, both literary and his-
torical, the Bible being treated as if it were any other book. The cultural context of the
Enlightenment meant that it was the life of Jesus of Nazareth that was subjected to critical
reconstruction, rather than that of Mohammed or Buddha.
The Enlightenment’s attitude to religion was subject to a considerable degree of regional
variation, reflecting a number of local factors peculiar to different situations. One of the
most important such factors is Pietism, perhaps best known in its English and American
form of Methodism. As noted earlier, this movement placed considerable emphasis upon
the experiential aspects of religion (for example, see John Wesley’s notion of “experimental
religion”). This concern for religious experience served to make Christianity relevant and
accessible to the situation of the masses, contrasting sharply with the intellectualism of,
for example, Lutheran Orthodoxy, which was perceived to be an irrelevance. Pietism
(pp. 160–161) forged a strong link between Christian faith and experience, thus making
Christianity a matter of the heart as well as one of the mind.
As noted earlier, Pietism was well established in Germany by the end of the seventeenth
century, whereas in England it only developed during the eighteenth century and in France
not at all. The Enlightenment thus preceded the rise of Pietism in England, with the result
that the great evangelical revivals of the eighteenth century significantly blunted the
influence of rationalism upon religion. In Germany, however, the Enlightenment followed
after the rise of Pietism and thus developed into a situation that had been significantly
shaped by religious faith, even if it would pose a serious challenge to its received forms and
ideas. (Interestingly, English deism began to become influential in Germany at roughly the
same time as German Pietism began to exert influence in England.) The most significant
intellectual forces in the German Enlightenment were thus directed toward the reshaping
(rather than the rejection or demolition) of the Christian faith.

166 Christian History: An Overview
In France, however, Christianity was widely perceived as both oppressive and irrelevant,
with the result that the writers of the French Enlightenment were able to advocate the total
rejection of Christianity as an archaic and discredited belief system. In his Treaty on
Tolerance, Denis Diderot (1713–1784) argued that English deism had compromised itself,
permitting religion to survive where it ought to have been eradicated totally – an agenda
that many pursued during the French revolution of 1789. But what of the earlier American
revolution of 1776, which served as a model for many French revolutionaries?
Christianity in the American revolution
The causes of the American revolution are complex, involving a number of interrelated
issues. Perhaps the dominant theme is that of a desire to break free from the influence of
England, which was increasingly seen as paternalist, oppressive, and exploitative. This desire
for freedom expressed itself in the political, economic, and religious arenas. The Church of
England was increasingly viewed as the religious dimension of British colonialism.
During the 1760s, vigorous efforts were made by American Protestants to resist the
expansion of the Church of England’s authority in the region. The Church of England was
established by law in all the southern colonies, and its influence seemed destined to increase
still further. The Quebec Act of 1774, which established Catholicism in French-speaking
regions of Canada, was seen as particularly provocative. If Britain could decide what the
established religion in Canada should be, what would it do in America? Suspicion and hos-
tility grew unchecked.
The imposition of the Stamp Tax (1764) brought demands for “no taxation without rep-
resentation.” The 1773 decision of the British parliament to give the East India Company
exclusive rights to sell tea in North America led to the episode known as the Boston Tea
Party and to widespread unrest in Massachusetts. British troops were sent to restore order;
this action was interpreted as an act of war by the colonists. A series of battles were fought
in 1775, leading to the Declaration of Independence on July 4, 1776. A full-scale war of
independence (1775–1783) ensued, in which church pulpits often served as rallying points
for revolutionary activity. In effect the American revolution united Christian groups of
more or less all persuasions in the service of a greater goal.
American revolutionaries saw themselves as called to break the spiritual and temporal
power of the Church of England in America. Like their forebears at the time of the English
Civil War, they saw the conflict as a moment of purification, a time in which the true iden-
tity of a nation would be shaped. The battle was not between Christianity and atheism, but
between a compromised state church and a pure gospel church. It would be a battle for the
soul of America. While some revolutionaries had economic and political goals, others had
religious objectives – objectives that demanded the purification of religion, not its elimina-
tion. Political republicanism was not seen as entailing atheism. Was not Calvin’s Geneva,
that city of God set upon a hill for all to see and imitate, itself a republic? And might not
republicanism and the cause of true religion thus be united, whereas in England they were
seen as opposite?
The constitutional separation between church and state can be argued to rest upon a
fundamental desire to avoid any specific form of Christianity defining the establishment

Christian History: An Overview 167
after the manner of the Church of England, which was widely regarded as corrupt and
degenerate in American republican circles. The First Amendment to the constitution
declared that Congress would ensure religious freedom, and not privilege any particular
form of religion. The constitution thus prevented any formal establishment of religion,
meaning that no Christian church (such as the Church of England) was to be given a favored
legal status by the state. Although some modern constitutional theorists argue that this was
intended to remove religion from American public life, or that it justifies this practice today,
it is clear that the intention of the constitution was simply to avoid giving legal or social
precedence to any specific Christian grouping.
Church and state in America: The “wall of separation”
The process of shaping the constitution of the United States of America took more than a
decade. There was widespread agreement that any constitution should avoid the European
model of giving preference or privilege to any Christian denomination. There would be no
“established” church, although a number of individual states initially retained a form of
establishment in which multiple denominations received government support.
Three distinct opinions emerged in the aftermath of the American revolution.
Traditionalists such as Patrick Henry (1736–1799) argued that state support for religion was
essential to maintain social order. In 1784 Henry submitted a bill to the Virginia Legislature
that would impose a tax to support churches, while allowing each citizen to determine
which specific church his or her taxes should support. rationalists such as Thomas Jefferson
(1743–1826) and James Madison (1751–1836) argued that the separation of church and
state was essential to guarantee liberty of conscience. A third group, consisting mainly of
Baptists, Presbyterians, and Methodists, believed that Christian churches would be cor-
rupted if they were given positions of political power or social privilege and argued for the
churches to be protected from the corrupting influence of government.
The second of these positions soon achieved political dominance. Jefferson and Madison
believed that that a separation of the religious and civil realms was the best way to ensure
domestic peace and to avoid any oppression and injustice that could arise from the religious
establishment. They had no desire for the new American republic to be damaged by wars of
religion like the ones that had caused such damage in Europe in the seventeenth century.
The constitution of the United States was finally adopted on September 17, 1787, by the
Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and was subsequently ratified by
conventions in 11 states. The constitution itself famously omits any reference to Christianity.
The First Amendment, passed in September 1789, is widely regarded, however, as being of
fundamental importance for any understanding of the place of Christianity in American
public life. It declares: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion,
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.”
This amendment made two statements concerning the public role of Christianity in the
United States. First, there was to be no legislative “establishment of religion.” No specific church
group could become the “established religion” of the United States. This was not understood at
the time to mean that the government was prohibited from bringing religious language, sym-
bols, beliefs, or values into the public arena. However, more radical interpretations of this

168 Christian History: An Overview
“establishment clause” emerged later, including the view that the government of the United
States is prohibited from preferring religion to anti-religion, so that the judiciary is neutral not
simply in settling disputes between religious groups, but also in settling disputes between reli-
gion and its critics.
The first two presidents of the United States – George Washington (1732–1799) and John
Adams (1735–1826) – are generally regarded as having been positive about the role of reli-
gion in public life, whatever their private religious views may have been. The third and
fourth presidents – Thomas Jefferson (president from 1801 to 1809) and James Madison
(president from 1809 to 1817) – were more emphatic about the separation of church and
state and used the image of a “wall of separation” between the two.
This striking phrase seems to have first been used by the Puritan writer roger Williams
(1603–1683) in 1644. Williams spoke of a “wall of separation between the garden of the
church and the wilderness of the world.” In using this phrase, Williams was setting out an
understanding of the church that was common among separatist Puritans: the world was a
wilderness, but the church was a garden. To prevent the wilderness from encroaching on
the garden and overwhelming it, the garden had to be enclosed – an important image,
reflecting the biblical idea of paradise as a “closed garden.” For Williams, it was axiomatic
that the state and the church must be separate – for the good of the church.
Jefferson picked up on this image and developed it for his own somewhat different ends
in 1802. A group of Baptists from the town of Danbury in Connecticut wrote to Jefferson
shortly after his election as president, expressing their concern that their religious liberty
was not sufficiently protected by their state legislature. A religious majority, they suggested,
might easily win the magistrate over to their cause, with damaging consequences for
religious minorities. Jefferson responded by emphatically asserting the separation of
church and state, in terms that seem to go beyond the constitutional amendment; thus
he spoke of “building a wall of separation between church and state.” Determining the
boundaries between the church and the state would remain a significant theme of American
religious life until the present day.
The French revolution and “dechristianization”
The French revolution of 1789 marked the beginning of a new period of political radicalism
and uncertainty in Western Europe, which was linked with growing criticism of the Catholic
church and its ideas. Although many French revolutionary activists saw the American
revolution as an inspiration, the French revolution, unlike its American counterpart,
quickly assumed an anti-Christian tone. Generations of accumulated popular resentment
and intellectual hostility against king and church could finally be contained no longer.
The storming of the Bastille on July 14, 1789 was widely seized upon as an icon of
liberation, symbolizing the sweeping aside of an old order, based on superstition and
oppression. A brave new world lay ahead, firmly grounded in nature and reason, and
equally firmly committed to the liberation of humanity from “tyranny” and “superstition.”
The wisdom of the day was as simple as it was powerful: eliminate God, and a new future
would dawn. It was a vision that thrilled many across Europe, drawing aside a curtain on a
once forbidden world, which now seemed about to become reality.

Christian History: An Overview 169
It was clear that both pillars of traditional French society – the monarchy and the church –
needed reform. Even late in the summer of the momentous year 1789, the general feeling was
that the French monarch had allowed a series of measures that would abolish feudalism and
remove some of the grievances felt by ordinary people against the power and privileges of the
church. On November 2 it was agreed that all church lands should be nationalized; a basic
minimum wage for priests, guaranteed by the state, was set in place. The Civil Constitution of
the Clergy (July 1790) rejected the authority of the pope and reorganized and slimmed down the
dioceses and the cathedral clergy. Although radical, the measures were not anti-Christian. The
clergy split into a group that wished to remain loyal to rome and one that wished to comply
with the new civil authority.
Yet a more radical revolutionary faction, headed by robespierre, gained power shortly
afterward and launched the celebrated reign of Terror. Louis XVI was publicly guillotined
on January 21, 1793. A program of dechristianization was put in place during the period
1793–1794. The cult of the Goddess reason was given official sanction. The old calendar
was replaced by a republican calendar, which eliminated Sundays and Christian festivals,
replacing them with secular alternatives. Priests were placed under pressure to renounce
their faith. A program of church closure was initiated. Although the impact of these mea-
sures seems to have been felt mostly in urban areas, they caused considerable disruption
and hardship to the church throughout all France.
The religious policies of the French revolution were soon extended to neighboring
regions. In November 1792, French revolutionary armies embarked on a campaign of con-
quest in the region. By 1799 six satellite republics had been established, embracing areas
such as the Netherlands, Switzerland, parts of northern Italy, and areas of the rhineland. In
February 1798 the papal states were occupied and the pope was deported to France, where
he died six months later. The French revolution, it seemed to many, had destroyed not only
the French church, but also the papacy.
On the eve of the nineteenth century, the future of Christianity in Europe thus seemed
remarkably fragile. Many saw Christianity as linked with the politics of a bygone era, an
obstacle to progress and liberty. Its faith and its institutions seemed to be in irreversible
decline. In fact this would prove to be a false perception. The revolutionary experimentation
with a secular state eventually fizzled out. Under Napoleon, relations with the pope were
re-established, although on very different terms from those in operation before the revolution.
The Bourbon monarchy was restored. In 1814 Louis XVIII returned to claim the throne
of France and re-established Catholicism. The situation was never easy, and real tensions
between church and state continued unabated throughout most of the nineteenth century.
Nevertheless, the church was able to regain at least some of its lost influence, prestige, and
clergy. The period 1815–1848 witnessed a series of popular revivals in French-speaking
Europe (often referred to as “le réveil”).
Orthodox resurgence: The Greek War of Independence
The Ottoman empire continued to be a significant force in Southeastern Europe well into
the eighteenth century. The conclusive defeat of Ottoman armies by the Habsburgs in the
1690s had put an end to any possibility of Turkish expansion into Europe. Yet the resulting

170 Christian History: An Overview
peace treaty left many parts of Southeastern Europe under Ottoman control. The growing
influence of russia – an Orthodox nation – in the region was consolidated by its defeat of
Ottoman armies in the russo-Turkish War of 1768–1774. russia’s victory over the Ottoman
forces increased its territory and gave it influence over the Christian nations of the Ottoman
empire – including Serbia and Greece, both of which were traditionally Orthodox.
resentment against the Ottoman empire within both regions was rising, partly due to per-
ceived religious discrimination against non-Muslims, who were required to pay a poll tax
(jizyah). A Serbian revolt against Ottoman rule in 1788 was supported by the Austrians.
However, the Austrian withdrawal from Serbia in 1791 led to the Ottomans’ return and to
their resuming control over the region. Following a massacre of Serbian nobles in 1804, a
popular uprising took place, encouraged by the russian empire. France supported the
Ottoman empire, fearing the growing power of russia, as did Austria, which believed that the
liberation movement of the oppressed Slavic peoples would quickly spread to its own territory.
Yet the popular uprising gained momentum. In 1806 Belgrade was besieged. Following its
capitulation to the revolutionaries, it was proclaimed the capital city of an independent Serbia.
The hopes of Greek nationalists now began to soar. Secret nationalist societies were
formed in Greece with the objective of securing liberation from Ottoman rule. Western
European intellectuals promoted the idea of Greek independence. Many – such as the influ-
ential British poet Lord Byron (1788–1824) – were influenced by philhellenism, a movement
that considered the resurgence of Greece as a modern nation-state to be linked with the
recovery of its classic cultural status. The insurgency began in March 1821, but rivalry bet-
ween its leaders limited its efficacy; in the end the revolt failed. Lord Byron traveled to
Greece to join the rebellion, offering financial support to the fledgling Greek navy. But
Ottoman reinforcements from Egypt were able to suppress the insurrection in southern
Greece. By July 1827 the revolt had stalled.
However, the revolt was now of interest to the great powers. russia, Great Britain, and
France all sent naval task forces to the region. After what appears to have been a misunder-
standing, most of the Ottoman navy was sunk at Navarino in October 1827. Now deprived
of any means of transporting reinforcements or munitions, the Ottoman army began to lose
ground. In the end it withdrew from central Greece. A series of conferences brokered by
russia, Great Britain, and France created the new state of Greece during the 1830s.
As noted earlier, the Ottoman period gave rise to religious tensions throughout the Balkans.
The religion of the Ottoman empire was Sunni Islam; that of the occupied regions of Europe
was generally Orthodox Christianity. It was inevitable that any wars of independence would
have religious components. The Greek War of Independence signaled the return of Orthodoxy
as official religion of the nation. Nationalist movements developed close links with the church,
which was seen by many as having preserved the Greek language and culture during the long
period of Turkish occupation. Whereas the French revolution of 1789 identified Catholicism
as an enemy, the Greek revolution of 1821 saw Orthodoxy as an ally.
A new expansion of Christianity: The age of mission
Although missionary work had always been undertaken by the church, it is widely agreed
that a new age of evangelism began in the eighteenth century, with England playing a par-
ticularly significant role in the spreading of Christianity. The twentieth century, for some

Christian History: An Overview 171
nineteenth-century pundits, was to be the Christian century. A series of triumphalistic con-
gresses and writings in the late nineteenth century had confidently proclaimed the inevita-
bility of the conversion of the world within the next generation. The First International
Convention of the Student Volunteer Movement met in Cleveland in 1891, and adopted as
its motto “the evangelization of the world in this generation.” It was the largest student
conference assembled in its time and was carried along by a confidence typical of the great
age of mission, which came to an end with the outbreak of the First World War in 1918.
A major cultural concern may be noted from the outset. The interplay of British economic
agendas and imperial ambitions on the one hand, religious issues on the other has always
been conceded to be complex. There is no doubt that many missionaries – and by no means
all English – saw the adoption of western culture as going hand in hand with the spreading
of the Christian faith. This led inevitably to the growing perception that Christianity was
essentially a western religion.
This was a particularly sensitive matter in parts of Asia such as India and China. In the
case of India, the first major Protestant mission there was based at Tranquebar on the
Coromandel Coast, about 200 kilometers south of Madras. Among the German Lutheran
missionaries of note were Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg (who directed the mission from its
founding in 1706 until 1719) and Christian Frederick Schwartz (director from 1750 to
1787). However, the growing political power of Britain in the region inevitably favored the
activities of British missionaries, the first ones of which – for instance the Baptist William
Carey – began work in Bengal in 1793. This activity was assisted to no small extent by
Clement XIV’s decision to suppress the Society of Jesus. The bull Dominus ac Redemptor
noster (July 21, 1773) formally terminated all the functions and ministries of the Society,
thus ending the missionary activity of the Jesuits in India and elsewhere. Nevertheless, at
least 50 Jesuits are known to have continued missionary work in India after the suppression
of their order, despite the efforts of the Portuguese to repatriate them.
British missionary societies and individuals were thus able to operate in India without
any major opposition from other European agencies. Nevertheless, they received no support
from the British authorities; the East India Company, for example, was opposed to their
activities on the grounds that they might create ill will among native Indians and thus
threaten the trade upon which it depended. However, the Charter Act (passed by the British
parliament on July 13, 1813) revised the conditions under which the company was per-
mitted to operate: the new charter gave British missionaries protected status and a limited
degree of freedom to carry out evangelistic work on the Indian subcontinent. The result was
inevitable: as the historian Stephen Charles Neill observes,“since 1813, Christian missions
have never been wholly free from the stigma of undue dependence on government.”
The new charter also made provision for the establishment of an Anglican bishopric at
Calcutta. Under reginald Heber (1783–1826; bishop of Calcutta from 1823 to 1826), mis-
sionary work was expanded considerably and restricted to Anglicans (Lutheran mission-
aries had to be re-ordained if they wished to continue operating in the region). Further
revisions to the East India Company’s charter in 1833 removed some of the restrictions
imposed earlier upon missionary work. It was inevitable that religious tensions would
develop. The uprising of 1857 (generally referred to as “the Indian Mutiny” by contempo-
rary English writers) is often regarded as the outcome of this growing resentment at
westernization.

172 Christian History: An Overview
Western missionary efforts in China also met with limited results. One of the many
effects of the First Opium War of the 1840s was to open up China – “the Middle Kingdom,”
as this name translates – to at least some western attitudes. China chose to remain isolated
from the West until the nineteenth century, when growing interest in commerce opened it
up to western missionaries. Of these, James Hudson Taylor (1832–1905) may be singled out
for special comment.
Hudson Taylor was initially a missionary with the Chinese Evangelization Society.
Dissatisfaction with this organization led him to found the China Inland Mission in 1865.
This mission was unusual in several respects, not least on account of its willingness to
accept single women as missionaries and on its interdenominational character. Hudson
Taylor showed an awareness of the cultural barriers facing Christian missionaries in China
and did what he could to remove them – for example, he required his missionaries to wear
Chinese rather than western dress.
Nevertheless, despite Hudson Taylor’s concessions to Chinese cultural sensitivities, west-
ern attempts to evangelize Christianity were of very limited value. Christianity was seen as
something western, and hence un-Chinese. The defeat of China by Japan in an ill-fated war
during the years 1894–1895 was widely regarded as a direct result of the presence of for-
eigners in the country. This led to the I Ho Ch’uan crusade of 1899–1900, with its fanatical
opposition to foreign investment and religious activity.
If missionary work in Asia met with limited success, this was balanced by successes else-
where, especially in Africa and Australasia. Growing missionary interest in Africa devel-
oped during the late eighteenth century, especially in reaction to the brutality of the slave
trade. Major British missionary societies that were active in Africa during the late eigh-
teenth or early nineteenth century include the Baptist Missionary Society (BMS, founded
1792, and initially known as The Particular Baptist Society for the Propagation of the Gospel);
the London Missionary Society (LMS, founded 1795 and initially known as The Missionary
Society); and the Church Missionary Society (CMS, founded 1799 and originally known as
The Church Missionary Society for Africa and the East). Each of these societies developed
a particular focus on specific regions: the BMS focused on the Congo basin, the LMS on
Southern Africa (including Madagascar), and the CMS on West and East Africa.
All of these societies were Protestant and in general strongly evangelical in their outlook.
It was not until the middle of the nineteenth century that Catholic mission groups began to
be seriously involved in the region. The trauma of the French revolution (1789) and its after-
math had severely shaken the Catholic church. Only after the Congress of Vienna (1815) had
settled the future shape of Europe could the church turn its attention to evangelism.
The dominant feature of sub-Saharan Africa in the nineteenth century is the growing impor-
tance of colonialism. Belgium, Britain, France, Germany, and the Netherlands had all established
colonies in this region during the period. The forms of Christianity dominant in these European
nations varied considerably, with the result that churches of a great diversity were established in
Africa. Anglicanism, Catholicism, and Lutheranism were all well established by the end of the
century; in South Africa, the Dutch reformed church had a particularly strong influence among
European settlers. It must, however, be stressed that other missionaries from radically different
backgrounds were also active in the region. For example, at least 115 black American mission-
aries are known to have been present and active in Africa during the period 1875–1899.

Christian History: An Overview 173
reports of the voyages of Captain Cook during the eighteenth century, which included
the discovery of Australia, led to a renewed interest in evangelizing this hitherto unknown
region. In 1795 the LMS was founded with the primary objective of sending missionaries to
the islands of the “South Sea” – that is, Australia and the whole of Oceania (all the islands of
Polynesia, Micronesia, Melanesia, including New Zealand). The first major missionary
expedition to the region set off in August 1796, when 30 missionaries set sail for Tahiti in
Polynesia. Although this mission faced considerable difficulties – not least on account of
the very different sexual mores of England and Tahiti – it can be seen as marking the
beginning of a sustained effort to establish Christianity in the region.
The geographical nature of Tahiti rendered impossible one of the most reliable means of
evangelization: the establishment of mission stations. Also, the populations of the islands were
generally too small to justify the building and maintenance of such settlements. The most suc-
cessful strategy to be adopted was the use of missionary vessels, which allowed European
missionaries to direct and oversee the operations of native evangelists, pastors, and teachers.
The most significant Christian missions were located in Australia and New Zealand,
which eventually came to serve as the base for most missionary work in the region.
Christianity came to Australia in 1788. The circumstances of its arrival were not entirely
happy. The fleet that arrived in New South Wales was transporting convicts to the penal
settlements that were being built there. At the last moment, William Wilberforce persuaded
the British naval authorities to allow a chaplain to sail with the fleet. With the dramatic
increase in British immigration in the following century, the various forms of British
Christianity became established in the region. The formation of “bush brotherhoods” in
1897 laid the basis for the evangelization of the interior of the continent.
The first missionaries arrived in New Zealand in 1814. The consolidation of Christianity
there was largely due to Bishop George Selwyn (1809–1878), who was appointed missionary
bishop of New Zealand in 1841. During his time in the region he had a marked impact on
the development of Christianity, particularly in relation to education. He returned to
England in 1867.
This brief overview of the great age of mission helps explain how Christianity broke free
from its European context to become a global religion. Although Christianity was appar-
ently landlocked in Europe as a result of Islamic expansion in the sixteenth century, the
growing maritime ambitions of Western European nations led to its being diffused
throughout the world – yet often in a decidedly westernized form. This legacy of western
influence, as events demonstrated, was often a mixed blessing. One of the most remarkable
developments of late twentieth and early twenty-first century Christianity has been a
process of indigenization whereby in many parts of Latin America, Asia, and Africa
Christianity broke free from its western origins and developed in forms much more adapted
to the distinct cultural heritages of its new homes.
The shifting fortunes of Catholicism
After the trauma of the French revolution, Catholicism began to regain something of the
confidence it had known in earlier periods. The rise of romanticism had a powerful effect
on the reawakening of interest in Catholicism, particularly in Germany and France.

174 Christian History: An Overview
Chateaubriand’s Génie du Christianisme (Genius of Christianity), which appeared in 1802,
did much to develop this new interest in the Christian faith, which can be seen reflected in
many aspects of nineteenth-century culture. Other writers who drew on romanticism in
their defense of Catholicism included Alessandro Manzoni (1785–1873) in Italy and
Friedrich von Stolberg (1750–1819) in Germany. rationalism was widely regarded as hav-
ing led to the catastrophes of the past; there was a new sympathy for the view that Christianity
was a major source of artistic inspiration and cultural excellence.
There can be no doubt that Catholicism needed to renew itself after the French revolution
and its aftermath. It is helpful to reflect on the extent of Catholic territory after the end of
the Napoleonic era in 1814. Although Catholic missions had led to the establishment of
communities in regions such as South America, Japan, and India, Catholicism was largely a
European religion at this stage, bounded by the new nation of Belgium in the northwest,
Spain in the southwest, Austria in the northeast, and Italy in the southeast. Most of the 100
million European Catholics were to be found in the Habsburg empire, Italy, and France.
It fell to Pius VII to renew his church after his return to rome in May 1814. The task
seemed enormous; nevertheless he proved equal to it. The groundwork was laid down by
the papal secretary of state, Consalvi, who negotiated concordats with a series of states dur-
ing the Congress of Vienna (1815). The Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical
Affairs was established in 1814 with the objective of rebuilding Catholicism throughout
Europe. The success of these measures can be measured by the fact that, in a traditionally
strong Protestant nation such as England, the Catholic hierarchy was re-established in 1850.
Catholicism also became a major influence in the United States during this period.
Although revolutionary America was dominated by Protestantism, waves of immigrants
from Ireland and Italy began to alter the religious balance of power as the nineteenth
century progressed. Archbishop John Carroll (1735–1815) did much to encourage the
social acceptance of Catholicism at a time when its numbers were rapidly increasing.
During the 1840s it is estimated that 2.5 million Irish Catholics emigrated to the east coast
of the United States, with dramatic demographic consequences for eastern cities such as
Boston and New York. The emergence of American Catholicism as a major force in the life
of the new nation was partly due to the ethnic loyalty of its adherents, who saw Catholicism
as an integral aspect of their identity. Their European origins thus served to mold the reli-
gious views of American immigrants at this critical period in the history of the United
States. The founding of major Catholic educational institutions, such as the University of
Notre Dame in 1842, laid the foundations for the emergence of Catholicism as a significant
intellectual force.
The re-emergence of the pope as a major figure within Catholicism during the nineteenth
century can be attributed, at least in part, to the aftermath of the Napoleonic wars. In the
decades prior to the French revolution, the pope seems to have been largely ignored by the
Catholic faithful, who regarded him as isolated and distant. However, Napoleon’s fairly
vicious treatment of the pope caused the latter to regain his prestige in the eyes of both the
faithful and European governments. Even in France, the heartland of movements that advo-
cated nationally governed churches, there was a new respect for the pope. The scene was set
for the re-emergence of the papacy as a leading institution within Catholicism and beyond.
The movement that advocated increased papal authority was known as ultramontanism and

Christian History: An Overview 175
merits further attention in its own right, not least because of its importance in connection
with the First Vatican Council – to which we now turn.
The First Vatican Council: Papal infallibility
The rise of revolutionary movements in France, Italy, and Germany during the late 1840s
led to increasing concern over the political stability of Catholic countries, and particularly
over the position of the pope himself. The First Vatican Council was convened by Pius IX
in 1869 to strengthen the church against nationalists, liberals, and materialists, who had
challenged some leading themes of the Catholic faith and deprived the church of control
over schools and property in various parts of Europe, including Italy. Despite political
uncertainty in Italy at this time, nearly 750 out of some 1,000 eligible bishops and heads of
religious orders traveled to rome to attend the council.
The council issued two major documents: Dei Filius (The Son of God), which reasserted
the harmony between reason and faith and the supremacy of the latter; and Pastor aeternus
(The Eternal Pastor), which set out the doctrine of papal infallibility. Dei Filius reaffirmed
fundamental Catholic doctrines in the light of the challenges of the age. Given the rise of
rationalism, which rejected the notion of divine revelation partly through a belief in the
supreme authority of reason, the council reaffirmed the rationality of faith on the one hand
and the inability of reason to penetrate to deeper spiritual realities on the other.
Yet most historians consider the most important decision taken at the council to have
resided in its formulation of the dogma of papal infallibility in Pastor aeternus. According
to this doctrine, the pope has “full and supreme power of jurisdiction over the whole
Church.” When the pope “speaks ex cathedra, that is, when, in the exercise of his office as
shepherd and teacher of all Christians, in virtue of his supreme apostolic authority, he
defines a doctrine concerning faith or morals to be held by the whole Church,” he possesses
the “infallibility which the divine redeemer willed his Church to enjoy in defining doctrine
concerning faith or morals.”
This notion of papal infallibility enjoyed much support – but not total support – within
the Catholic church. The topic had not initially been proposed for discussion at the council;
it emerged during debate in 1870. The dogma caused some concern, particularly in
Germany. Otto von Bismarck (1815–1898) was appointed chancellor of Prussia in 1864. He
embarked on a policy of German unification, which was pursued with increasing vigor after
the end of the Franco-Prussian War in 1871. Bismarck regarded the dogma of infallibility as
an insult to German Protestants and as a potential threat to the emerging authority of the
German state.
Bismarck embarked on a policy of discrimination against German Catholics during the
1870s. This Kulturkampf (“culture war”) eventually fizzled out in 1886. Yet anti-religious
feeling was growing elsewhere in Europe, most notably in France, where the 1901
Association Law and the 1905 Separation Law virtually eliminated religion from public life,
including education.
In Italy the position of the pope became difficult following the rise to power of King
Victor Emmanuel (1820–1878), who in effect stripped the pope of all his territories except
for the Vatican, the Lateran Castle, and Castel Gandolfo. While the Law of Papal Guarantees

176 Christian History: An Overview
ensured the pope’s independence and safety, it nevertheless placed restrictions on his rights.
This law was eventually replaced by the Lateran Treaty of 1929, which was more favorable
to the pope. The Vatican remains an independent state to this day, despite its miniscule size.
Theological revisionism: The challenge of modernism
One of the concerns to preoccupy the bishops assembled at the First Vatican Council was
the rise of modernism, which was portrayed as a serious threat to the wellbeing of the
church. So what was this movement, and why did it raise such anxieties?
Modernism is best understood as designating a set of attitudes within Catholicism that
was shaped by the intellectual culture of the Enlightenment. Alfred Loisy (1857–1940) and
George Tyrrell (1861–1909) were two of the most influential Catholic modernist writers.
During the 1890s Loisy established himself as a critic of traditional views of the biblical
accounts of creation and argued that a real development of doctrine could be discerned
within Scripture. His most significant publication, The Gospel and the Church, appeared in
1902, by which time his views had been severely criticized by the Catholic church hierarchy.
This important work was a direct response to the views of the liberal Protestant Adolf von
Harnack, set out two years earlier in What Is Christianity? Harnack’s controversial views on
the origins and nature of Christianity rested on the assertion that Christianity had only a
loose connection with Jesus of Nazareth.
Loisy rejected Harnack’s suggestion that there was a radical discontinuity between Jesus
and the church; however, he made significant concessions to Harnack’s liberal Protestant
account of Christian origins, and these included an acceptance of the role and validity of
biblical criticism in interpreting the gospels. Three features of his work merit closer
attention.
1 The Gospel and the Church recognized a genuine place for biblical criticism in Catholic
biblical scholarship and in theological reflection. Loisy’s critics saw this as a concession
to the rationalist spirit of the age.
2 Loisy called into question whether the institutional church was really to be regarded as
God’s intention for the world. The most famous sentence of The Gospel and the Church
makes this point succinctly: “Jesus proclaimed the Kingdom, and what actually came
was the Church.”
3 The work suggests that Christian doctrine has developed over time rather than being
delivered to the apostles as a fixed and permanent package. This viewpoint had already
been advocated, though with some caution, by the English Catholic writer John Henry
Newman (1801–1890). It was, however, seen as a concession to evolutionist ways of
thinking, and hence as being inconsistent with received Catholic tradition.
The British Jesuit writer George Tyrrell followed Loisy in his radical criticism of traditional
Catholic dogma. In common with Loisy, he criticized Harnack’s account of Christian ori-
gins in Christianity at the Crossroads (1909), dismissing Harnack’s historical reconstruction
of Jesus as “the reflection of a Liberal Protestant face, seen at the bottom of a deep well.” The
book also included a defense of Loisy’s work, arguing that the official roman Catholic

Christian History: An Overview 177
hostility to this book and its author has created a general impression that it is a defense of
liberal Protestant against roman Catholic positions and that “Modernism is simply a prot-
estantizing and rationalizing movement.”
In part, this perception reflects the growing influence of modernism within the main-
stream Protestant denominations. In England, the Churchmen’s Union was founded in
1898 for the advancement of liberal religious thought; in 1928 it altered its name to the
Modern Churchmen’s Union. Among those especially associated with this group may be
noted Hastings rashdall (1858–1924), whose Idea of Atonement in Christian Theology
(1919) illustrates the general tenor of English modernism.
Drawing somewhat uncritically upon the earlier writings of liberal Protestant thinkers,
rashdall argued that the theory of the atonement associated with the medieval writer Peter
Abelard was more acceptable to modern thought forms than traditional theories that made
an appeal to the notion of a substitutionary sacrifice. This strongly moral or exemplarist
theory of the atonement, which interpreted Christ’s death virtually exclusively as a demon-
stration of the love of God, made a considerable impact upon English – and especially
Anglican – thought in the 1920s and 1930s.
The rise of modernism in the United States followed a similar pattern. The growth of liberal
Protestantism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was widely perceived as
a  direct challenge to more conservative evangelical standpoints. Newman Smyth’s Passing
Protestantism and Coming Catholicism (1908) argued that roman Catholic modernism could
serve as a mentor to American Protestantism in several ways, not least in its critique of dogma
and in its historical understanding of the development of doctrine. The situation became
increasingly polarized through the rise of fundamentalism in response to modernist attitudes.
Although criticisms were made of some aspects of Catholic modernism by Pope Leo X in
1893, the fullest condemnations came from his successor, Pius X, in September 1907. In the
encyclical Pascendi dominici gregis (The Feeding of the Lord’s Flock), Pius declared that the
Catholic church now faced a threat from enemies within as much as from its critics outside
the church. Modernism, whether it originated from laity or from priests, was the “most
pernicious of all the adversaries of the Church.”
Pius’ campaign to eliminate modernism from Catholic educational institutions and from
positions of authority and influence within the church came to an end with his death in
1914. The election of Benedict XV in September 1914 put a stop to any systematic drive
against modernism. While Benedict strongly reaffirmed the substance of earlier condem-
nations of this phenomenon, he was restrained in their implementation. By then, the
influence of anti-modernism had dwindled.
The Victorian crisis of faith
As will be clear from our discussion of modernism, religious belief in many European
nations went through a period of decline and uncertainty during the nineteenth century,
particularly toward the end of this period. In this section we shall consider developments in
England. Although these can be paralleled from the narrative of American and other
European societies at the time, England’s status as an economic, military, and cultural
power gave these developments particular significance.

178 Christian History: An Overview
At the beginning of the nineteenth century there was little sign of any emerging crisis of
faith. There was little public appetite for radical change, religious or political. Although the
extremism of the French revolution was warmly welcomed by some young radicals of the
1790s and early 1800s, such enthusiasm soon dissolved. The poet William Wordsworth
(1770–1850) illustrates an initial enthusiasm for the abolition of a corrupt order along with
a growing unease about the violence and bloodshed it created. Atheism gained few sup-
porters in England on account of the revolution; most English people seem to have judged
anti-religious views as socially destabilizing and irresponsible.
Yet deeper forces were at work in English culture, creating a context within which a new
and more distant attitude to faith would emerge. One such force was the Industrial
revolution, which developed earlier and more rapidly in England than in many other
nations. While rural churches were often deeply embedded in the life of rural communities,
the migration of rural populations to cities led to a disconnection between the working
class and the church. Urban churches often failed to connect up with burgeoning commu-
nities of industrial workers.
A second development was the rise of biblical criticism, which became increasingly
important in the second half of the nineteenth century. The edited collection Essays and
Reviews (1860) caused a scandal on account of its critical attitude toward the Bible on the
part of its seven liberal Anglican authors. The most controversial of the essays was Benjamin
Jowett’s “On the Interpretation of Scripture,” which argued that the Bible ought to be read
“like any other book.” The impact of this collection of essays was perhaps greater than it
might otherwise have been, as it was published a year after Darwin’s Origin of Species had
opened up debate about the reliability of the Bible’s account of human origins.
Yet perhaps the most celebrated exponent of biblical criticism was John William Colenso
(1814–1883), a colonial bishop of the Church of England. Colenso was one in an increasing
number of writers to raise doubts about the factual reliability of the Old Testament. In his
The Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua Critically Examined (1862), Colenso questioned the
accuracy of the narratives in the historical books of the Old Testament. He disputed whether
Moses had written the Pentateuch (the first five books of the Old Testament) and argued that
its spiritual value did not imply its historical accuracy. “Though imparting to us, as I fully
believe it does, revelations of the Divine Will and Character, it cannot be regarded as histor-
ically true.” These views from the pen of a colonial bishop caused a scandal in Victorian
England, in that they were seen to challenge the basic idea that the Bible could be trusted.
A third area of tension concerned the growing popular influence of science, which was
increasingly coming to be seen as a cultural authority independent and critical of religion. The
Darwinian debates added significantly to these discussions. For many later Victorians, science
was about the future and religion was about the past. This perception was intensified by the
publication of works arguing for the permanent “warfare” of science and faith, such as John
William Draper’s History of the Conflict between Religion and Science (1874) and Andrew
Dickson White’s History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (1896).
Victorian Christianity responded to these developments in a number of manners. The
Oxford Movement, which emerged during the 1830s, was critical of German New Testament
scholarship and developed a program for the renewal of the “high church” movement
within the Church of England. Some advocated disengagement from these cultural trends,

Christian History: An Overview 179
anticipating some of the themes that were later associated with American Protestant funda-
mentalism during the 1920s.
Yet the dominant response within mainline British Christianity was to attempt to reach a
religious accommodation of these cultural developments. The willingness of the Victorian
churches to come to terms with biological and geological science, social science, archaeology,
comparative religion, and biblical scholarship can be seen partly as a pragmatic response to
the changing cultural situation. To resist these changes, many senior churchmen believed,
would only lead to the increasing cultural marginalization and isolation of organized reli-
gion within English society.
Pentecostalism: The American origins of a global faith
Many of the Christian denominations making up American society had their origins in
Europe – such as Presbyterianism, Episcopalianism, and Methodism. Yet the religious
entrepreneurialism of the United States led to the emergence of numerous new denomina-
tions and visions of faith that originated within America itself. Most of these had Christian
roots wherever their subsequent development might lead them. Joseph Smith (1805–1844)
founded Mormonism in the 1820s in New York State as a form of Christian primitivism.
Mary Baker Eddy (1821–1910) founded Christian Science in Massachusetts in 1879. The
Jehovah’s Witnesses emerged from the Bible Student Movement founded in the late 1870s
in Pennsylvania by Charles Taze russell (1852–1916). Yet perhaps the most significant form
of Christianity to emerge within the United States is Pentecostalism.
The first phase of the emergence of Pentecostalism took place on the first day of the
twentieth century – January 1, 1901 – at Bethel Bible College in Topeka, Kansas. The insti-
tution had been founded the previous October, in the holiness tradition, by Charles Parham
(1873–1929), a former pastor in the Methodist Episcopal Church. Parham asked his stu-
dents to investigate the New Testament evidence for the continued activity of the Holy
Spirit in the Christian life.
This was seen as an empty, pointless question by many. The theological wisdom of the
day took the form of “cessationism,” widely taught by the Protestant theological establish-
ment. This view held that the active gifts of the Holy Spirit, such as “speaking in tongues,”
belonged to the age of the New Testament itself and were no longer available or operational.
The New Testament was thus read from within a “cessationist” interpretative framework,
which had already determined that such spiritual phenomena were things of the past.
Parham was not so sure. Within his own holiness tradition, reports were circulating of what
seemed to be charismatic phenomena. He asked his students for their views.
The students reported that a straightforward reading of the biblical texts suggested that
such charismatic gifts were still a possibility. Impressed by the clarity of this response,
Parham and his students began a prayer vigil on December 31, 1900, in the hope that the
gift might be renewed. At 11 o’clock the following evening, on the first day of the twentieth
century, one of the students – Agnes Ozman (1870–1937) – reported having such an expe-
rience. A few days later others, including Parham himself, followed suit.
Parham and his students began to tell others about this apparent recovery of the “gift
of tongues.” One of those who heard Parham speak in 1905 was the African American

180 Christian History: An Overview
preacher William J. Seymour (1870–1922), who was forced by the southern segrega-
tionist policies of that period to listen to Parham’s lectures through a half-opened door.
Sadly, Parham – noted for his white supremacist views – did nothing to break down this
racial wall of separation. Inspired, Seymour went on to open the Apostolic Faith Mission
in a dilapidated church, then used only for storage, at 312 Azusa Street, Los Angeles, in
April 1906.
Over the next two years a major revival broke out at Azusa Street, characterized by
“speaking in tongues.” The term “Pentecostalism” began to be applied to the movement.
This name alludes to the “Day of Pentecost” – the occasion, according to the New Testament,
when the phenomenon of “speaking in tongues” was first experienced by the early Christian
disciples (Acts 2: 1–4). Significantly, at a time of ruthless racial segregation in American
culture brought about by the notorious Jim Crow segregation laws, the Azusa Street mission
pointedly ignored racial issues. A black pastor led a diverse ministry team comprised of
white people, black people, and Hispanics.
Primarily (though not exclusively) from this California base, Pentecostalism spread rap-
idly in America, appealing particularly to the socially marginalized and especially through
Seymour’s important concept of an ecstatic egalitarian ecclesiology. Unusually, it seemed to
appeal to and be embraced by both white and African American Christian groupings.
Charles Parham, however, had no time for the racial inclusiveness proclaimed and prac-
ticed by Seymour and Azusa Street. In an abortive and counterproductive move, Parham
attempted to take control of the Azusa phenomenon, being particularly disturbed by its
commitment to interracial fellowship. Among other things, Parham later went on to teach
that the white Anglo-Saxon Protestants were the privileged descendants of the lost tribes of
Israel; and he spoke in glowing terms of the Ku Klux Klan. He was never reconciled with
Seymour and eventually died in disgrace.
Yet Pentecostalism rapidly transcended its American roots and became a global faith.
We shall consider this further later in this work (pp. 212–213).
The Twentieth Century, 1914 to the Present
The assassination by a Serbian nationalist of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, the heir
to the throne of Austro-Hungary, on June 28, 1914 sparked off an international conflict of
unparalleled destructiveness. The European great powers were linked together by treaty
obligations that virtually guaranteed that a declaration of war by one would lead to a
Europe-wide conflict. On the one side were Great Britain, France, and russia; on the other,
Germany, Austro-Hungary, and Italy.
The Great War had a massive impact on Christianity globally. Christianity was still a pre-
dominantly western phenomenon in 1914. At one level, the war fractured relationships
between nations and churches and between national bodies – such as mission agencies and
churches. It would be a long time, for example, before German and British Christians were
able to restore any kind of meaningful working relationship between them.
The Great War also put an end to the notion of “Christendom.” This idea had been largely
discredited following the fragmentation of Europe in the aftermath of the French revolution.

Christian History: An Overview 181
It had now received a mortal wound, from which it never recovered. European Christian
nations had regularly fought one another in the past – but never with such ferocity.
The situation of russia was of particular importance. russia soon found itself over-
whelmed by German technological superiority and was forced to sue for peace. This caused
existing internal tensions to reach breaking point, and there is wide agreement that this
situation has been a trigger for the russian revolution – unquestionably one of the most
important developments in the twentieth century for the fortunes of Christianity in Europe
and far beyond.
Yet the Great War was not a religious war in any sense of the term. It did not arise over
religious issues, nor did religious beliefs or agendas play any significant role in its prosecu-
tion. It was a war between “nation-states,” based primarily on nationalist objectives and
agendas. A complex network of alliances and counterbalances had developed between the
various European powers since the Franco-Prussian War; these were intended to neutralize
the capacity of any great power to achieve continental dominance. In the end, the mecha-
nism that was intended to prevent a conflict locked the great powers into a delicate state of
equilibrium that, once disturbed, had the potential to escalate uncontrollably into total war.
Any account of the history of Christianity in the twentieth century must give due weight
to the instability and disillusionment that arose in the aftermath of the Great War. Two
events that took place during the Great War proved especially important in shaping the
course of Christianity in the twentieth century.
The Armenian genocide of 1915
The twentieth century opened with a catastrophe that traumatized Christians in the east-
ern Mediterranean region and was an ominous portent of things to come later that
century. The ailing Ottoman empire found itself caught up in the Great War and began to
fragment following a series of rebellions against Ottoman rule in the Middle East and
beyond. This empire was a predominantly Islamic region and was home to a significant
number of non-Islamic peoples, including Armenian Christians. The Armenian people
had adopted the Christian faith in ad 301 and regarded themselves as the oldest Christian
nation in the region. In 1915 a series of massacres and forced deportations claimed the
lives of between 1 million and 1.5 million Armenians – an event now referred to as “the
Armenian genocide.”
The events of 1915 did not come entirely as a bolt from the blue. There had been a series
of massacres of Armenian Christians in many Turkish cities during the period 1895–1897,
in which about 200,000 people are thought to have died. While the massacres of April 1915
were directed against non-Islamic religious minorities in general rather than against
Christians in particular, the people most severely affected were the Armenians. These
events took place deep within the Ottoman empire, under wartime conditions that made
communication and intervention virtually impossible. Nothing could be done to stop the
killings.
The impact of this genocide upon world Christianity has been mixed. regionally it was
seen as a catastrophe. Christians in the Middle East were stunned and numbed by the
events. Many of them lived as religious minorities under Islamic rule and feared that this

182 Christian History: An Overview
massacre might lead to a more general repression of Christians by other Islamic powers in
the region. Many drew the conclusion that geographical dispersion into Christian nations
was the only way of ensuring their safety. As a result, the largest Armenian communities
today are to be found in the United States, where they found sanctuary.
In the dark days of 1915, some Armenians had looked to russia for help. Was not this
great nation a bastion of Orthodox Christianity? Might not its great resources be brought to
bear on their desperate situation? Yet in 1917 events took a turn that few could have pre-
dicted. The russian revolution overthrew the czarist state and ushered in an altogether
new state ideology. No longer was russia an Orthodox nation. If anything, it would be a
nation committed to the elimination of religion from its territory – and, if possible, far
beyond.
The russian revolution of 1917
The political philosopher Karl Marx had argued that the origins of religion – Christianity
included – lay in social and economic alienation. People turned to religion for consolation,
because they could not bear the weight of sorrow and pain caused by their poverty and
alienation from their rights. In Marx’s famous words, religion is the opium of the people: a
narcotic, which soothes the pains of life under capitalism and makes people disinclined to
take action so as to bring about radical social and political change.
For Marx, religion would die out if radical social change were effected. Eliminate
capitalism through a communist revolution, and the pain it created would disappear – and,
with it, any need for the comfort of religion. religion, Marx argued, owed both its origins
and its continued appeal to its power to comfort and soothe in the face of the ills of
capitalism. religion thus offered an indirect support to capitalism, in that it diminished the
Figure 4.10 Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1870–1924), leader of the Bolshevik revolution in russia.
Source: AKG Images.

Christian History: An Overview 183
human will to rebel against its iniquities and to bring about the socioeconomic transforma-
tion that alone would change the world.
Marx’s ideas never achieved significant influence in the heartlands of capitalism – in
Western European nations such as Germany or Great Britain, or in the United States of
America. They may have attracted the attention of academics and social critics; yet they
failed to gain acceptance among those with power and to influence the course of events.
The russian revolution of 1917 changed this situation radically and irreversibly. Marx’s
ideas were taken seriously and put into practice by a state, which was prepared to use force
to ensure their success. For Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1870–1924), religion was a tool of
oppression, cynically used against the peasants by the russian ruling classes. The Soviet
Union now became the first state to have the elimination of religion as its ideological
objective.
The russian revolution of 1917 took place in two stages. An initial uprising against the
czarist regime took place early in 1917 in St. Petersburg, then the capital of russia. This
“February revolution” (which actually occurred in March 1917, according to the western
calendar) took place against the background of massive russian losses in the Great War and
increasing disillusionment with the policies of the czar. In the chaos of the situation, mem-
bers of the Duma – the russian imperial parliament – seized power and declared them-
selves to be the provisional government of the nation. The czar and his family were placed
under house arrest. At this stage, the intentions of the revolutionaries were to bring about a
liberal democracy within the collapsed russian empire.
Yet a more radical group, led by Lenin and informed by Marx’s ideas, was in the process
of consolidating its influence. The Bolshevik faction (“Bolshevik” comes from the russian
word for “majority”) seized its opportunity in the “October revolution” (which actually
took place in November 1917), establishing a workers’ state. Civil war broke out, in which
the Bolsheviks’ red Army fought the White Army of foreign troops and internal opponents
of the Bolsheviks. By 1924 the czar and his family had been executed and opposition to the
Bolsheviks eliminated.
Lenin always regarded the intellectual, cultural, and physical elimination of religion as
central to the socialist revolution, and he had identified atheism as an essential element of
his ideology long before the Bolshevik revolution of October 1917. In laying down how the
revolutionary cause was to be advanced in russia, he wrote: “Our propaganda necessarily
includes the propaganda of atheism.” In an attempt to win the people from Christianity
through argument, Lenin suggested that it would be necessary “to translate and widely dis-
seminate the literature of the eighteenth-century French Enlighteners and atheists.” Yet it
soon became clear that religion was obstinately persisting. A barrage of repressive mea-
sures, from banners to bullets, from pamphlets to prison camps, was unleashed against the
religionists of the Soviet Union.
Initially attention was directed toward the religious group that was dominant in russia
itself – Orthodoxy. On January 23, 1918 Lenin issued a decree depriving the church of any
right to own property or to teach religion – in private or state schools or to any group of
minors. In a Soviet variant of Henry VIII’s suppression of English monasteries, Lenin pro-
posed the confiscation of the wealth of churches and monasteries and the execution of any
who opposed it.

184 Christian History: An Overview
A key player in this atheist crusade was the League of Militant Atheists, a semi-official
coalition of various political forces that operated within the Soviet Union from 1925 to 1947.
With the slogan “The Struggle against religion Is a Struggle for Socialism,” the group set out
to destroy the credibility of religion through social, cultural, and intellectual manipulation.
Its carefully orchestrated campaigns involved using newspapers, journals, lectures, and films
to persuade Soviet citizens that religious beliefs and practices were irrational and destructive.
Good Soviet citizens, they declared, ought to embrace a scientific, atheistic worldview.
Churches were closed or destroyed, often by dynamite; priests imprisoned, exiled, or
executed. On the eve of World War II , as a result of the anti-religious policies of the Soviet
dictator Joseph Stalin (1878–1953), there were only 6,376 clergy remaining in the russian
Orthodox Church, compared with the pre-revolutionary figure of 66,140. On February 17,
1938 55 priests were executed. In 1917 there were 39,530 churches in russia; by 1940 only
950 remained functional.
Stalin’s suppression of religion, however, extended to other faiths, in line with his general
ideological commitment to the forcible elimination of religion. Attacks on Jews were
endemic throughout the period of the Soviet Union. Stalin was especially fearful of a seces-
sionist Islamic movement that was gaining momentum in the southeastern republics of the
Soviet Union, and he forcibly suppressed Islam throughout the region.
The long-term impact of the russian revolution on the history of Christianity was con-
siderable. Christianity was initially suppressed only throughout the Soviet Union. However,
after substantial Soviet military gains in World War II, Eastern Europe came under its
sphere of influence, and this led to the imposition of often repressive measures against
Christian churches and believers.
America: The fundamentalist controversy
Fundamentalism arose as a religious reaction, within American conservative Christianity,
to the development of a secular culture during the 1920s. The aftermath of the Great War in
American culture was seen by many as marking a departure from America’s traditional
Christian (and especially Protestant) moorings. In part, this was a response to the greater
mass production of consumer goods – especially autos – and a drive toward consumerism
and a credit economy, which many regarded as encouraging materialism. Divorce rates
soared. To many religious Americans, the nation seemed to have embraced new secular
values and to have moved away from older values of self-denial and from the Protestant
work ethic to a form of self-indulgence and materialism.
Despite the wide use of “fundamentalist” to characterize religious movements within Islam
and Judaism, the term designates, originally and properly, a movement within Protestant
Christianity in the United States. By a series of historical accidents, “fundamentalist” came to
us from a series of 12 books that appeared from a small American publishing house in the
1910s. The series was unremarkably entitled The Fundamentals and was intended to be an
exploration of the “basics of faith” from a conservative Protestant perspective.
To begin with, fundamentalism did not have the overtones of obscurantism, anti-
intellectualism, and political extremism that many now associate with it. It was seen as a
movement on the fringes of American mainline Protestantism, which believed that culture

Christian History: An Overview 185
was moving in anti-Christian directions and wanted to safeguard the Christian heritage.
Fundamentalists initially saw themselves simply as returning to biblical orthodoxy. This
point was recognized at the time by Kirsopp Lake (1872–1946), a leading British modernist
writer who described fundamentalism as “the partial and uneducated survival of a theology
which was once universally held by all Christians.”
Yet polemical associations were not slow to develop. Fundamentalism rapidly became a
reactive movement, defined by what it opposed as much as by what it affirmed. A siege
mentality came to be characteristic of the movement. Fundamentalist countercommunities
saw themselves (to evoke the pioneer spirit) as circles of wagons, defending their distinctive
beliefs against an unbelieving and increasingly secular culture.
The negative consequences of this polarization can be seen especially from the painful
history of the Presbyterian church in the United States during the 1920s. In 1922, an
ill-tempered controversy broke out over whether traditional doctrines should be modified
in the light of modern scientific and cultural knowledge. The conservatives seemed to be
winning ground. In response, Henry Emerson Fosdick (1878–1969) preached a polemical
sermon in May 1922 entitled “Shall the Fundamentalists Win?” Fosdick rejected core beliefs
of fundamentalism, arguing that belief in the virgin birth was unnecessary; that belief in the
inerrancy of Scripture was untenable; and that the doctrine of the Second Coming was
absurd. The sermon was rewritten by a skilled public relations expert and funded by the oil
magnate John D. rockefeller Jr. (1839–1937). It is estimated that 130,000 copies of the
sermon were circulated. A vigorous riposte soon followed from the conservative side.
Clarence Edward Macartney (1879–1957) entitled his reply “Shall Unbelief Win?”
The situation rapidly polarized. There seemed to be no middle ground, which made
toleration impossible. There could be no compromise or way out of the situation.
Presbyterians were forced to decide whether they were, to use the categories of the
protagonists, “unbelieving liberals” or “reactionary fundamentalists.” The church was
shattered. There were other options, and saner voices too; yet the highly politicized cli-
mate of opinion made it impossible for them to gain a hearing. “Oppositionalism” made
the issue be perceived in highly simplistic terms within conservative Presbyterian circles:
either an unbelieving culture would win, or victory would go to the gospel. There were no
alternatives.
Conservatives soon discovered that there seemed to be little they could do to stop the
influence of modernist thinkers such as Fosdick from growing within their denominations.
The slide into modernism seemed inexorable. The result was a growing demand within
fundamentalist circles for separation from allegedly corrupt denominations. If it proved
impossible to reform denominations from within, the only course open was to break away
from the denomination and form a new, yet doctrinally pure church body. Such a separatist
approach can be traced back to the dawn of American Protestantism. roger Williams
(c. 1604–1684), founder of rhode Island, was one of the leading proponents of a pure
separatist church, arguing that Christian believers were under an obligation to separate
themselves from apostate churches and from a secular state.
The fundamentalist war against modernity led to a closed, cautious, and defensive atti-
tude on the part of its protagonists toward what they regarded as a secular culture and
largely apostate mainline churches. Separatism seemed the only way ahead. If culture and

186 Christian History: An Overview
mainline denominations could not be converted or reformed, there was no option but to
become a voice in the wilderness.
One of the main enemies identified by fundamentalism was Darwinism. Although sev-
eral of the essays in The Fundamentals were actually supportive of evolution as a scientific
theory, radical opposition to Darwin’s theory of evolution quickly became a litmus test of
fundamentalist orthodoxy. Although some scholars suggest that this opposition arose pri-
marily because Darwinism seemed to pose a threat to traditional methods of biblical inter-
pretation, it is more helpful to see it as a reaction against what was seen as a defining
characteristic of secular culture at that time.
This opposition to Darwin’s theory of evolution led many fundamentalists to agitate for
its exclusion from the curriculum of public schools. This led to the famous Scopes “monkey”
trial of 1925. John T. Scopes (1900–1970), a young high school science teacher, was prose-
cuted for disobeying a recently adopted statute that prohibited the teaching of evolution in
Tennessee’s public schools. The American Civil Liberties Union moved in to support
Scopes, while William Jennings Bryan (1860–1925) served as prosecution counsel on behalf
of the World Christian Fundamentals Association. It proved to be a public relations disaster
for fundamentalism.
Bryan, who had billed the trial as a “duel to the death” between Christianity and athe-
ism, was outmaneuvered by the celebrated agnostic attorney Clarence Darrow, who
called Bryan to the stand as a witness for the defense and interrogated him concerning
his views on evolution. Bryan was forced to admit that he had no knowledge of geology,
comparative religions, or ancient civilizations. In the end, Bryan succeeded in winning
the trial in the courtroom. Scopes was fined $100. The state supreme court reversed the
verdict against Scopes on a technicality, allowing Scopes to walk free. Bryan died five
days after the trial.
But a perhaps somewhat more important trial was taking place in the nation’s newspa-
pers, in which Bryan was declared to be unthinking, uneducated, and reactionary.
Fundamentalism might make sense in a rural Tennessee backwater, but had no place in
sophisticated urban America. In particular, the journalist and literary critic H. L. Mencken
successfully portrayed fundamentalists as intolerant, backward, and ignorant, standing
outside mainstream American culture.
From that moment on, fundamentalism became as much a cultural stereotype as a reli-
gious movement. It could not hope to win support among the educated and cultural elites
within mainline Protestantism. The damage inflicted would never be undone. It was only
with the emergence of a new form of evangelicalism after World War II that fundamen-
talism regained some of its earlier momentum and credibility.
The German church crisis of the 1930s
Germany was economically weakened and nationally humiliated by its defeat in the Great
War. Where the economies of other nations gradually began to recover in the 1920s,
Germany remained locked into political and economic stagnation. Things were made worse
by the reparations that Germany was required to pay its former enemies and by the
emergence of rampant inflation in German economy.

Christian History: An Overview 187
Although parliamentary democracy had been imposed on Germany following the ending
of the monarchy, the Weimar republic failed to live up to public expectations and hopes. In
March 1920 the first attempt by right-wing nationalists to overthrow the government took
place, setting a pattern of instability that would continue into the 1930s. An attempt made
by Adolf Hitler and the National Socialists to seize power in November 1923 – the famous
“Beer Hall Putsch” – failed ignominiously.
Things went seriously wrong in 1929. The German economy was already slowing down
early that year. The Wall Street crash of October 1929 marked the beginning of a worldwide
slump of unprecedented severity, which proved fatal for the political stability of the Weimar
republic. A chain of events was unleashed that led to the political triumph of Hitler’s
National Socialist German Workers’ Party, widely known as the “Nazis.” Adolf Hitler was
installed as German chancellor in 1933.
Under Hitler, the German churches would face considerable challenges. National
socialism was not in any sense a Christian philosophy. Its origins are still poorly under-
stood; however, it is clear that it reflects long-standing nationalist beliefs concerning
Germanic culture, especially the role of a pan-Germanic alliance in dominating Central
Europe. Hitler’s program demanded control over most aspects of German life, including the
German churches. Unlike Stalin, however, Hitler believed that it might be possible to secure
the compliance of the churches without the use of force and oppressive measures.
Nazi rule was at first welcomed by many German churchmen, partly because it offered a bul-
wark against the ominous state atheism sponsored within the Soviet Union, and partly because
it seemed to offer a new cultural role for religion. The German Christian movement developed,
adopting a positive response to Hitler’s program for national reconstruction and unity.
Yet the unity of the German Christians did not last for long. Division arose from
September 1933, partly over the so-called “Aryan clause,” which demanded that no Jew
should hold office in the church. The strongly anti-Jewish rhetoric of the Nazi party divided
those who saw supporting Hitler as a temporary and pragmatic accommodation to German
political realities from those who wanted to reconstruct Christianity totally.
Theologians Karl Barth and Dietrich Bonhoeffer developed a radical theological critique
of any political system that placed anything but God at the center of an individual’s or a
nation’s life. Leaders of the Confessing Church (Bekennende Kirche) – a movement within
the German Protestant churches that rejected any compromises with Nazism – met at
Barmen in late May 1934 and issued a document often known as the Barmen Declaration.
This declared that the church could not adjust its ideas according to “prevailing ideological
and political convictions.” It had to remain faithful to its Christian roots, as witnessed in the
person of Jesus Christ and in the text of the Bible. Yet such protests proved ineffective
against the rhetorical and political power of a totalitarian state.
The anti-Jewish attitudes and policies of Adolf Hitler were ultimately expressed in the
Holocaust, a program of extermination that played a major role in shaping relations bet-
ween Christianity and Judaism in the period after World War II. Although others too were
judged by the Nazis to be enemies of the state and sent to the gas chambers in World War
II, by far the greatest number was that of Jews, who had fallen foul of the institutionalized
anti-Semitism of the Third reich. Hitler had learned from the Armenian genocide that
actions committed in a situation of total war did not attract international attention, and he

188 Christian History: An Overview
appears to have assumed that his own program of genocide would not attract international
condemnation.
The Holocaust had a strong impact on Jewish–Christian relations after World War II,
raising difficult questions about Christian complicity in Hitler’s wartime policies and
projects. It was also an important factor in leading to the creation of the state of Israel in
May 1948.
The 1960s: The emergence of a post-Christian Europe
In 1900, five of the world’s ten most populous Christian countries were in Western
Europe: Britain, Germany, France, Spain, and Italy. Three of the others – russia, Poland,
and Ukraine – lay in Eastern Europe. Europe was the heartland and focus of the Christian
faith; in that it was rivaled only by North America. Today the situation has changed rad-
ically. In 2005 only one Western European nation featured on the list of most populous
Christian countries.
Every Western European nation has become secularized, as indicated by four key
indicators.
1 Church attendance has fallen radically. Under 10 percent of the population of Western
Europe attends the church regularly.
2 National and regional policy making do not regularly make reference to the concerns of
the churches.
3 Schools, hospitals, and social welfare are largely in the hands of the state and are not
controlled by the churches.
4 The cultural knowledge of the basic themes of the Christian faith has become more
tenuous, especially among young people.
Western Europe is now the most secular area in the world. How did this happen? How did
a region that was instrumental in missionary work throughout much of the world from
about 1600 to 1900 become a post-Christian society? This question is often asked in the
context of the religious renewal and revival that can be seen in most parts of the world. Why
is Western Europe the exception? Why did this development take place there and not, say,
in the United States?
No satisfactory answers have yet been given. Some sociologists have argued that
Protestantism’s distinctive desacralization of nature and society – or “disenchantment,” in
Max Weber’s specific use of this concept – encouraged the emergence of the natural sci-
ences, secularism, and atheism. Peter Berger suggested that Protestantism caused “an
immense shrinkage in the scope of the sacred in reality.” Protestants, he argued, did not see
themselves as living in a world that was “ongoingly penetrated by sacred beings and forces.”
Instead they understood that world to be “polarized between a radically transcendent
divinity and a radically ‘fallen’ humanity” that was devoid of any sacred qualities or
connections.
In contrast, Berger argued, Catholicism had contained secularizing forces through its
deeply symbolic understanding of the natural world and of humanity’s place within it.

Christian History: An Overview 189
Without realizing what it was doing, Protestantism opened the floodgates for the forces that
would shape modernity and would ultimately cause Protestantism such grief in its European
heartlands.
Although the secularization thesis is now regarded with suspicion, it was widely held
during the 1960s. This led many churches to ask deep questions about their future in what
they believed would be an increasingly secular world. The most significant attempt to
engage this question was the Second Vatican Council, in which Catholicism sought to con-
front such cultural trends and to forge robust and realistic strategies to meet them. We shall
consider this landmark council in what follows.
The Second Vatican Council: reform and revitalization
The Catholic church was well aware of the radical social and cultural changes that seemed
to be sweeping through western culture in the postwar period, especially in Western Europe.
There was a clear need for theological reconstruction and reformulation, in order to be able
to translate the Catholic faith into terms that connected it with the new cultural situation.
Yet Pius XII, who was pope from 1939 until his death in 1959, did not believe that there was
any pressing need to engage these issues. There was no mood for reform within the papal
establishment.
The death of Pius XII led to the election of a new pope, John XXIII, in October 1958.
Elected at the age of 78, John XXIII was expected to be an “interim pope.” His was to be a
transitional papacy, without any expectation of major changes. Less than three months
later, John XXIII took the church’s establishment by surprise when he announced that he
would be convening an ecumenical council to formulate the church’s responses to the real-
ities of the postwar world. The general mood in the Vatican was that there was a need for a
few “house-keeping measures” within the church. The announcement of a reforming coun-
cil was unexpected. The Italian word used to refer to this process of reform and renewal was
aggiornamento – “updating.” In many ways, this would be the watchword of the council.
John XXIII spoke frequently of the need to open the windows of the church to let in some
fresh air. He expressed the hope that such opening would be the beginning of a new
Pentecost for the church.
The council held its deliberations in the Vatican. It began under John XXIII, on October
11, 1962, and closed under Paul VI, on December 8, 1965. The death of John XXIII on June
3, 1963 did not derail it; Paul VI immediately declared his intention to continue his prede-
cessor’s project.
What were the achievements of the council? How did the idea of aggiornamento work out
in practice? The council took place against a backdrop of resurgence of confidence within
Catholicism, in response to developments such as the election of a Catholic – John F.
Kennedy – as president of the United States. Perhaps this sense of confidence contributed
to the council’s bold declarations about the role of the church in the world, which urged all
Catholics to dialogue with developments they saw around them. Catholicism would not be
like American fundamentalism in the 1920s and 1930s. It would not retreat into a ghetto; it
would engage with the world. In many ways, this spirit of positive, constructive, and confi-
dent engagement remains one of the most striking characteristics of the council.

190 Christian History: An Overview
Its decisions, however, must also be given due weight. The council reaffirmed the
collegiality of bishops without calling into question the authority or status of the pope; it
emphasized their important role in governing and guiding the church. A new accent was
placed on the role of the laity, whose members were encouraged to engage with their social
and political context. The Catholic church’s attitude to other churches became more relaxed
and positive: it was an attitude of acknowledging that these other churches were indeed
Christian bodies, although they were separate from the Catholic church.
This new generosity toward other Christians was matched by a commitment to positive
and respectful engagement with other faith traditions. Of particular importance was the
council’s recognition that the Catholic church had been complicit in creating prejudicial
attitudes toward Jews, particularly by suggesting that they had been responsible for the
death of Christ. This was an important gesture of conciliation toward the world’s Jews, espe-
cially in the aftermath of the Holocaust.
One of the most important decisions of the council was the reforming decree Sacrosanctum
concilium (literally “holy council,” officially translated as The Council’s Constitution), which
was approved on December 4, 1963 by a landslide majority. There were 2,147 votes in favor
and 4 against. This reforming decree laid the foundations for liturgical renewal. One of
its  most important decisions concerned the project of translating the liturgy into the
Figure 4.11 The opening of the second session of the Second Vatican Council, September 29,
1963, with Pope Paul VI (formerly Giovanni Battista Montini). Source: Keystone/Getty Images.

Christian History: An Overview 191
vernacular. This significant development was coupled with a growing willingness to
authorize vernacular translations of the Bible.
The radical decisions taken by the council were met with suspicion in more conserva-
tive parts of the Catholic world, such as Ireland. Observing this resistance, many con-
cluded that the “spirit of the council’ could not be implemented until an older generation
of bishops, who were fixed in their ways and locked into older habits of thought and
action, had given way to a new generation. Yet there was little doubt that the Second
Vatican Council marked a landmark in Catholic life and thought, signaling a new way of
engaging the world.
Christianity and the American Civil rights Movement
The American Civil War led to a number of tensions within the Union, in which the former
southern “slave” states developed state and local laws that allowed them to maintain racial
segregation along antebellum lines. The Jim Crow laws, enacted between 1876 and 1965,
mandated policies of racial segregation similar to those in force in South Africa in the 1950s
and 1960s under the name of apartheid (apartheid is an Afrikaans word meaning “separate-
ness”). These laws laid the foundation for racial segregation in all public facilities in the
southern states of the former Confederacy.
It is widely agreed that, despite the importance of individual activists and campaigners,
the key to the success of the Civil rights Movement in America was the black churches of
the southern states. These represented the most significant social and political force to
emerge from the former slave communities. Although socially marginalized in the southern
states during the period between the two world wars, these churches were the only institu-
tions with the finances, structure, and mass membership needed to bring about a mass
mobilization of African Americans with the power to change society.
The strongly religious tone of the rhetoric of the Civil rights Movement partly reflects
the failure of American liberalism to achieve any success in civil rights legislation and policy
at the height of its power during the 1930s. In the end, the ideology of political liberalism
became subordinated to the religious vision and worldview that characterized large parts of
the movement at grassroots level. The struggle for civil rights was widely understood to be
a religious struggle, echoing the great themes of the Old Testament narratives about the
liberation of Israel from its bondage in Egypt. Mass political meetings of the civil rights
campaign often mimicked the structure and tone of church services, partly because they
were seen as a natural extension of the religious and social visions, deeply rooted in the
history of the black South.
The event that triggered the Civil rights Movement closest and most familiar to us was
the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955. In December 1955 a black woman – rosa Parks
(1913–2005) – was arrested under the Jim Crows laws for refusing to give up her seat to a
white man, on a public bus in the city of Montgomery, Alabama. Opposition to this arrest
and to the discriminatory attitudes toward black people that lay behind it was led by the
black Baptist pastor Martin Luther King (1929–1968). The resulting boycott lasted for more
than a year and generated national publicity. A United States District Court ruling of 1956
finally ended racial segregation on all Montgomery public buses.

192 Christian History: An Overview
Encouraged by this development, King sought to mobilize opinion to end segregation on
buses throughout the South. After a series of meetings early in 1957, King launched the
Southern Christian Leadership Conference, specifically with the aim of harnessing the
social capital of black churches to challenge existing laws on segregation. It was a controver-
sial move, as many pastors and church leaders – both black and white – believed that the
churches should concentrate their attention on the spiritual and pastoral needs of their
congregations rather than become engaged in political action.
Yet, despite this tendency to political quietism, the churches became increasingly involved
in nonviolent protests. A successful campaign in Birmingham, Alabama, was followed by a
massive march on Washington in August 1963. The Kennedy administration, spurred to
activity largely by the media coverage of police’s overreaction against demonstrators in
Birmingham, began to roll back southern legislation, ending much – though not all – of the
racial discrimination in the South.
The Civil rights Movement is notable for bringing about two developments, which
marked the re-entry of the churches into the political process in the United States. First,
King’s program of social action was clearly seen to be based on a theological vision of trans-
formation and renewal rather than on the agenda of a specific political party. King chose to
align himself with neither republicans nor Democrats, but operated outside the political
establishment.
King’s speech “I Have a Dream” (August 28, 1963), widely hailed as a rhetorical master-
piece, is deeply rooted in the Old Testament’s vision of justice and freedom, providing a
theological defense for acting for change. Prophetic themes from Isaiah 40 are woven into
the fabric of the speech, articulating both hope and vision.
Second, King’s success made it clear that churches could become involved in political
debates and in direct action without compromising their principles. The civil rights
campaign made it religiously acceptable for churches and individual Christian leaders to
become politically engaged.
Faith renewed: John Paul II and the collapse of the Soviet Union
The situation in Europe after World War II was complex and posed particular challenges for
the Catholic church. The establishment of the Soviet bloc meant that many Catholic parts
of Eastern Europe unexpectedly found themselves under communist control and severe
restrictions were placed on the activities of churches and religious believers. In the West, the
radical questioning of traditional structures of authority and beliefs in the 1960s created a
cultural context that challenged many Catholic ideas.
The Second Vatican Council began to address some of the issues raised for Catholicism
in the West, although their implementation provoked some impatience, particularly in the
area of artificial contraception. Yet the influence of the Soviet Union and its Eastern
European satellite states arguably caused a much greater problem. There seemed little that
the papacy could do to engage the situation. Influence was seen as resting on pragmatic
factors – such as military force. On being criticized by Pope Pius XII, the Soviet leader Josef
Stalin dismissed this intervention as inconsequential. “How many divisions has the Pope?”

Christian History: An Overview 193
Pope Paul VI died in August 1978. Like his predecessor, John XXIII, Paul VI was an
Italian pope who had worked hard to improve relations with other Christian churches and
to open the windows of the church to the world. It was unclear who his successor would be.
Some favored Cardinal Giuseppe Siri (1906–1989), the conservative archbishop of Genoa,
whose criticisms of the Second Vatican Council suggested that he would lead the church in
a more conservative direction. In the event, the papal conclave elected the Italian Albino
Luciani (1912–1978), who took the name “John Paul I.” It soon became clear that he would
be a reforming pope, concerned to implement the decisions of the Second Vatican Council.
John Paul I died suddenly on the thirty-third day of his reign – September 29, 1978. His
unexpected death prompted speculation that he had been assassinated, although this is not
regarded as persuasive by historians. A papal conclave was convened once more. The cardi-
nals appear to have initially divided along traditionalist and reformist lines, adepts of tradi-
tion favoring Giuseppe Siri and adepts of reform the archbishop of Florence, Giovanni
Benelli (1921–1982). Although Benelli came close to being elected, it was clear that neither
of the leading contenders commanded sufficient support to be elected. A compromise can-
didate was therefore sought.
To the surprise of the outside world, the conclave elected Karol Józef Wojtyła (1920–
2005), the Polish Archbishop of Kraków. Wojtyła announced that he would be known as
“John Paul II,” which was interpreted both as a tribute to his predecessor and as an indica-
tion that he would continue his reforming trajectory. John Paul II was only 58 at the time of
his election, which made him one of the youngest popes in recent history.
Although the appointment created huge interest throughout the world, its impact was
greatest in Wojtyła’s native land. Poland lay within the Soviet bloc at the time of his election
and was one of the most devoutly Catholic countries in Europe. The communist authorities
had proved unable to suppress Catholicism and had instead concentrated their efforts on
limiting its influence. The election of a Polish pope – the first non-Italian pope for nearly
500 years – caused a surge of national pride in Poland and gave a new significance to the
nation’s Catholic identity.
During a pastoral visit to Poland in June 1979 – the first of nine such visits to his home-
land – John Paul II was overwhelmed by the enthusiastic crowds. As the national mood
changed, partly in response to Catholic resurgence, resistance against the communist
authorities grew. In a landmark development, the trade union Solidarity was established in
August 1980, at the Lenin Shipyard at Gdańsk, under the leadership of Lech Wałęsa (born
1943). The imposition of martial law in December 1981 failed to repress the movement,
even though its regional leaders were imprisoned.
The events in Poland served as a trigger for comparable developments throughout the
Soviet bloc. Central control began to weaken, especially during the period when Mikhail
Sergeyevich Gorbachev (born 1931) served as general secretary of the Communist Party of
the Soviet Union. On being elected as general secretary in 1985, Gorbachev enacted a policy
of perestroika (russian “restructuring”) and glasnost (russian “openness”). Though intended
to liberate the economy of the Soviet Union from an excessive bureaucracy, this move ended
up by significantly weakening the grip of the Communist Party over both the Soviet Union
and its allies.

194 Christian History: An Overview
It became increasingly clear that religion was no longer being repressed. For example, in
February 1988 a red Army choir performed “Ave Maria” before John Paul II at the Vatican.
In the same year Mikhail Gorbachev both permitted and promoted the celebration of a mil-
lennium of Christian faith in russia and the Ukraine. Three years later the Soviet Union
ceased to exist. It was formally dissolved on December 25, 1991, its 15 component republics
becoming independent sovereign states. Within a decade, Orthodoxy had re-established
itself as a major spiritual and political force within the new russian Federation.
Mikhail Gorbachev remarked that the fall of the Iron Curtain would have been impos-
sible without John Paul II. This is correct, provided it is not understood to imply that the
pope was the sole cause of the collapse. Many factors were involved, and many would argue
that the resurgence of religion – catalyzed to no small extent by this charismatic pope – was
one of the factors that destabilized the eastern bloc. John Paul II himself took a different
view, suggesting that communism collapsed on account of its own inner contradictions. “It
would be simplistic to say that Divine Providence caused the fall of Communism. In a
certain sense Communism as a system fell by itself.”
The reign of John Paul II saw major challenges developing for Catholicism, including a
decline in priesthood and church attendance in western nations, the growing numerical
strength of evangelicals and Pentecostals in Latin America, Asia, and Africa, and debates
over the decentralization of power to local parishes. Although John Paul II was initially
regarded by some as a reformist, his reign was chiefly notable for its reassertion of tradi-
tional papal attitudes and for a distinct cooling of relations between Catholics and other
churches. Yet many would argue that the most significant event of his reign was the collapse
of the Soviet Union and the emergence of a new order in Eastern Europe.
Challenging the church’s establishment: Feminism and liberation theology
The rapid social changes following World War II led to challenges to many traditional
Christian beliefs and practices. One of the most important is the emergence of “libera-
tionist” movements, which sought to free groups from the domination of cultural or
political power groups. In this section we shall note two such groups: feminism, originally
known as “women’s liberation,” and Latin American liberation theology.
In the West, one of the most significant critiques of monotheistic religions emerged from
the growing feminist movements, which argued that the fundamentally male notions of
God embedded within Judaism, Christianity, and Islam were linked with their original
patriarchal cultures. These notions were no longer defensible in cultures in which women
asserted their own identity and authority.
Though there are clear historical precedents – such as the women’s suffrage movement,
which campaigned for the right to vote in the early twentieth century – feminism emerged
during the late 1960s. Some feminists focused their attention on specific political or social
issues, but others argued for the need to undermine sexual domination as the pervasive
ideology of western culture, showing that this ideology lay behind many of its political
structures and cultural beliefs or practices.
More recently the movement has become increasingly heterogeneous, partly as a result of
the fact that women within different cultures and ethnic groupings accepted a diversity of
approaches. Thus the writings of black women in North America are increasingly coming

Christian History: An Overview 195
to be referred to as “black womanism,” a label that recognizes that the notion of “women’s
experience” does not refer to a universal but to a value shaped by gender and class.
The impact of feminism on Christianity has been primarily in the West and has led to
two significant developments. First, the movement campaigned for a greater representation
of women within the churches, especially among the clergy. This campaign complemented
the activities of others, who argued for the ordination of women on biblical grounds,
holding that the New Testament questioned all social, gender, and power relationships on
the basis of the new order of the gospel. Some denominations had begun to ordain women
before World War II. The Salvation Army, for example, had 41 women officers and 49 men
officers in 1878. Denominations that emphasized the importance of tradition (Catholicism
and Orthodoxy) and churches that interpreted the New Testament as prohibiting women
from exercising leadership have resisted such developments.
Second, the movement argued that traditional Christian language showed a bias toward
male role models and language. A number of post-Christian feminists, including Mary
Daly in her Beyond God the Father (1973) and Daphne Hampson in Theology and Feminism
(1990), argued that Christianity, with its male symbols for God, its male savior figure, and
its long history of male leaders and thinkers, is biased against women, and therefore inca-
pable of being salvaged. Women, they urged, should leave its oppressive environment.
Others, such as Carol Christ in Laughter of Aphrodite (1987) and Naomi ruth Goldenberg
in Changing of the Gods (1979), argue that women may find religious emancipation by
recovering the ancient goddess religions (or by inventing new ones), and by abandoning
traditional Christianity altogether.
Other feminists have reacted against such curt dismissals of Christianity and argued for
a more nuanced and informed reading of the Christian tradition. Feminist writers have
stressed how women have been active in the shaping and development of the Christian tra-
dition from the New Testament on and have exercised significant leadership roles
throughout Christian history. Indeed many feminist writers have shown the need to reap-
praise the Christian past, giving honor and recognition to an army of faithful women whose
practice, defense, and proclamation of their faith has hitherto passed unnoticed by a large
part of the Christian church and its (mainly male) historians.
The maleness of Christ has been a topic of particular discussion by feminist writers, who
have noted how this feature has sometimes been used as a theological foundation for the
belief that only the male human may adequately image God, or that only males provide
appropriate role models or analogies for God. In response, feminist writers have argued that
the maleness of Christ is a contingent aspect of his identity, on the same level as his being
Jewish. It is a contingent element of his historical reality, not an essential aspect of his iden-
tity. Thus it cannot be allowed to become the basis of the domination of females by males,
whether in the church or in society, any more than it legitimates the domination of Gentiles
by Jews, or of plumbers by carpenters.
The rise of liberation theology in Latin America during the 1960s is also of importance.
One of the most dramatic developments to take place globally in the aftermath of World
War II was the spread of Marxism. Although imposed by force in many parts of Eastern
Europe and Central Asia, its ideas proved inspirational for many groups in Latin America,
Africa, and Asia – groups of people who were disillusioned with the existing social order
and wanted to change it radically. Marxism offered a worldview that promised to transform

196 Christian History: An Overview
society – and it was a worldview without God. It seemed to provide a way of throwing off
colonialist and imperialist shackles and of finding liberation.
In Latin America Marxism quickly gained the initiative, Cuba functioning as a revolu-
tionary template and base from 1965: Fidel Castro had overthrown the US-backed Cuban
President Fulgencio Batista (1901–1973) in a violent revolution of 1959 and had declared
Cuba a communist state in 1961. In Brazil, Marxism adapted to the local situation, as theo-
rists such as Caio Prado (1907–1990) enabled it to present its socioeconomic vision as the
remedy for the nation’s ills. recognizing the importance of dealing with the social issues
that this vision reflected, some prominent Catholics in the region developed a “liberation
theology” that sought to emphasize the transformative social vision of the gospel.
Liberation theology began to emerge in 1968, when the Catholic bishops of Latin America
gathered for a congress at Medellín, Colombia. This meeting – often known as CELAM II,
an acronym for Consejo Episcopal Latinoamericano (Latin American Episcopal Council) –
sent shock waves throughout the region by acknowledging that the church had often sided
with oppressive governments in the region and by declaring that in future it would be on
the side of the poor.
This theme was picked up and developed by liberation theology. The church is oriented
toward the poor and oppressed – the authentic source for understanding Christian truth and
practice. In the Latin American situation, the church is on the side of the poor. The fact that
God is on the side of the poor leads to a further insight: the poor occupy a position of special
importance in the interpretation of the Christian faith. All Christian theology and mission
must begin with the view from below – that is, with the sufferings and distress of the poor.
Liberation theologians defended their use of Marxist ideas on two grounds. First,
Marxism is seen as a “tool of social analysis,” which allows insights to be gained concerning
the present state of Latin American society and the means by which the appalling situation
of the poor may be remedied. Second, it provides a political program by which the present –
unjust – social system may be dismantled and a more equitable society created. Liberation
theology is thus critical of capitalism and affirmative of socialism. God’s preference for and
commitment to the poor is a fundamental aspect of the gospel, not some bolt-on option
arising from the Latin American situation or based purely on Marxist political theory.
Liberation theology was a significant response to the revolutionary fervor of many parts
of Latin America in the 1960s and the two decades that followed. Since then its appeal has
dwindled, partly because it focused on distant goals and partly on account of the rise of
another religious option for the poor of Latin America: Pentecostalism (which we shall
discuss on pp. 212–213). Yet the ideals of liberation theology live on. The election of the
Argentinian Jorge Mario Bergoglio as pope in 2013 is seen by some observers as marking a
renewed papal interest in the poor on the one hand and in an informed critique of capitalism
on the other.
Christianity beyond the West: The globalization of faith
The great European missionary ventures of the early modern period, initially undertaken
by the Catholic church and subsequently by Protestants, vastly extended the geographical
range of the Christian faith. In quantitative–numerical terms, the center of Christianity as a

Christian History: An Overview 197
whole shifted decisively away from the West between 1900 and 2000. Christianity is now
predominantly a religion of the global South. Population growth in this area, when set
alongside the evangelistic and missionary successes of the twentieth century, mean that an
increasing proportion of an increasingly large population is now Christian. For example: in
1900 the population of Africa was 10 million people, of which 9 percent were Christian; in
2005, the population was more than 400 million, of which 46 percent are Christian.
The case of Korea is particularly important. Korea is an Asian nation that, in the course of
a single century, has become a majority Christian nation. At the beginning of the twentieth
century, the only predominantly Christian nation in Asia was the Philippines – a strongly
Catholic country with a small Protestant minority. Although Catholicism was established in
Korea by the 1880s, its adepts formed a very small community. The serious growth of
Christianity in Korea is probably to be traced back to two American Protestant missionaries:
the Methodist Henry Appenzeller (1858–1902) and the Presbyterian Horace Underwood
(1859–1916). Both actively promoted education as a means of embedding Christianity in
Korean society. Some form of Pentecostal revival appears to have developed around 1907
and to have been significant in bringing about conversions among the native population.
Korea underwent partition into a communist north and a democratic south following
the Korean War, which broke out on June 25, 1950. The heavy involvement of missionary
agencies in the relief programs that followed the ending of the war created a powerful stim-
ulus to the development of Christianity, which was catalyzed still further by the Korean
churches’ programs of social action during the 1960s.
Today Korea sends out Christian missionaries to nations throughout Asia, and increas-
ingly to the large Korean diasporas of major western cities – from Sydney to Los Angeles,
from Melbourne to New York. These are now closely linked with a network of churches,
which serve more and more as a focal point for community action, mutual support, and
spiritual nourishment. In 1979 Korean churches sent 93 missionaries overseas. In 1990 that
number had increased to 1,645; in 2000, to 8,103.
Christianity is also becoming an increasingly significant presence in China, despite the
communist revolution of 1949. Wishing to avoid any suggestion that Christianity was a tool
of western imperialism or an unwelcome western cultural import, Y. T. Wu (1893–1979), a
Chinese Christian leader, initiated the Three Self Patriotic Movement. This movement
advocated the “Three Self ” strategy of “self-governance, self-support, and self-propagation”
as a means of eliminating foreign influences from the Chinese churches and of reassuring
the new communist government that the churches would be committed to the newly
established People’s republic of China.
Since 1990 Christianity has grown substantially in all its forms within China. The rea-
sons for this development are not fully understood. The Chinese government appears to
have taken a pragmatic attitude toward this development, especially in working to secure a
better relationship with the Vatican. Although some are suggesting that China may become
the nation with the greatest number of Christians in the next few decades, it is clearly
unwise to speculate about such a poorly understood phenomenon.
In Africa Christianity has adapted in the light of indigenous values and customs. With
the departure of colonial powers in the decades following World War II, leadership within
the African churches gradually devolved from Europeans to Africans, resulting in a growing

198 Christian History: An Overview
adaptation of the colonial churches to local customs and traditions. Yet many indigenous
churches now began to emerge without any historical connection with European denomi-
nations. These African initiated churches (AICs) are strongest and most numerous in
Southern Africa, West Africa, the Congo Basin, and central Kenya. Three major categories
of AICs can be identified:
1 Ethiopian and African churches AICs that do not claim to be prophetic or to have special
manifestations of the Holy Spirit have been referred to as “Ethiopian” or “Ethiopian-
type” churches in Southern Africa and “African” churches in Nigeria. These churches
are generally earlier in origin than the other two types and arose primarily as a political
and administrative reaction to European mission-founded churches. For this reason
Ethiopian or African churches are very similar to the historical Protestant churches
from which they emerged. For example, they usually practice infant baptism, read set
liturgies, wear European clerical vestments (often black), and use forms of worship that
are less enthusiastic or emotional than other AICs.
2 Prophet-healing and spiritual churches These churches tend to have their historical and
theological roots in the Pentecostal movement, emphasizing the working of the power
of the spirit in the church. This is the largest grouping of AICs, and it includes a wide
variety of some of the biggest churches in Africa. It includes the Kimbanguist movement
and the African Apostolic Church in Central Africa, the Aladura and Harrist churches
in West Africa, and the Zion Christian Church and the Amanazaretha in Southern
Africa.
3 New Pentecostal churches This group of churches of more recent origin (most of them
are founded after 1980) also emphasize the power and the gifts of the Holy Spirit. They
are today probably the fastest growing expression of Christianity in Africa and have
exploded on the African religious scene since about 1975 to such an extent that they are
challenging many previously accepted assumptions about the character of African
Protestantism. Examples of these include the Deeper Life Church in Nigeria, the
Zimbabwe Assemblies of God African, and Grace Bible Church in South Africa.
Conclusion
This brief overview of Christian history can only offer the most basic survey of its themes,
which need to be considered in much greater detail. Happily, there are many useful volumes
available, if you wish to explore this field further. Some suitable starting points are noted in
the Further reading section, which will help you take things further.
From this historical analysis it will be clear that Christianity has a complex history, which
has made it develop in quite distinct ways in different parts of the world and appear in quite
different forms in the same geographical regions. In the next chapter we shall explore the
different forms of Christianity encountered today.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In the previous chapter we explored the development of Christianity, noting such landmarks
as the Great Schism of 1054 between East and West (pp. 138–139), the emergence of
Protestantism in the sixteenth century (pp. 151–154), the birth of the Pentecostal movement
in the twentieth century (pp. 212–213), and the Second Vatican Council (pp. 189–191).
This complex history means that contemporary Christianity is variegated, characterized by
quite different understandings of church government, styles of worship, and cultural roots.
In what follows we shall explore some of the major forms of Christianity in today’s world.
The term “denomination” is widely used to refer to families of Christian churches.
Although this practice is widespread, especially in the media, it is not universally accepted.
The term was originally used to designate the various Protestant groups that emerged as a
result of the sixteenth-century Reformation (pp. 151–158), and it came to mean something
like “self-governing ecclesial body” – such as Lutheranism or Methodism. Neither
Catholicism nor Orthodoxy considers itself to be a denomination; both regard themselves
as churches that trace their origins back to the apostolic era. Yet the term “denomination”
has come to be so widely used to refer to groups of Christian churches that it will be used in
this chapter, despite these concerns.
Catholicism
Catholicism is by far the world’s largest Christian church and is widely expected to be the
most successful one in the next generation. Although some refer to it as “Roman Catholicism”
in order to emphasize the central role of Rome in its past history and present government,
there is an increasing trend to use the simpler term “Catholicism” instead (note the use of
the initial capital letter). This practice will be followed in this work. Catholicism is presently
Denominations
Contemporary Forms of Christianity
5

200 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
the largest religious group in the United States, where it has four times the membership of
its nearest rival, southern Baptist. Recent statistics suggest a modest growth in its member-
ship in the United States over the last few years. Catholics are by far the largest and most
widely distributed Christian group in the world, and Catholicism continues to expand. It
can expect to face problems everywhere; nevertheless, its past history suggests that it will be
able to face them and to make the necessary adjustments.
Yet the future of Catholicism was once seen to be in doubt. To appreciate this point, we
need to go back two centuries and consider the situation of the Catholic church in Western
Europe following the French Revolution of 1789 (pp. 168–169). As the nineteenth century
cautiously opened, there was a general feeling that the future of Roman Catholicism was
very much in doubt. The French Revolution had virtually wiped out the influence – and
even the presence – of the church in France. Revolution was to be exported, both through
the spread of its leading ideas and through the activities of French revolutionary troops,
which invaded parts of until then Catholic Europe. Things looked grim. The Napoleonic
era was widely seen as presaging the end of any role for Catholicism in Europe. Yet, with the
defeat of Napoleon and the reshaping of Europe at the Congress of Vienna (1815), things
began to stabilize.
Although missions had established a significant Catholic presence in regions such as
South America, Japan, and India (pp. 149–150), Catholicism was still to a great extent a
European religion (pp. 173–174). This situation began to change as Catholicism began to be
established in the Americas, Asia, and Africa through the expansion of European economic
and political influence. In the case of the United States, the expansion of Catholicism took
place mainly during the nineteenth century, primarily through emigration from Catholic
nations of Europe, such as Ireland and Italy. The inauguration of John Fitzgerald Kennedy
as the first Catholic president of the United States in 1960 was seen by many observers as
demonstrating that Catholicism had become part of the social fabric of the nation.
In reflecting on the present state and form of Catholicism, it is important to bear in mind
the achievements of the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965), especially the reforming and
renewing agenda that it imposed during a period of rapid social change in the West
(pp. 189–191). The 1960s are now widely regarded as the high-water mark of a period of
secular optimism in western culture. The question of the relevance of Christianity within
such a context came to be of considerable importance. Sensitive to a whole range of issues,
John XXIII (pope from 1958 to 1963) summoned the Second Vatican Council in order to
deal with “updating” the agenda of the church (pp. 189–191). The council began its meet-
ings in October 1962. In four sessions spread over the fall of each year during the period
1962–1965, more than 2,450 bishops from all over the world met at Rome to discuss the
future direction of the Catholic church.
The council helped define the place of the Christian faith and of the Catholic church in
the modern world; it focused particularly on the nature of the church itself, the relation
between bishops and pope, the relation between Christians and non-Christians, and the
relation between Catholics and other Christians. The importance of evangelism was
affirmed in a context of respecting the identities and integrities of non-Christians.
A concern for social justice has propelled the Roman Catholic church to the forefront of the
global struggle for human rights – as can be seen in recent decades from the role of the church

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 201
in the overthrow of President Marcos of the Philippines, in the liberation of East Timor from a
particularly vicious annexation of its territory by Indonesia, and in the libertarian struggle in
South America under military dictatorships, which claimed the lives of several notable bishops.
After the Second Vatican Council, the Catholic church came to see itself more as a
community of believers than as a divinely ordained and hierarchically ordered society. The
laity was given an increasingly important place in the life of the church. The council also
followed the example of Leo XIII in stressing the social aspects of the Christian faith,
including its implications for human rights, race relations, and social justice. Within the
church, the idea of “collegiality” took on greater importance. This expresses the notion that
the church is itself a community of member churches, with the authority dispersed to some
extent among its bishops rather than concentrated in the pope.
The Second Vatican Council is a landmark in the history of Catholicism. It remains to be
seen how it will influence the development of Christianity into the next millennium. While
many Catholics welcomed the new atmosphere that it introduced, others felt that it had
betrayed many central concerns of traditional Catholic teaching and practice. Traces of this
tension remain in the modern Catholic church. It is, however, a creative tension, and it can
be expected to lead to a healthy process of self-examination in the future.
Other tensions have subsequently emerged as significant within Catholicism. Increasingly,
Christianity is becoming a religion of the developing world, with its center of gravity
moving – at least numerically – away from the western world and toward the emerging
nations of Africa and Asia. Much the same pattern is reflected in other Christian churches.
Yet there are some specific issues relating to Roman Catholicism, including a startling
decline in the number of men offering themselves for the priesthood. This is especially evi-
dent in the Irish Republic, until recently a Catholic bastion in Western Europe. Allegations
of child abuse have seriously eroded the status of the priesthood. A serious shortage of
priests now confronts the Irish church. Similar patterns can be discerned throughout the
western world. In the developing world, however, things are much more encouraging.
This means that the agenda of the developing world is increasingly coming to dominate
Catholicism, as the traditional agenda of the West becomes less important. The election of
the Argentinian Jorge Mario Bergoglio (born 1936) as pope in 2013 was widely seen as
highlighting the importance of the global South in contemporary Catholicism. (Bergoglio
took the papal name “Francis.”) This development is interpreted by some observers as
showing that Catholicism has moved decisively from seeing itself as a western faith in the
last two centuries. It is widely expected that the Catholic church will continue to be the
major player in global Christianity in the next generation.
The distinctive ethos of Catholicism is difficult to summarize, on account of the com-
plexity of the movement. However, the following points are important:
1 The Catholic church has traditionally had a strongly hierarchical understanding of
church government, focusing on the pope, cardinals, and bishops. The pope has
considerable influence over the appointment of bishops throughout the Catholic world.
The College of Cardinals meets in secret sessions after the death of a pope, in order to
elect his successor. A cardinal is a priest or bishop nominated by the pope and entrusted
with special administrative responsibilities.

202 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
2 Partly on account of the importance of the pope, the city of Rome has a particularly
significant place in the Catholic ethos. The phrase “Roman Catholic,” sometimes still
used by Protestants to refer to this church, reflects the importance of Rome as its
epicenter. The Vatican City is widely regarded as the spiritual and administrative heart
of Catholicism and has served as the venue for the two most recent councils: Vatican
I (1869–1870) and Vatican II (1962–1965). Many Catholics make a pilgrimage to Rome,
on account of its strong historical associations with early Christianity (Apostles Paul
and Peter are widely believed to have been martyred and buried in the city).
3 The church is generally seen as a visible divine institution, whose structures are
grounded in divine reality. Although this view of the church was modified slightly by
Vatican II, it remains of importance for modern Catholicism. Particular importance is
attached to the role of the teaching office of the church (usually referred to as the
magisterium). The Council of Trent affirmed that no one was free to interpret Scripture
“contrary to the sense in which Holy Mother Church, who is to judge the true sense and
interpretation of the Holy Scriptures, has held and does hold.” Lying behind this is a
strongly corporate conception of the Christian life and of authority within the church,
contrasting sharply with the individualism that has become characteristic of modern
western culture during the twentieth century.
4 The catholic clergy are of major local importance in everyday Catholic life. Members of
the Catholic clergy are not permitted to marry. This is one of the most noticeable
practical differences between Catholicism and other forms of Christianity. Orthodoxy
and Protestantism permit their priests (or ministers) to marry. Catholic priests are
exclusively male. Although women are permitted to undertake some pastoral and
liturgical responsibilities (the precise details of which vary from place to place), the
Catholic church currently remains committed to an exclusively male priesthood.
5 Catholicism is strongly liturgical. In other words, the forms of worship used by the
church are fixed and laid down centrally, reflecting the conviction that the way in
which the church prays and worships is inextricably linked to what the church believes
(a  point sometimes made using the Latin dictum lex orandi, lex credendi, “the law of
praying is the law of believing”). The liturgy is seen as a public statement of the beliefs
and values of the church and as a means by which continuity with the apostolic tradi-
tion is maintained. Until the Second Vatican Council, the language of the liturgy was
Latin; the use of native languages is now permitted, although considerable care is taken
to ensure that vernacular translations accurately reflect the sense of the original Latin
versions of the liturgy.
6 Catholicism is also strongly sacramental, placing considerable emphasis on the
“sacramental economy” (that is, the view that the benefits of Christ, which result from
his death and resurrection, are communicated to the church through the sacraments).
The Catholic church recognizes seven sacraments (whereas Protestants recognize only
two). In terms of the regular liturgical life of the church, the most important sacrament
is the mass or the eucharist, which is understood to make present the body and blood
of Christ.
7 The monastic life continues to be of importance to shaping and articulating the Catholic
ethos. Although there has been a decline in the traditional religious orders, they

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 203
nevertheless continue to play a major role, such as acting as retreat centers for the laity.
Growing popular interest in Ignatian spirituality is of particular interest in this respect.
The role of the religious orders in establishing and maintaining educational centers at
every level should also be noted.
8 Catholicism places an emphasis on the role of the saints in general and of the Virgin
Mary in particular. The saints and Mary are understood to act as intercessors for both
the living and the dead. The doctrine of the immaculate conception of Mary states that
Mary was conceived without her sharing in the common human condition of original
sin; thus the doctrine provides a theological formalization for the high place Mary holds
in Catholic life and devotion. Nevertheless, Catholic writers are careful to draw attention
to the distinction between the veneration due to Mary (which is honorific) and the
worship due to God and to Jesus Christ as the Son of God.
Eastern Orthodoxy
Whether in its Greek or Russian forms, eastern Orthodoxy – sometimes referred to simply
as “Orthodoxy” (and note the initial capital letter) – represents a form of Christianity that
retains a strong degree of continuity with the church of the eastern Mediterranean
(pp.  169–170) and traces its liturgy and doctrines directly back to the early church.
Orthodoxy is numerically strongest in Eastern Europe, particularly in Russia and Greece,
where it has had a major influence in shaping a sense of national identity. However, it has
also established a major presence in North America and Australia through emigration. The
Australian city of Melbourne, for example, is home to one of the largest Greek Orthodox
communities in the world.
Any attempt to describe the distinctive ethos of Orthodoxy would include the following
elements:
1 A very strong sense of historical continuity with the early church. Orthodoxy is
thus strongly oriented toward the idea of paradōsis (“tradition”), particularly the
writings of the Greek fathers. Writers such as Gregory of Nyssa, Maximus the
Confessor, and the writer who adopted the pseudonym Dionysius the Areopagite
are of particular importance in this respect. Tradition is seen as a living entity,
which remains essentially unchanged while being capable of meeting the new chal-
lenges of each succeeding age. This is reflected in the fixed liturgical forms used
within Orthodoxy.
2 Orthodoxy recognizes only seven ecumenical councils and does not accept any council
after the Second Council of Nicaea (787) as having binding authority. Although local
councils meet to deal with various matters, they are not understood to have the same
authority as these earlier councils.
3 Orthodoxy has been very resistant to the ideas of authority that emerged within western
Catholicism, particularly the centralization of ecclesiastical authority in the person of
the pope. In the twentieth century increasing attention has also been paid by western
theologians to the notion of “catholicity” that has been dominant in the Orthodox

204 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
churches. This notion is often expressed using the Russian word “sobornost,” which has
no exact equivalent in other languages and has been assimilated as such in American
English (Merriam Webster defines it as a sense of spiritual–religious unity related to the
notion of catholicity as interpreted in the ecumenical councils of the eastern Orthodox
church). While the term denotes the general concept of “universality,” it also expresses
the unity of believers within the fellowship of the church. This idea, which is developed
most fully in the writings of Aleksei Khomyakov (1804–1860) and Sergei Bulgakov
(1871–1944), attempts to do justice to both the distinctiveness of the individual mem-
bers of the church and the overall harmony of its corporate life. Thus understood,
sobornost is linked with the notion of “conciliarity” (the Russian word sobor means
“council” or “assembly”), in which the life of the church is governed in such a way that
authority is dispersed among all the faithful rather than centralized and concentrated in
any single quasi-papal figure.
4 Theologically distinctive ideas include an insistence that the Holy Spirit proceeds from
the Father alone (rather than from the Father and the Son, as in western churches: see
pp. 74, 139) and the understanding of salvation as deification. This is often summarized
in the theological motto “God became human, in order that humans might become
God.” This theological refrain may be discerned as underlying many soteriological
reflections in eastern Christianity, both during the patristic period and in the modern
Greek and Russian Orthodox theological traditions. As the motto suggests, there is an
especially strong link between the doctrine of the incarnation and this understanding of
salvation. For Athanasius, salvation consists in the participation of humans in the being
of God. The divine Logos is imparted to humanity through the incarnation. On the
basis of his belief in the existence of a universal human nature, Athanasius concluded
that the Logos did not merely assume the specific human existence of Jesus Christ, but
human nature in general. As a consequence, all human beings are able to share in the
deification that results from the incarnation. Human nature was created with the object
of sharing in the being of God; through the descent of the Logos, this capacity is finally
realized.
5 The use of icons – that is, pictures of Jesus Christ, Mary, and other religious figures – is
of particular importance in Orthodoxy (pp. 262–263). The strong emphasis on the
incarnation of the Son of God is understood to have consequences for prayer and spir-
ituality. Icons are “windows of perception” through which the believer may catch a
glimpse of the divine reality.
6 Monasteries continue to play a critically important role in the articulation and defense
of the Orthodox ethos. Perhaps the most important monastic center remains Mount
Athos, a peninsula stretching into the Aegean Sea. Most bishops are drawn from mon-
asteries.
7 Orthodox clergymen, unlike their Catholic counterparts, are permitted to marry,
provided they do so before ordination. Bishops, however, are generally unmarried,
on account of their predominantly monastic backgrounds. Orthodoxy insists that
only males can be ordained and rejects the possibility of female priests, largely for
the sake of continuity with tradition and without offering any specific arguments on
this matter.

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 205
Protestantism
The term “Protestantism” is widely used to refer to those churches which trace their histor-
ical origins back to the European Reformation of the sixteenth century (pp. 151–154). The
term is potentially misleading, in that most Protestant churches stress their historical and
theological continuity with the early church. It must be insisted that the term “Protestant”
is not in tension with the idea of being “catholic.” The orthographical distinction between
“catholic” and “Catholic” is of critical importance. To be “Catholic” is to be “catholic” in a
particular way, which Protestants reject. Anglican and Lutheran writers, for example, place
special emphasis on their continuity with the life and thought of the early church and affirm
their “catholic” credentials. Similarly, in 1536 John Calvin, the reformer of the city of
Geneva, vigorously defended the Reformation against the charge that it had no place for the
patristic heritage. Here we shall follow the general convention of using the term “Protestant”
to refer to those churches whose historical origins are to be traced back to the divisions that
opened up in the sixteenth century.
Protestant churches have had particularly close links with the state in a number of areas
of Europe. Lutheranism, for example, has had close links with the state in Scandinavia, just
as various forms of Presbyterianism have been influential in Scotland and in the Netherlands
or Anglicanism in England. Partly on account of these links, and more generally through
their continuity with the mainline Reformation, these churches offer baptism to infants
who are too young to confess the Christian faith. This serves to distinguish them from
Baptists, who hold that baptism should be administered only to those who are already
believing Christians (pp. 207–209).
Evangelicalism (pp. 213–214) is now a major influence within most mainline Protestant
denominations in the English-speaking West, although until relatively recently its influence
has been significantly smaller in continental Europe. A number of independent churches
have now sprung up with a distinctively evangelical ethos, especially in South America and
Southern Africa.
The charismatic movement (pp. 212–213) has also been of significance in the life of
many mainline Protestant churches, and its influence has also been felt in Catholicism. A
number of specifically charismatic denominations (such as the Assemblies of God) are
now of growing importance in global Protestantism. In what follows we shall focus on
five major Protestant denominations; it must be appreciated that the rapid growth
of  evangelicalism and of the charismatic movement means that numerical growth
within  Protestantism is now increasingly likely to happen outside the mainline
denominations.
All Protestant denominations permit their ministers to marry. In recent years, most
Protestant denominations – but not, it must be stressed, all of them – have permitted
women to be ordained to full-time ministry within the church. Other means by which
Protestants can be distinguished from Catholics include the following:
1 The authority of the pope is rejected. While some Protestants treat the pope with
personal respect, he is not regarded by any of them as carrying any moral or doctrinal
weight.

206 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
2 Protestantism recognizes only two sacraments (pp. 112–117) and administers communion
in both kinds (pp. 156–157). In other words, the laity is permitted to receive both bread
and wine at communion. However, it should be noted that Methodism has traditionally
insisted that unfermented grape juice, rather than wine, should be used at communion.
3 A cluster of characteristic Catholic beliefs are rejected or treated as strictly optional,
individual, and private beliefs rather than as the official teaching of the denomination.
The cluster includes the idea of purgatory, the intercession of the saints, and any form
of devotion to the Virgin Mary.
4 Until the Second Vatican Council, it was required that the liturgy of the Catholic church
be read in Latin. This contrasted with the views of the reformers, who argued that all
forms of public worship – including preaching and the reading of the Bible – had to be
in a language that common people could understand.
Readers interested in following up on some of these historical and theological points are
recommended to read works that deal with the history and theology of the Reformation,
which will provide considerably more detailed explanations of these points, as well as
expanding on them.
Now we shall briefly comment on several mainline Protestant denominations, before
moving on to consider two important movements – Pentecostalism and evangelicalism –
which are best seen as distinct from mainline Protestantism despite their connections
with it.
Anglicanism
“Anglicanism” is the term usually employed to denote the distinctive features of the ecclesia
Anglicana – the national Church of England, as it emerged from the sixteenth-century
Reformation (pp. 156–157). The worldwide expansion of England’s influence – initially
through the annexation of Ireland and Scotland and subsequently through the colonization
of North America in the seventeenth century, of the Indian subcontinent in the late eigh-
teenth century, and of sub-Saharan Africa in the nineteenth – brought with it a significant
enlargement of the sphere of influence of Anglicanism. The parody of Anglicanism as “the
British empire at prayer” contains at least an element of truth: Anglicanism has exercised
relatively little influence outside those realms that were once subject to British presence
or rule.
Here are is a summary of the main features of Anglicanism:
1 Anglicanism is an episcopal church, which sees the episcopacy as a means of demon-
strating historical continuity with the early church. This is of particular importance to
the more catholic sections of Anglicanism.
2 Anglicanism recognizes the historical and spiritual importance of the English city of
Canterbury. In 597 Augustine of Canterbury was sent to England by Pope Gregory to
evangelize the English, and he made this city the base of his operations. The arch-
bishop of Canterbury is seen as the spiritual head of the Anglican church, although
he lacks the  powers invested in a pope. All the bishops of Anglican churches are

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 207
invited to Canterbury every 10 years for the Lambeth Conference, which aims
to  review the directions taken by Anglicanism in the last decade and to plan for
the future.
3 Anglicanism is defined and distinguished theologically by the Thirty-Nine Articles
(1563) that date from the reign of Elizabeth I. Although their content is not regarded by
Anglicans as binding, many consider them to lay out the basic contours of an Anglican
theological ethos.
4 Anglicanism is a strongly liturgical church; originally it found one of its central foci to
be the Book of Common Prayer (1662), which embodied the “spirit of Anglicanism” in
a fixed liturgical form. Anglican churches throughout the world had this in common,
along with a common ecclesiastical structure. Yet the process of liturgical revision,
which acquired major importance in the 1970s, resulted in the adoption of different
liturgical forms by Anglican churches in England, Canada, the United States, and
Australia, which weakened the theological convergence of the movement.
5 The growing trend toward decentralization, linked with an increasing concern on the
part of nations such as Australia and Canada to shake off their “colonial” image, has led
to a new interest in developing distinctively national or ethnic approaches to Anglican
identity. In its traditional forms, Anglicanism has been perceived as too “English” or
“colonial” to maintain its credibility in the postcolonial era. As a result, Anglicanism has
become increasingly diverse, reflecting local concerns and resources. This trend gives
every indication of continuing in the years ahead.
6 Anglicanism is predominantly an English-language church, although there are small
Anglican presences outside anglophone contexts (for instance in francophone Africa).
The Baptists
The origins of the Baptist churches are to be found in the seventeenth century. The more
radical sections of the Reformation had always insisted that the church was to be a pure
society of believers rather than a mixed body. During the seventeenth century, particu-
larly in England, there was growing support not only for the idea that congregations
should consist only of those who explicitly and publicly affirmed their faith, but for the
related idea that baptism should be reserved only for those who affirmed their faith in
this way. This contrasted with the Church of England, which permitted infants to be
baptized (see p. 156).
The movement gained momentum in England during the nineteenth century, with great
preachers such as C. H. Spurgeon (1834–1892), who drew huge audiences for his sermons.
The foundation of the Baptist Missionary Society (1792) by William Carey (1761–1834) led
to considerable effort being invested in missionary work. Baptist congregations were
established in North America, where the movement has grown to have great influence on
public life in the United States of America. The Southern Baptist Convention is one of the
most important forces in modern American Christianity; its six seminaries have been of
major importance in shaping the distinctive ethos of the denomination. Perhaps the best-
known Protestant Christian of the twentieth century – Billy Graham (born 1918) – is
a Baptist.

208 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
The Southern Baptist Convention was founded in Augusta, Georgia, in May 1845. Up
to that point, individual Baptist congregations in the area had operated without feeling
the need for any national or regional structure, and never thought of themselves as
belonging to a “denomination.” Yet there was a growing recognition that a centralized
denomination would be more efficient and more powerful, capable of achieving greater
social and political influence. Anxious not to compromise the autonomy of local Baptist
congregations, the convention adopted a model of church governance that was essentially
congregationalist. The autonomy and independence of individual congregations was thus
affirmed.
This meant that the policies of a local Baptist congregation in a matter of doctrine,
discipline, or church order could not be overturned by any superior body, since there is no
body that has authority over the local church. This principle of congregational autonomy
was vigorously upheld by the second president of the Convention, R. B. C. Howell, during
the period 1851–1858. Congregations may affiliate to (and disaffiliate from) the convention
as they see fit. This local independence is essential to any understanding of the subsequent
dynamics of southern Baptist life, especially in the later twentieth century.
The Baptist ethos is difficult to summarize on account of the denomination’s diversity
worldwide. However, the following will be helpful if you wish to gain something of an
understanding of the movement:
1 Baptists insist that baptism (the act) should be reserved for believers. Infant baptism is
regarded as unjustified. This is probably one of the most distinctive aspects of the
Baptist ethos. Some Baptist churches maintain an open policy on this matter, accepting
both adult and infant baptism; nevertheless, the emphasis upon adult baptism (often
referred to as “believers’ baptism”) remains a distinctive feature.
2 In the southern United States, Baptists tend to be theologically conservative, placing a
high value on the role of the Bible. The use of the phrase “the Bible Belt” to refer to the
southern states of the USA reflects the importance of the Bible in Baptist church life,
especially in preaching. Although the qualification “evangelicalism” makes the person
to whom it is applied be sometimes regarded with suspicion (the word itself is seen by
some as a “Yankee” – that is, a northern – word), it is clear that the southern Baptists are
increasingly becoming evangelical in orientation.
3 Baptist churches deliberately avoid the traditional form of church architecture, in which
the altar is central and the pulpit is to one side. This is seen as having the effect of
focusing the attention of the congregation on the sacrament of the eucharist. Instead
Baptist church designs tend to place the pulpit at the center of things, in order to stress
that the public reading of the Bible and the subsequent sermon preached on the biblical
text are of central importance.
4 Baptists have tended to be critical of fixed liturgies, seeing in them an unhealthy incli-
nation toward a purely formal expression of faith and toward the suppression of extem-
pore prayer on the part of both minister and congregation.
5 Baptist clergypeople are referred to as “ministers” (from the Latin word for “servant”) or
“pastors” (from the Latin word for “shepherd”). The term “priest” is completely avoided.
The episcopal system of church government is rejected.

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 209
Lutheranism
Lutheranism is the form of Protestantism that derives directly from Luther’s reformation of
the German church in the 1520s. Lutheranism was initially restricted to parts of north-
eastern Germany; however, by a gradual process of expansion, the movement established
itself in Scandinavia and the Baltic states. Although there were early indications that
Lutheranism might become the dominant form of Christianity in England during the late
1530s, it never gained the influence that some expected. The movement was active in
missionary work, especially in India.
The movement’s greatest expansion came about through the emigration of Lutheran
communities from Scandinavia and Germany to North America. The settlement of
Swedish communities in Minnesota is a particularly good example of this phenomenon.
Lutheran communities also settled in Australia through a similar process. As a result,
Lutheranism today is to be found chiefly in Germany, Scandinavia, the Baltic states, and
especially the northern states of the USA. North American and European Lutheranism
have tended to pursue somewhat different agendas during the past century – agendas
reflecting their different contexts. However, the formation of the Lutheran World
Federation has gone some considerable way toward giving Lutherans a common sense of
identity and purpose.
The Lutheran ethos reflects, to some degree, the central themes of Luther’s personal
program of reformation, which stressed continuity with the medieval church while at the
same time introducing doctrinal and other changes where change was regarded as necessary.
1 Lutheranism is a strongly liturgical church, which sees the liturgy as a means of ensuring
historical continuity with the past and of maintaining doctrinal orthodoxy.
2 Lutheranism is defined theologically by both the Augsburg Confession (1530) and the
Formula of Concord (1577). As a result, the words “Augsburg” and “Concord” are fre-
quently incorporated into the titles of Lutheran seminaries and publishing houses.
3 Lutheranism retains a sacramental emphasis that goes back to Luther and is absent from
many other Protestant denominations. It adopts a causative approach to baptism,
arguing that this practice is “necessary and effectual to salvation.” This contrasts with
the view of other Protestant denominations (particularly the Baptist one), which tend to
regard baptism as a sign of grace rather than as something that is necessary before grace
can be given.
4 Many Lutheran churches, particularly in European nations, use an episcopal form of
church government.
5 Some of Martin Luther’s fundamental emphases – such as the doctrine of justification
by faith alone, or the dialectic between law and gospel – play an important role in con-
fessional Lutheran theology, especially as this is taught at seminaries.
Methodism
Methodism was a movement within the Church of England that subsequently gave birth
to Methodism as a denomination in its own right. Its origins are especially associated with

210 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
John Wesley (1703–1791), one of its founders and early leaders. When Methodism broke
away from the Church of England, this was contrary to Wesley’s intentions. The distinctive
emphasis of the early Methodists was on the need for personal holiness. The term
“Methodist” was originally a nickname, based on the methodical nature of the devotions
and disciplines of the Wesleys and their circle.
The early history of English Methodism demonstrates the innate tendency to
fragmentation that is characteristic of Protestantism. Divisions arose over a series of issues,
including church order and discipline – though not, significantly, matters of doctrine. A
dispute in the northeast of England led to the “Methodist New Connection,” which formed
in 1797. A decade later the “Primitive Methodists” broke away, believing that the Wesleyan
Connection was losing its enthusiasm for revivalism. The Bible Christian Church was
founded by a Wesleyan preacher in England’s west country in 1815; unusually, it made
extensive use of women preachers.
Yet English Methodism also illustrates Protestantism’s capacities to set past controversies
behind it and to secure reconciliation. In 1857 three Methodist groups united to form the
United Methodist Free Churches; in 1907 these were incorporated, together with the New
Connection and others, into the United Methodist Church; in 1932, the Wesleyans, the
Primitive Methodists, and the United Methodists merged to establish the Methodist Church
in Great Britain.
Generally Methodism has tended to be found primarily in English-speaking regions of
the world, showing a parallelism with Anglicanism in this respect. As a result of various
union schemes, in various parts of the world such as Canada and Australia, Methodism has
ceased to exist as a distinct denomination. The formation of the World Methodist Council
has gone some way toward maintaining Methodism as a distinct entity within global
Christianity.
1 Since its inception, Methodism has placed particular emphasis on the role of the laity.
The office of the “lay preacher” illustrates this emphasis, which can also be found in
various aspects of Methodist church government.
2 Methodism has taken considerable trouble to integrate personal faith and social action,
as it considers the gospel to involve both personal and social transformation.
3 Since the time of the Wesleys, Methodism has been characterized by a stance on the-
ology best described as “an optimism of grace.” This stance contrasts with the more
Calvinist approach to theology adopted by reformed churches.
4 Some Methodist churches, especially in the United States, use an episcopal system of
church government; others do not.
5 In recent years, Methodists have been involved in a number of denominational mergers.
The Uniting Church in Australia was established in 1977 through the union of most
congregations of the Methodist Church of Australasia, the Presbyterian Church of
Australia, and the Congregational Union of Australia. In Canada, the United Church
was founded in 1925 through a merger of four Protestant denominations, including the
Methodist Church of Canada. In the United States, the United Methodist Church was
established in 1968 through the union of the Methodist Church and the Evangelical
United Brethren Church.

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 211
Presbyterianism and other reformed denominations
If the Lutheran churches owed their historical origins to Luther, the reformed churches
owed theirs to Calvin. Reformed versions of Christianity were soon established in Western
Europe, whence they spread to North America. In Europe itself Scotland and the
Netherlands were soon established as particularly important centers of reformed thought.
In England the two major reformed traditions have been referred to traditionally as
Presbyterianism and Congregationalism; they reflect two different systems of church
government.
Presbyterianism takes its name from the Greek word presbuteros (“elder”) and applies to
a form of church government that is exercised by representative groups of senior congrega-
tion members. Although this form of church government is encountered across Protestant
denominations, the qualification “Presbyterian” is given particularly to those churches that
arose in England and Scotland during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries,
taking their theological lead from John Calvin. Congregationalism recognizes the autonomy
of the individual congregation.
As a result of Dutch colonial policy during the nineteenth century, forms of reformed
Christianity were established in South Africa, the northeastern parts of South America, and
parts of Southeast Asia. In the United States the Princeton Theological Seminary was
established as a leading center of Presbyterian thought and practice. In recent years South
Korea has become a leading center of reformed church life, as a result of the very rapid
growth of Christianity in that region. The World Alliance of Reformed Churches, constituted
in its present form in 1970 (although tracing its origins back to 1875), provides a means of
allowing the various reformed churches to maintain their common identity.
The diversity within the reformed churches is such that it is difficult to make generaliza-
tions about them. However, the following aspects of the reformed ethos are salient:
1 Reformed churches are generally governed by “presbyters” or “elders.” (The name
“Presbyterianism” derives from this practice.) Some reformed churches regard the
elders as ministers in their own right, with pastoral or teaching responsibilities; others
see them as assistants, with specific responsibilities in relation to the administration and
government of the church. The term “minister” is used to refer to a member of the
ordained clergy, in preference to a priest.
2 Reformed worship traditionally places considerable emphasis upon the reading and
preaching of the word of God. Holy Communion is celebrated regularly but infre-
quently. This emphasis upon preaching rather than the sacraments is especially evident
from the regular Sunday worship of the reformed churches.
3 In the English-speaking West and in regions influenced by it, the reformed faith is
defined theologically by the Westminster Confession (1647). As a result, the word
“Westminster” is frequently incorporated into the titles of reformed seminaries and
publishing houses.
4 Most reformed churches place an emphasis upon the sovereignty of God in predestina-
tion, which contrasts with the more “optimistic” view associated with Wesleyan
Methodism.

212 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
Pentecostalism
The origins of Pentecostalism are complex, but this movement is usually traced back to the
first day of the twentieth century – January 1, 1901. Charles Parham (1873–1929) had
launched the Bethel Bible College in Topeka, Kansas a few months earlier. One of his
particular interests was the phenomenon of “speaking in tongues,” which is described in
Acts 2: 1–4. Most Christians had taken this to be something that happened in the early
church but was no longer part of the Christian experience. On New Year’s Day, 1901, one of
Parham’s students experienced this phenomenon. A few days later, Parham experienced it
for himself (pp. 179–180).
Parham began to teach about this apparent recovery of the gift of tongues. As we have
seen earlier, he was heard by the African American preacher William J. Seymour (1870–
1922), who subsequently opened the Apostolic Faith Mission at 312 Azusa Street, Los
Angeles in April 1906. The term “Pentecostalism” began to be applied to the movement,
taking its name from the “Day of Pentecost,” when the phenomenon was first experienced
by the early Christian disciples (Acts 2: 1–4).
The movement spread rapidly in America, appealing especially to the marginalized.
Unusually, it seemed to appeal to and be embraced by both white and African American
Christian groupings. Although Pentecostalism can be thought of as traditionalist in its
Christian theology, it differs radically from other Christian groupings in the emphasis it
places on speaking in tongues and in its forms of worship. These styles of worship are
strongly experiential and involve prophesying, healings, and exorcisms. These forms and
the perceived lack of intellectual sophistication of the movement led to its being ignored by
mainline denominations and the academy. Yet, after World War II, a new phase in its expan-
sion began, which paved the way for a massive growth in the second half of the twentieth
century.
The incident that brought Pentecostalism to wider public attention took place in Van
Nuys, California, in 1960. The rector of the local episcopalian church, Dennis Bennett, told
his astonished congregation that he had been filled with the Holy Spirit and had spoken in
tongues. Reaction varied from bewilderment to outrage; the local episcopalian bishop
promptly banned speaking in tongues from his churches. However, it soon became clear
that others in the mainline denominations had shared Bennett’s experience. They came out
of their closet and made it clear that they believed that they had experienced an authentic
New Testament phenomenon, which would lead to the renewal of the churches.
By the late 1960s it was evident that some form of renewal based on charismatic gifts
such as speaking in tongues was gaining a hold within Anglican, Lutheran, Methodist, and
Presbyterian circles. Perhaps most importantly of all, a growing charismatic movement
began to develop within the Roman Catholic church. Using the term “Pentecostal” to
describe this now became problematic, as this name was used to refer to a family of churches –
such as the Assemblies of God – which placed particular emphasis on speaking in tongues.
Accordingly, the term “charismatic” was used to refer to movements within the mainline
churches based upon the ideas and experiences of the Pentecostal movement. Charismatic
renewal within the mainline churches has led to new and informal worship styles, an
explosion in worship songs, a new concern for the dynamics of worship, and an increasing

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 213
dislike for the traditionalism of formal liturgical worship, especially when the latter involves
the cumbersome use of hymn books or service books.
The Pentecostal movement – which we shall here take to include charismatic groups
within mainline churches – has changed considerably since World War II. The most obvious
change is its massive surge in growth. It is now estimated that there are 500 million
Pentecostals in the world, with a very wide geographical distribution. Although the
movement may be argued to have its origins primarily within African American culture, it
has taken root in South America, Asia, Africa, and Europe.
Why has this form of Christianity become so popular? Two factors are generally recognized
as playing a significant role in the growing global appeal of Pentecostalism. First, Pentecostalism
stresses a direct, immediate experience of God and avoids the rather dry and cerebral forms
of Christianity that many find unattractive and unintelligible. It is thus significant that
Pentecostalism has made huge inroads in working-class areas of Latin America, since it is able
to communicate the divine without any need for the alienating impedimenta of a bookish
culture. Second, the movement uses a language and a form of communication that enables it
to bridge cultural gaps highly effectively. Pentecostalism is best seen as an oral religion, which
communicates its vision of life in stories, testimonies, and songs.
Evangelicalism
Evangelicalism has become a phenomenon of major importance in the mainline Protestant
churches since 1945. Although some new Protestant denominations have been formed that
are explicitly evangelical in orientation, the general pattern that has emerged indicates that
evangelicalism is a movement within the mainline denominations. Hence evangelicals
within the reformed churches retain much of the ethos of those churches (including its
church structures), while supplementing it with at least some of the characteristics of evan-
gelicalism noted below. Similarly, evangelicals within Anglicanism adopt many of the char-
acteristics of the latter (such as the episcopal system of church government and the use of a
fixed liturgy), while retaining an evangelical ethos in their church.
The four main distinctive features of the evangelical ethos are generally agreed to be the
following:
1 Evangelicalism is strongly biblical in its emphasis, which is especially evident in the
styles of preaching found within the movement. This emphasis is carried over into other
aspects of evangelical life, which is reflected for instance in the importance attached to
small Bible study groups within the life of the church and to the regular reading of the
Bible in personal devotion.
2 Evangelicalism gives particular weight to the cross of Jesus. Although Jesus is of central
importance to evangelicalism, the accent has tended to fall upon the saving death of
Jesus on the cross. This is especially reflected in evangelical hymns and songs.
3 Evangelicalism stresses the need for personal conversion. Considerable emphasis is
placed on the dangers of “nominalism,” which in this context designates a purely formal
or external acceptance of Christian teachings, without any personal transformation in

214 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
consequence. Evangelical preaching often stresses the need for Christians to be “born
again” (see John 3: 1–16).
4 Evangelical churches and individual evangelicals have a deep commitment to evange-
lism – that is, to converting others to the Christian faith. Billy Graham is a good
example of a twentieth-century evangelical who has become well known on account of
this commitment. It should be noted that the words “evangelicalism” and “evangelism”
are often confused, on account of their similarity. The former refers to a movement;
the latter to an activity – but an activity that is especially associated with this specific
movement.
The Ecumenical Movement and the World Council of Churches
As will be clear from the analysis presented in this book, Christianity has its fair share of
internal divisions. The separation of the Latin-speaking West from the Greek-speaking East
had been under way for some time before the Great Schism of 1054 made it official. The
sixteenth-century Reformation led to the establishment of a group of Protestant churches –
Anabaptist, Anglican, Lutheran, and reformed – that disagreed with Rome and (perhaps
more importantly) with each other. Protestantism turned out to be a movement with an
inherent tendency to fragment. Today it is estimated that there are at least 20,000 Protestant
denominations in the world.
Could these differences be set aside, allowing the churches to reunite? Or at least achieve
better working relationships? These aims underlie the ecumenical movement, which began
to develop momentum after World War II. The term “ecumenical” comes from the ancient
Greek word oikoumenē, meaning “the known inhabited world.” Although informal efforts
to achieve better relationships between churches had been made for some time, the events
of the twentieth century gave a new impetus to ecumenism. In 1920, in the aftermath of the
Armenian genocide (p. 181), a synod of the Orthodox church issued an encyclical calling
for a “fellowship of churches” similar to the League of Nations.
Following the end of World War II, concerted attempts were made to reconcile wartime
enemies – especially France and Germany – in order to reconstruct Europe and ensure that
it had a viable future. A parallel movement developed within the churches. Was not this a
God-given moment, in which Christian unity might be pursued and achieved? It was
against this background that the World Council of Churches was created in the aftermath
of World War II. The decision to headquarter the council in Geneva was based partly on the
fact that this Swiss city was host to the prewar League of Nations and to many postwar
international organizations.
The first assembly of the World Council of Churches, held in August 1948 in Amsterdam,
was seen as a beacon of hope for postwar Europe. Although the plans to inaugurate this
organization went back to 1936, World War II both delayed this event and highlighted its
potential importance. The main Protestant churches in the West agreed to work together
and to keep doing so. Although there were obvious tensions between liberal and progressive
Christians and their more conservative counterparts, this potential difficulty was defused
through skillful footwork on the part of the conference organizers.

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 215
So what is the World Council of Churches? From the outset, it was clear that this was a
Protestant body. Catholic and Orthodox churches might send observers; initially, however,
full membership was limited to Protestant churches. Although the new body initially
described itself as “a fellowship of churches which accept our Lord as God and Savior,” it
became clear that clarification was needed. How did this body relate to others – such as
denominational leadership structures? These questions were engaged at the second meet-
ing of the World Council of Churches, held in Toronto in 1950, and further developed at
later meetings.
According to the council’s declaration in Toronto, its purpose is “to bring the churches
into contact with one another and to promote discussion of questions of Church unity.” Its
initial intention was to transform the prevailing indifference to the need for ecumenical
fellowship and unity, through theological dialogue and spiritual fellowship, into a deep and
conscious conviction of the need for Christian unity.
The World Council of Churches has always made it clear that it is not some type of
“megachurch,” which exists over and above its constituent churches. The constitution of
this body excludes any role that might take away authority from member churches. “The
World Council shall not legislate for the churches.” Neither the Assembly nor the Central
Committee of the World Council of Churches were to possess any “constitutional authority
whatever over its constituent churches.” Ecclesiological pluralism was thus built into the
structures and thinking of the World Council of Churches from its inception. This was “a
fellowship of churches” that sought to encourage its members to work toward the goal of
their visible unity. But there was no agenda designed to impose such a union on its
members.
There was no doubt that this was seen as a welcome and necessary move, not least as the
situation of the churches began to change in the West. In the 1970s and 1980s, a growing
sense that western culture was becoming increasingly secular and hostile to the Christian
faith led to many Christians wondering if they ought to suspend hostilities between
Christian groupings and concentrate upon the issue of survival. Furthermore, the expan-
sion of Christianity into traditionally Islamic areas of the world, together with the growth
of significant Islamic groups in the West through immigration, has led many Christians to
predict that this will be the next major area of confrontation. Should not Christians unite in
the face of a possible threat? Might future survival depend on unity? As Benjamin Franklin
famously quipped at the signing of the Declaration of Independence (July 4, 1776), “We
must indeed all hang together, or, most assuredly, we shall all hang separately.”
Yet the history of the World Council of Churches has not been entirely happy and per-
suaded many that this body had failed to live up to its high expectations in the immediate
postwar period. The council found itself experiencing difficulty in holding its members
together. The organization increasingly drifted toward a more liberal theological stance
during the 1960s and 1970s and alienated much of its naturally conservative constituency.
Its token demonstrations of support for armed liberation movements in Africa alarmed
those who saw Christianity as espousing nonviolent resistance to oppression and looked to
Martin Luther King (1929–1968) as an example.
By about 1990 it became clear that there was diminishing enthusiasm within the main-
stream churches for the form of “visible unity” that had become the hallmark of the thinking

216 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
and policies of the World Council of Churches. With the passing of time, it became increas-
ingly clear that this vision was somewhat unrealistic and failed to take seriously the realities
of church life. What most grassroots Christians wanted was better working relationships
with their fellow Christians in other denominations. They did not want their denomination
either to be swallowed up by or to swallow another. They wanted better relationships with
other Christians at both the individual and the institutional level. The rise of bottom-up
grassroots ecumenism has significantly reduced the role of top-down ecumenical efforts in
the twenty-first century.
The World Council of Churches now plays a token and somewhat peripheral role in
global Christianity. Yet the ecumenical vision that inspired it has not faded; it has simply
changed direction, the initiative shifting to individuals and voluntary organizations. By the
end of the twentieth century, new ecumenical alliances were in the process of emerging at
grassroots level, which have eclipsed and marginalized the old-style top-down ecumenism
of the World Council of Churches.
The Erosion of Protestant Denominationalism in the United States
The religious landscape in the United States has been substantially shaped by the structures
and habits of thought of its European origins. The Protestant denomination is essentially a
European phenomenon, reflecting the shifting patterns of church life and controversy in
Western Europe from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. Patterns of religious affilia-
tion and belonging reflecting the general situation of Western Europe, and often the very
specific conditions of religious life in England, were exported to Africa, America, Asia, and
Australia by both settlers and missionaries. As a result, the emerging church life of four
great continents has been shaped, to a greater or lesser extent, by the historical contin-
gencies of Western Europe.
The Protestant denomination initially seemed to thrive in the United States, possibly
reflecting ecclesial loyalties on the part of immigrants that arose from their European roots.
World War II may be seen as marking a change in the essentially static situation in the
United States. Throughout the 1950s, the growth of the traditional Protestant denomina-
tion soared in the United States. Congregationalists, Episcopalians, Methodists, and
Presbyterians reported net annual membership gains. Each denomination vigorously
defended its sovereignty and its vested interests. In 1956 a survey showed that 80 percent of
episcopalians believed that it was wrong to hold worship service with other Christian
groups. A year earlier, A Gallup poll showed that 96 percent of the adult population of the
United States belonged to the same denomination as their parents. Their churchgoing
habits had not changed over a generation. Yet by 1990 many of these mainline Protestant
denominations were in decline and had lost between one fifth and one third of their 1965
memberships, at a time when the population growth of the United States had surged. A real
numerical decline thus converted into a significant reduction in the proportion of America’s
population associated with these denominations.
Christian denominations in America are one of the very few institutional expressions of
early modern European culture still in existence. But why, many Americans are increasingly

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 217
asking, should modern America’s religious life be made dependent upon a European model –
especially when that model is now seen as having failed in its own homelands? Both
individual churches and individual Christians in America are showing an increasing reluc-
tance to define themselves denominationally. Many churches have named themselves after
their localities, skillfully dropping any reference to a denomination. The same issues can be
seen in the titles of seminaries. The institution now known as Denver Seminary was
formerly Denver Conservative Baptist Seminary; the Virginia Theological Seminary was
formerly the Protestant Episcopal Theological Seminary in Virginia. These changes suggest
that the inclusion of denominational identities is no longer viewed as a positive feature in
marketing terms.
In the 1990s some strongly entrepreneurial Protestants found themselves more and more
frustrated by the institutional inertia of traditional denominational structures. They
regarded these as unresponsive bureaucracies, uninterested in local initiatives or innova-
tions. Frustration with denominational structures is not, of course, anything particularly
new. The great New York preacher Harry Emerson Fosdick (1878–1969), who played such
an important role in the great fundamentalist controversies of the 1920s (pp. 184–186),
once made the astonishing revelation that he had once considered leaving the historic
Christian organizations in order to start his own independent movement. Fosdick was
dismissive of those who demanded ecclesiastical loyalty, holding that his only loyalty was to
Christ. Yet, despite his frustrations, he never set up his own denomination, even though his
personal reputation was such that its future would have been secure.
Yet, since the 1990s, American Protestantism has been increasingly characterized by the
growth of market-shaped or market-driven congregations. A good example is Willow Creek
Community Church near Chicago. These large churches tend to be established and led by
strongly entrepreneurial individuals. Their sense of theological vision, coupled with a “can
do” mentality that was nourished and inspired by the Protestant work ethic, eventually
drove them to achieve their goals outside the structures of traditional denominations, espe-
cially in the aftermath of the theological and cultural turmoil of the 1960s. Like Martin
Luther, they did not particularly want to work outside their mother churches – but the
needs and realities of the new cultural situation seemed to leave them with no alternatives.
The outcome was a surge of new initiatives, which met needs that were held to be largely
ignored by mainline denominations and set new patterns for how churches work, develop,
and organize themselves.
The theological basis for this development was laid during the opening decades of the his-
tory of Protestantism. In his Institutes of the Christian Religion (1559), John Calvin had argued
that a true Christian church was not defined by its institutional history or connections, but by
the proper exercise of preaching and sacramental administration. In the late twentieth-
century American context, this was interpreted to mean that new churches and denominations
could be founded, provided they were based on good preaching and the proper administration
of the sacraments. Enterprising individuals, often fired up by a vision for a specific form of
ministry, could start their own congregations, or even their own denominations.
The outcome was inevitable: the emergence of a consumerist mentality, through which
Protestants felt able to pick and choose the local church that suited their needs, beliefs, or
aspirations. And if they didn’t find one that was just right, they would establish their own.

218 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
Catholic critics of Protestantism often point to its innate fissiparous tendencies, which they
suggest indicates a lack of concern for the fundamental unity of the church.
While this congregational inflationism is unquestionably problematic, it has two
fundamental strengths, both of which are of decisive importance for the shaping of
Protestantism in the United States and beyond.
1 It allowed Protestantism to deal with rapid social and cultural change, which often leads
to churches being locked into the realities of a bygone age. Entrepreneurial pastors and
preachers can easily recast a vision of the gospel adapted to the new situation – in the
same way in which older visions were adapted to their situations – and thus prevent
Protestantism being trapped in a time warp. This situation enables Protestants to
respond to perceived needs for specialist ministeries to specific groups through the
formation of voluntary societies, which often come to exercise a para-church role.
2 Congregational inflationism enables Protestant churches to deal with situations in
which the denominational leadership is seen to be radically out of touch with its mem-
bership – typically, by pursuing theological agendas or cultural trends that are not
accepted by the majority of the congregations belonging to that denomination. It does
not matter whether these agendas are right wing or left wing, conservative or liberal.
Protestantism empowers the congregation first to protest against its leaders; second, to
remove them; and, third, to reconstitute itself elsewhere, while still remaining a Christian
church. While some Protestant denominations attempt to shield themselves against
such accountability to their membership, these fundamental rights remain, in principle,
part of the movement’s core identity. A Protestant believer can leave one denomination
and join another – while still remaining a Protestant.
C. S. Lewis’s notion of “mere Christianity” seems to have had an impact here. This way of
thinking, set out by Lewis in his widely read book Mere Christianity (1952), undermines the
importance of denominational identity by arguing that the various Christian churches are
simply different implementations of an underlying consensual core Christianity. Lewis’s
Mere Christianity was, and remains, a manifesto for a form of Christianity that exults in
essentials, regarding other matters as being of secondary importance.
Yet Lewis’s notion of “mere Christianity” was more than a rejection of denominational
supremacy. It was also a subtle critique of the abuses of power and privilege that so easily
arise in more institutionalized forms of Christianity. Lewis is generally critical of the clergy
in his writings. As a lay Christian, he came to see himself as representing a form
of  Christianity that recognized the crucial role of the laity, allowing neither clergy nor
ecclesiastical institutions any special privileges.
Conclusion
In this chapter we have considered the shape of contemporary Christianity, focusing
especially on the families of Christian churches that are found across the world. Yet this is
an incomplete and inadequate account of Christianity. What about day-to-day Christian

Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity 219
life? What does the Christian life look like? In the next chapter we shall present an extended
sketch of ordinary Christian existence. It cannot hope to do justice to the complexity and
richness of this subject, but it can at least alert readers to what they can expect to encounter,
and it can explain something of the subject’s history and significance.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In earlier chapters of this work we explored Christianity from several perspectives, focusing
particularly on its teachings and history. Although this is valuable in helping readers to gain
a sense of what Christianity is all about, this approach has one major disadvantage. It may
create the unhelpful and deeply misleading impression that Christianity is simply a set of
ideas. While Christianity is indeed based on a set of core beliefs, these have a significant
effect on the personal lives and values of individual Christians, on the way in which
Christian communities behave and worship, and on the cultures in which Christianity has
secured a presence.
The final two chapters of this work aim to explore Christian life in the modern world. What
is Christianity like as a lived and experienced reality, rather than simply as a set of ideas, or an
historical influence? In what ways does Christianity impact on culture? These chapters will be
particularly helpful for those who are not Christians, yet want to have at least a basic under-
standing of Christianity as a major presence and influence in modern global culture.
The aim of these two final chapters is to provide a broad overview of the Christian life,
not to explore it in detail. There are many detailed studies available dealing with each topic
covered here, and these will provide you with much fuller accounts of the rich diversity of
modern Christian faith and life, while at the same time identifying the common themes,
beliefs, and attitudes that hold the movement together.
Gateways to Exploring the Life of Faith
Since Christianity is a way of life, not simply a set of ideas, it can be encountered in many
different manners. We shall briefly note five of these gateways or points of access to
Christianity.
The Life of Faith
Christianity as a Living Reality
6

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 221
1 Texts Most religions – though not all – have some texts that they regard as having spe-
cial significance. In the case of Christianity, the most important such text is known as
“the Bible.” In most parts of the world – though not in some more repressive Islamic
countries – the Bible can be bought openly in public bookstores. It is regularly read in
church services and private devotions. Many parts of it have been set to music. One of
the best known of these is the oratorio The Messiah by George Frederick Handel (1685–
1759), which consists of a musical setting of a series of biblical passages dealing with the
coming of Christ.
2 Services For many, the Christian faith is encountered by attending church services.
For those who are not themselves Christians, this experience is most likely to take the
form of attending the weddings or funerals of Christian friends or relatives. The text
of these services – often referred to as the “liturgy” – gives some important indica-
tions of the core beliefs and values of Christianity, often supplemented through ser-
mons or homilies.
3 Buildings Whether you attend a church as a tourist or as a worshipper, its physical
structure itself can act as a portal to an understanding of Christianity. Older
Christian churches – such as the great cathedrals of medieval Europe – were often
designed to communicate aspects of the Christian faith to a largely illiterate culture.
Many cathedrals are cross-shaped, to remind believers of the central place of the
cross in Christian life, thought, and worship. A baptismal font was often placed
near the main door of the church, to symbolize the idea that baptism was the means
by which entry to the church took place. Stained glass windows acted as windows
into the mysteries of faith. The walls of churches were often painted with scenes
from the gospels, to remind worshippers of the basic events on which their faith was
based. To put it succinctly: church buildings embody Christian belief. In these
chapters we shall explore some of the ways in which church buildings can be “read”
in this way.
4 Music The Christian emphasis on the public worship of God led to a new interest in
developing music to accompany it. The vast range of music designed to accompany
worship ranges from the simplicity of monastic plainsong to the complex musical struc-
tures of Verdi’s Requiem or Beethoven’s Missa solemnis and to the vibrancy and
informality of modern worship songs, especially within evangelical and Pentecostal
traditions. A huge range of Christian texts have been set to music. These are regularly
performed, both as part of Christian worship and as a celebration of human cultural
activity in general. Once more, music can act as a portal to the core values and ideas of
Christianity.
5 Art From the outset, Christians realized the importance of the visual arts in commu-
nicating and sustaining their faith. Sculpture and paintings were both used to depict
key scenes from the gospels. Some of the best-known images in history are inspired
by these themes – for example, Michelangelo’s Creation of Adam and Leonardo da
Vinci’s Last Supper. The crucifixion was of special artistic importance, on account of
its central place in Christian thought and devotion. The use of icons within Orthodox
Christianity is one of the most familiar ways in which images play a role in Christian
devotion.

222 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
In these two concluding chapters we shall explore what Christianity is like as a lived faith,
picking up on some of these gateways. We shall begin by considering the life of the church –
the institution to which Christians belong. Although there are considerable differences
between individual Christian denominations, most of the material that follows is applicable
to them all.
Christian Communities: The Life of the Church
At the heart of the Christian life is a worshipping community. Those who are encountering
Christianity from the outside are most likely to experience it through various forms of
worship. That worship takes an incredible variety of styles – from the sumptuous, ornate,
and elaborate worship of Russian Orthodoxy within a gilded cathedral to the informal,
guitar-led worship of Latin American Pentecostalism inside a makeshift church building.
The Christian services that are most likely to be experienced by those who are not them-
selves Christians are weddings, funerals, and versions of the great Christmas Service of
Nine Lessons and Carols. For this reason, we shall begin with them and offer a greater
amount of explanation and comment than usual, in order to allow these services to become
“gateways” to Christianity.
Christian weddings
The basic structure of a Christian wedding is very simple. The “liturgy” – the term used to
refer to the text of a religious service – consists of the bride’s and groom’s consent to marriage
in the sight of human witnesses and of God – an act in which they ask for God’s blessing on
their union. The basic structure of the service is shaped partly by theological considerations
shared by all Christians and partly by legal and cultural factors, which are specific to a given
locality. Christianity has long been adept at intermingling its own distinctive ideas with the
prevailing cultural norms.
Alongside specifically Christian ideas, you will therefore find customs that originate
from elsewhere – such as the placement of a ring (or rings) on the fourth finger, which has
no specifically Christian significance and is widely held to represent an older Roman
tradition taken over by Christianity: that of the Roman annulus pronubis (“premarital ring”)
given by the man to the woman at the betrothal ceremony. The custom of blessing the
wedding ring and of placing it on the bride’s finger is thought to date from the eleventh
century.
The Christian marriage service emphasizes that marriage is a voluntary commitment of
two individuals and that this is part of God’s ordinance of for the creation. Often a passage
from the book of Genesis is read to make this point: “And the Lord God said, ‘It is not good
for the man to be alone’” (Genesis 2: 18). Humanity was created for fellowship – people’s
fellowship among themselves, and also with God. Many Christian marriage liturgies make
reference to Jesus Christ’s attending a wedding at Cana in Galilee (John 2). For an example
of such a liturgy, we may turn to the Episcopal Church of Scotland’s marriage service of
2007, which interweaves these ideas into the ceremony:

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 223
We have come together in the presence of God, to witness the marriage of N. and N., to ask his
blessing on them, and to share their joy. Our Lord Jesus Christ was himself a guest at a wedding
in Cana of Galilee, and through his Spirit he is with us now.
The Scriptures teach us that marriage is a gift of God in Creation and a means of his grace,
a holy mystery in which man and woman become one flesh. It is God’s purpose that, as hus-
band and wife give themselves to each other in love throughout their lives, they shall be united
in that love as Christ is united with his Church.
This brief excerpt from the marriage service makes reference to the Christian belief that there
is a deeper, spiritual significance to marriage. For Christians, the union of a man and a woman
in marriage symbolizes the spiritual union between a believer and Jesus Christ. Christian
spiritual writers often speak of the “spiritual marriage” between Jesus of Nazareth and the
believer. Martin Luther, for example, speaks of faith as the “wedding ring” that unites Christ
and the believer, pointing to both the personal relationship that exists between the two parties
and their mutual exchange of goods. For Luther, Christ receives the sin and the guilt of the
believer and bestows upon the believer his righteousness and the gift of eternal life.
Christian funerals
The central themes of a Christian funeral service are the proclamation of the hope of
resurrection, the celebration of the life of the deceased, and the entrustment of the person
who has died to God’s tender care. “Christians celebrate the funeral rites to offer worship,
Figure 6.1 A Russian Orthodox wedding at the Church of the Transfiguration, St. Petersburg.
Source: © Robert Harding Picture Library Ltd/Alamy.

224 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
praise, and thanksgiving to God for the gift of life which has been returned to God, the
author of life and the hope of the just.”
In the traditional English funeral service set out in the Book of Common Prayer (1662),
the hope of resurrection is sustained throughout. Little reference is made to the identity or
achievement of the deceased; the emphasis falls largely on affirming hope in the resurrec-
tion. In fact the dead person is never named in the liturgy but referred to simply as “our
brother” or “our sister.” The service opens with the priest meeting the funeral party at the
churchyard gate and speaking some words from John’s gospel (John 15: 25–26) in which the
theme of the Christian hope is clearly set out:
I am the resurrection and the life, saith the Lord: he that believeth in me, though he were dead,
yet shall he live; and whosoever liveth and believeth in me shall never die.
The service then proceeds with the reading of 1 Corinthians 15, a chapter in which Paul
stresses the importance of the resurrection and the difference it makes (or ought to make)
to Christians. This reading includes the following words:
Death is swallowed up in victory. O death, where is thy sting? O grave, where is thy victory?
The sting of death is sin, and the strength of sin is the law. But thanks be to God, which giveth
us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ. Therefore, my beloved brethren, be ye steadfast,
unmoveable, always abounding in the work of the Lord, forasmuch as ye know that your labour
is not in vain in the Lord.
Finally, as the corpse is lowered into the grave, the priest speaks these words. Again, note
the theme of hope.
Forasmuch as it has pleased Almighty God of his great mercy to take unto himself the soul of
our dear brother here departed, we therefore commit his body to the ground; earth to earth,
ashes to ashes, dust to dust; in sure and certain hope of the resurrection to eternal life, through
our Lord Jesus Christ.
The theme of hope in resurrection is often emphasized through appropriate symbols. For
example, in the Catholic rite, the coffin or casket is met at the entrance to the church and
sprinkled with holy water as a reminder of the believer’s baptism, which is seen as affirming
that the believer has passed from death to life (Romans 6: 1–4). Family members then place
a pall over the casket, and may place Christian symbols – such as a cross or Bible – upon it
as a sign of the Christian hope in resurrection.
Alongside these fundamental themes, a number of ancillary ones often develop. For
example, consider the following directions (or “liturgical norms”), set out by the Catholic
archdiocese of Vancouver. Note the emphasis on the equality of believers, in death and in life.
The casket remains closed during the funeral rite and should be covered with a pall in
remembrance of the baptismal garment – a sign of the Christian dignity of the person
entering in Christ a new life beyond this life. The pall may be ornamented with Christian
symbols. In addition to its liturgical significance, the pall serves very practical purposes: it

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 225
avoids ostentation, prevents embarrassment of the poor and emphasizes the Christian’s
equality before God.
The “pall” is a simple cloth that covers the coffin or casket. Here it is interpreted as a
reminder of baptism.
The same custom is used outside the Catholic tradition. For example, the First United
Methodist Church in Austin, Texas offers a bereaved family the use of a pall at its funeral
services, for the following reason:
First Church has a white funeral pall with a gold antique satin cross covering the full length and
width, symbolic of God’s power to cover sin with forgiveness, fear with hope and death with
life. This pall is available to you and is appropriate in place of casket flowers.
The Service of Nine Lessons and Carols
One of the most familiar Christian services takes place at Christmas in Cambridge, England,
and is broadcast across the world, on television and radio. So what is this service? How did
it originate? And what does it tell us about Christianity?
The Victorian period saw the institutionalization of Christmas as a national religious fes-
tival in England. The practice of having Christmas trees was introduced by Queen Victoria’s
consort, Prince Albert, from his native Germany. Christmas cards were circulated with the
help of the newly established national postal service, and extensive use was made of a device
invented by the novelist Anthony Trollope – the postal box. The Victorian period witnessed
an explosion in the writing of Christmas carols. Some of the best-known carols – including
“In the Bleak Midwinter” and “Once in Royal David’s City” – date from this hugely influen-
tial and formative period in English history.
As Christmas grew into an increasingly important festival in the later nineteenth century,
it became painfully clear that no adequate provision for its public celebration had been
made by the English national church. As the celebration of Christmas became more and
more prominent in the national consciousness, the demand grew for a special church ser-
vice for this time of year, which should incorporate both the increasingly popular Christmas
carols and the biblical readings. The Book of Common Prayer did not include any special
services for the season of Christmas; in this it reflected the fact that Christmas was not seen
as a festival of particular importance in the seventeenth century. The growing popular
importance of this festival created demands for a special service designed to mark the
occasion.
One such service was devised for Christmas Eve in 1880 by Edward White Benson
(1829–1896), while bishop of the diocese of Truro, in the southwest of England. The format
was both simple and elegant. The service consisted of nine carols and nine lessons to be
read by various officials of the church in ascending order, beginning with a chorister and
ending with the bishop himself. Benson went on to become archbishop of Canterbury; the
service was adopted, in a new format, by King’s College, Cambridge.
The origins of the distinctive Cambridge format are to be traced to Christmas Eve 1918,
the first Christmas celebration after the trauma and devastation of the Great War. Eric

226 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
Milner-White had just been appointed chaplain and dean of King’s College, Cambridge,
having served as an army chaplain during the war. He was acutely aware of the need to make
worship more relevant and attractive to a hardened and skeptical postwar generation, and
he realized that the Christmas story could be used as a showcase for Christian worship.
Exploiting the long-established choral tradition of King’s College, Milner-White developed
the format of the Nine Lessons and Carols which has become so influential and well known.
The basic structure of the service has remained unchanged since 1919. The backbone
consists of nine Christmas carols, sung by the entire congregation, and nine biblical read-
ings, taken from the King James version of the Bible. These are interspersed with choral
items that reflect Christmas themes. The opening Bidding Prayer sets the scene for the
public reading of the Christmas “tale of the loving purposes of God from the first days of
our disobedience unto the glorious Redemption brought us by this Holy Child”; the closing
Collect summarizes the significance of the great themes that have been reaffirmed in
reading and in praise throughout the service. The opening prayer makes clear what
Christmas is all about, from a Christian perspective.
Beloved in Christ, be it this Christmas Eve our care and delight to prepare ourselves to hear
again the message of the angels: in heart and mind to go even unto Bethlehem and see this
thing which is come to pass, and with the shepherds and the wise men adore the Child lying in
his Mother’s arms. Let us read and mark in Holy Scripture the tale of the loving purposes of
God from the first days of our disobedience unto the glorious Redemption brought us by this
Holy Child; and in company with the whole Church let us make this chapel, dedicated to his
pure and lowly Mother, glad with our carols of praise.
The fundamental theme of the service is simple: Christ is the long-promised savior of the
world, God incarnate, who has entered into our world as one of us in order to redeem it.
Thus far we have considered three Christian services that people outside the Christian
community are likely to encounter. But what about the staple diet of Christians themselves?
What do churches do on Sundays, week by week? In what follows we shall look at some
basic themes of regular Christian worship.
Christian Worship
There are clear indications of an emerging style of worship within the New Testament. The
Acts of the Apostles records that the first Christians met regularly and “devoted themselves
to the apostles’ teaching and to the fellowship, to the breaking of bread and to prayer” (Acts
2: 42). In addition to the “breaking of the bread,” the New Testament also highlights the
importance of baptism as a sign of personal commitment to Jesus and of entrance into the
Christian community. The importance of singing and thanksgiving can be seen from a
number of passages: “Speak to one another with psalms, hymns and spiritual songs. Sing
and make music in your heart to the Lord, always giving thanks to God the Father for
everything, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ” (Ephesians 5: 19–20). The styles of
Christian worship that are encountered in Christian churches today can all be traced back,
in different ways, to the New Testament.

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 227
Christian worship is particularly associated with one day of the week – Sunday. It is clear
that Christians regarded the first day of the week as being of special importance, as it was
the day on which Jesus of Nazareth rose again from the dead. Jewish worship was particularly
associated with the seventh day of the week (the sabbath, or Saturday), but the first
Christians did not retain this traditional Jewish observance.
Sunday was also seen as the first day of God’s new creation, and therefore it was the day
appropriate for all major public Christian worship. Justin Martyr, writing around ad 165, is
an important witness to this tradition:
On the day which is called Sunday, all who live in the cities or in the countryside gather together
in one place. And the memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read, so long
as there is time. Then, when the reader has finished, the president delivers a discourse in which
he encourages and invites the people to follow the examples of virtue which these provide.
Then we all stand up together and offer some prayers. And when we have finished these
prayers, bread and wine mixed with water are presented. The president then offers prayers and
a thanksgiving, according to his ability, and the people indicate their assent by saying “Amen.”
The elements for which thanks has been given are then distributed and received by all present,
and are taken to those who are not present by the deacons.
Worship plays an important part in sustaining Christian life. Especially within the Greek
Orthodox tradition, the public worship of the church represents one’s drawing close to the
threshold of heaven itself and peering through its portals, to catch a glimpse of the worship
of heavenly places. The Orthodox liturgy celebrates the notion of being caught up in the
worship of heaven and the awesome sense of mystery that is evoked by the act of peering
beyond the bounds of human vision.
A biblical text that has played no small part in shaping this immense respect for mystery
in worship may be mentioned here. The sixth chapter of the prophecy of Isaiah relates the
call of the prophet, portraying him as undergoing a liminal experience as he enters the
“holy of holies”:
In the year that King Uzziah died, I saw the Lord sitting on a throne, high and lofty; and the
hem of his robe filled the temple. Seraphs were in attendance above him; each had six wings:
with two they covered their faces, and with two they covered their feet, and with two they flew.
And one called to another and said: “Holy, holy, holy is the lord of hosts; the whole earth is full
of his glory.” The pivots on the thresholds shook at the voices of those who called, and the
house filled with smoke. And I said: “Woe is me! I am lost, for I am a man of unclean lips, and
I live among a people of unclean lips; yet my eyes have seen the King, the lord of hosts!”
(Isaiah 6: 1–5)
The central insight that many theologians gleaned from this passage is that human beings
are simply not capable of beholding the worship of heaven itself; it must be accommodated
to their capacity by being reflected through created things – such as the created order, the
sacramental bread and wine, or the liturgy itself.
To share in worship is thus to stand in a holy place (Exodus 3: 5) – a place in which
humanity, strictly speaking, has no right to be. Whenever the divine liturgy is celebrated on

228 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
earth, the boundaries between heaven and earth are removed and earthly worshippers join
in the eternal heavenly liturgy chanted by the angels. During these moments of earthly ado-
ration worshippers have the opportunity of being mystically transported to the threshold of
heaven. Being in a holy place and about to participate in holy things, on the one hand they
become aware of their finitude and sinfulness, and on the other they gain a refreshing
glimpse of the glory of God – precisely the pattern of reflection set out in Isaiah’s vision.
The association between worship and heaven is often enhanced musically. Just as Gothic
churches embodied a sense of the spaciousness of heaven, allowing and encouraging their
congregations to visualize the worship of heaven, so the judicious use of music has widely
been held to bring about a corresponding effect. It is difficult to make this point purely ver-
bally, without listening to the music itself. However, to listen to the Vespers (1915) of Sergei
Rachmaninoff (1873–1943) or to the motet “Assumpta est Maria” and to the mass based on
it, Missa “Assumpta est Maria,” both by Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina (c. 1525–1594), is
to gain something of an appreciation of how the vision of heaven can be mediated musically
through worship.
The idea of liminality – that is, of being on the threshold of the sacred and peering into
the forbidden heavenly realms – is represented visually in the structure of Orthodox
churches, especially through the way in which the sanctuary and the altar are set apart from
the people, which carries a deep sense of the awesomeness of the mystery of God. In their
treatises on worship, Chrysostom and other Greek patristic writers repeatedly draw
attention to the liturgical importance of this sense of the sacred. The altar is the “terrifying
table”; the bread and the wine are “the terrifying sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ
which worshippers must approach with fear and trembling.” For the Orthodox, there is an
especially close link between the eucharist – the sacrament celebrated with and through
bread and wine – and the experience of the worship of heaven.
All generalizations are dangerous and must be treated with a degree of caution. However,
they are also useful to those who are trying to gain understanding of an exceptionally com-
plicated matter. What follows is a listing of the various elements that will be encountered in
Christian worship. The types of Christian worship vary considerably, and not all of the ele-
ments to be discussed below will be found in all types of worship. However, the list is useful
as a starting point for exploring modern worship. But the reader who is approaching
Christianity from the outside must be warned that to simply read about Christian worship
is of very limited value; worship is something that demands to be experienced. You are
strongly recommended to supplement your reading with involvement in the worshipping
life of a local Christian church and gain an appreciation of its structures, rhythms, and
appeal.
Prayer
Prayer is an integral element in all forms of Christian worship. It takes a variety of forms. A
distinction is made between the private prayers of individuals and the public prayer of the
church. Prayer can also take the form of thanksgiving, in which thanks are offered to God
for blessings that have been received, whether by individuals or by the church as a whole.
Perhaps the most important is petitionary prayer, in which the congregation, or individuals

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 229
in that congregation, make specific requests of God. This type of prayer can be illustrated
from the teaching of Jesus, who compared the former to human requests.
Praise
The Christian Bible regularly exhorts believers to praise God. This kind of activity has
become incorporated into Christian worship from the earliest of times. In contemporary
Christianity it is especially associated with hymns and worship songs. These are set to var-
ious forms of music, often with the cultural preferences of congregations in mind.
Many classic hymns date from the eighteenth century and come from the pen of writers
such as Isaac Watts (“When I survey the wondrous cross”) or John and Charles Wesley.
Given the importance of hymns to Christian life and thought, we shall consider one hymn
writer in a little detail: John Newton (1725–1807), author of one of the church’s most famous
hymns, “Amazing Grace.”
John Newton was the main author of the Olney Hymns, a remarkable collection of songs
of praise, many of which are still widely used today. He was converted after spending some
time in the slave trade. He was ordained as a priest in the Church of England in 1764 and
served in the village of Olney. In 1779 he published the collection of hymns for which he is
best known. In his preface to this work, Newton explained his main objective in writing
these hymns: to “promote the faith and comfort of sincere Christians.” The most famous
of these hymns celebrates the theme of amazing grace.
Amazing grace! How sweet the sound
That saved a wretch like me!
I once was lost, but now am found;
Was blind, but now I see.
The public reading of the Bible
The public reading of the Bible is an integral element of Christian worship. Many churches
use a structured program of Bible readings (often referred to as a “lectionary”), which aims
to ensure that the Bible is read in its totality throughout the course of the regular worship of
the church. Others allow individual ministers to determine what biblical passages shall be
read at any given time. The principle, however, remains the same. Part of Christian worship
is the hearing and responding to the word of God. Sometimes that response may take the
form of believing certain doctrines; at others, it may involve the recognition of the need to
behave in certain ways, to do certain things.
In the early church, priority was given to the reading of a passage from the gospels. This
was seen as a public declaration of the words and deeds of Jesus Christ. Many churches
adopted the practice of standing in order to hear the gospel reading, as a way of demon-
strating that the good news of Jesus Christ was central to the life and worship of the church
as a whole and of its individual members. This practice gradually developed into having
two or three readings, typically arranged sequentially, as a reading from the Old Testament;
a reading from one of the New Testament letters; and a reading from one of the gospels.

230 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
In many churches the public reading of Scripture is followed by the explanation or applica-
tion of the read passage through a sermon. We shall explore this in what follows.
Preaching
Many Christian services include an address. This is sometimes referred to as a “homily” – a
short, biblically based talk, which aims to provide the congregation with food for thought
about how to live out the Christian faith in the world. Others use the term “sermon,” which
comes from the Latin sermo (“speech”), to refer to a more extensive exploration, statement,
or application of the Christian faith. This often takes the form of exegesis (“interpretation” –
literally, “drawing out”) of a biblical passage – for example, the passage chosen or set for the
day – of a biblical theme, or of an article of the creed. Collections of sermons have been in
circulation from an early stage of Christianity.
Styles of sermon vary considerably, some preachers seeing the sermon as primarily cate-
chetical (that is, aimed at teaching the congregation more about their faith), others as
exhortatory (that is, aimed at encouraging its audience to lead better lives as Christians or
to take to heart some basic Christian teaching or principle).
Although preaching is a regular part of the worship in many Christian traditions, it was
given an especially important role at the time of the Reformation. The new emphasis on the
relevance of the Bible, and particularly the Reformation’s emphasis on the “priesthood of all
believers,” gave purpose to the task of creating a biblically literate laity. The preoccupation
with Bible-based preaching, displayed by writers such as John Calvin, reflects these
concerns.
Some services of the word focus on the recitation or singing of biblical passages; but a
sermon is another high point of the event. Eucharist, in contrast, includes both a “ministry
of the word” and a “ministry of the sacrament,” in which the sermon and the sacrament are
seen as playing distinct though complementary roles. We shall consider the role of sacra-
ments in Christian life later on in this chapter (pp. 231–236).
The reciting of the creeds
Many more formal Christian services or worship involve reciting aloud one of the creeds –
usually the Apostles’ Creed or the Nicene Creed. These creeds are intended to remind believers
of the basic themes of their faith and hence to enable them to avoid false teachings. The reci-
tation of the creeds also establishes a strong sense of “belonging,” in that it affirms the basic
continuity between the Christian communities of today and those of the classic period.
The creeds are statements of faith that are common to all Christians, whether Protestant,
Orthodox, or Catholic. They are regarded as possessing a universal significance for all
Christians, which transcends the particular importance of individual statements of faith of
certain historic churches. Thus, for example, Anglicans might regard the Thirty-Nine
Articles as having considerable weight in defining their specifically Anglican beliefs, just as
Presbyterians might feel similarly about the Westminster Confession. But these two docu-
ments would never be incorporated into the public worship of these churches, because they
are seen to lack the universal authority of the creeds.

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 231
So why do Christians recite these creeds? Partly, it is to allow individual believers to
absorb their internal logic and their basic themes, which may thus become the frame-
work for an understanding of the main points of faith. Yet there is also a sense of identity
that comes into play. To recite these specific words is to connect up with the church of
the past by using the same words that previous generations of Christians have used
to express their faith. The recitation of the creeds is an act of solidarity with the Christian
past as much as an act of pedagogy. It creates a sense of having a place in the greater
scheme of things, of being part of something of deep historical and spiritual
significance.
The Sacraments
In general terms, as we noted earlier (pp. 112–117), a sacrament may be thought of as an
external rite or sign that in some way conveys or represents to believers the grace of God. A
minimalist definition might say that a sacrament is an external physical sign of an interior
spiritual grace. The New Testament does not actually make use of the specific term “sacra-
ment.” Instead we find the Greek word musterion (which is probably best translated as
“mystery”), used there to refer to the saving work of God in general. In the Greek text this
word is never applied to what would now be regarded as a sacrament (for example, baptism).
However, it is clear from what we know of the history of the early church that a connection
was made at an early stage between the “mystery” of God’s saving work in Christ and the
“sacraments” of baptism and the eucharist. We shall now explore each of these
connections.
Most Christians, irrespective of their background, regard the sacraments as important
signs of God’s grace and presence. Although the descriptions “sacrament” or “sacramental
mystery” are widely accepted within Christianity, some Protestants prefer to use the term
“ordinance.” For Luther, sacraments were promises with signs attached – signs intended to
reassure us of the reality and trustworthiness of those promises. The bread and wine of the
eucharist, or the water of baptism, are visible and tangible signs of the spiritual reality that
lies behind them. The bread and wine point to the richness of the life that the gospel offers,
and the water points to the cleansing it brings.
This aspect of the role of sacraments in spirituality is brought out clearly in the famous
hymn “Adoro te devote,” traditionally ascribed to Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225–1274). We shall
cite three verses from this work and note the general line of its argument.
Godhead here in hiding, whom I do adore
Masked by these bare shadows, shape and nothing more;
See, Lord, at thy service low lies here a heart
Lost, all lost in wonder at the God thou art.
O thou our reminder of Christ crucified.
Living bread the life of us for whom he died,
Lend this life to me then: feed and feast my mind,
There be thou the sweetness man was meant to find.

232 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
Jesus whom I look at shrouded here below,
I beseech thee send me, what I thirst for so;
Some day to gaze on thee, face to face in light
And be blessed forever, with thy glory’s sight.
The initial idea is that the sacrament offers a means of discerning the presence of God, even
though that presence takes the form of “bare shadows” rather than reality. Yet, even though the
sacrament is only a sign of the greater reality to which it points, it nevertheless possesses the
ability to focus the worshippers’ thoughts on God. More specifically, the sacrament reminds
us of the saving death of Christ and of the benefits that it brings to humanity. It also serves
to uplift the mind and make it think of its future contemplation of the face of God in heaven.
The sacrament thus serves as an important visible and tangible reminder of the Christian
hope, and also as a reminder of the pain and suffering of the cross.
The sixteenth-century Protestant theologian John Calvin emphasized the way in which
sacraments are to be seen as God’s accommodation to human weakness. Human beings
need reassurance as to God’s presence and commitment. Baptism confirms the promise
that that the sins of believers are washed away, just as the Lord’s Supper confirms the
promise that those who believe in Christ enjoy the benefits of his death and resurrection.
For Calvin, the Holy Spirit strengthens the faith of the believers through the human
senses of sight, touch, and taste. Sacraments are external signs by means of which God
confirms and seals “his promises of goodness toward us, in order to sustain the weakness
of our faith.”
Baptism
The noun “baptism” comes from the Greek verb baptizein, meaning “to wash” or “to
cleanse.” In the New Testament the word refers initially to the baptism offered by John the
Baptist in the Jordan River as a sign of repentance. Jesus himself was baptized by John. For
Christians, the necessity of baptism is partly grounded in the command given by the risen
Christ to his disciples to baptize people everywhere in the name of the Father, Son, and
Holy Spirit (Matthew 28: 17–20). In the New Testament baptism is clearly understood as
both a condition for and a sign of membership of the Christian community.
The Acts of the Apostles records Peter ending an early sermon with the following words,
addressed to those who wanted to know what to do if they were to be saved: “Repent and be
baptized, every one of you, in the name of Jesus Christ for the forgiveness of your sins. And
you will receive the gift of the Holy Spirit” (Acts 2: 38). In the writings of Paul, baptism is
affirmed as a practice and interpreted theologically, both in terms of dying and rising with
Christ (Romans 6: 1–4), and in terms of “being clothed with Christ.” “You are all sons of
God through faith in Christ Jesus, for all of you who were baptized into Christ have clothed
yourselves with Christ” (Galatians 3: 26–27).
Although the New Testament seems to indicate that baptism was administered to
adults, it was not long before young children were being baptized as well. Paul treats
baptism as a spiritual counterpart to circumcision (Colossians 2: 11–12), suggesting that
the parallel may extend to the application of baptism to infants. The early church saw a
clear link between baptism under the New Covenant and circumcision under the Old

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 233
Covenant. There are hints of this idea in the New Testament itself. The early church
argued that, just as circumcision was a covenantal sign that demonstrated that someone
belonged to the people of Israel, so baptism was a sign of belonging to the covenant
community of the church. Since Israel circumcised infant boys, why should the church
not baptize infants?
More generally, there seems to have been a pastoral need for Christian parents to celebrate
the birth of a child within a believing household. Infant baptism may well have had its
origins partly in a response to this concern. However, it must be stressed that there is gen-
uine uncertainty concerning both the historical origins and the social or theological causes
of the practice.
It is nevertheless clear that the practice of infant baptism was widespread by the end of
the second century. In the second century Origen treats infant baptism as a universal prac-
tice, which he justifies on the basis of a universal human need for the grace of Christ. A
similar argument would later be deployed by Augustine: since Christ is the savior of all, it
follows that all – including infants – require redemption, which baptism confers, at least in
part. Opposition to the practice can be found in the writings of Tertullian, who argued that
the baptism of children should be deferred until such time as they “know Christ.”
The practice of infant baptism – in, for example, the Catholic church – leads to the pro-
cess of Christian initiation having at least two phases. First, the person is baptized as an
infant. The infant has no faith, but relies upon the faith of the church and the commitment
of the parents to bring him or her up within a Christian environment and to teach and
embody the Christian faith in the home. The second phase is confirmation, where the child
Figure 6.2 Christian baptism by total immersion in the Indian Ocean in the island of Zanzibar.
Source: © World Religions Photo Library/Alamy.

234 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
is able to affirm the Christian faith in his or her own right. Within the Catholic tradition
baptism is carried out by a local priest, whereas confirmation is carried out by the bishop,
as a representative of the whole church. However, the Orthodox church has always insisted
on the continuity between baptism and confirmation and thus tends to allow the same
priest to baptize and confirm a given person. In the eastern church confirmation is known
as “chrismation,” on account of its use of oil to anoint the candidate.
The eucharist
The origins of the Christian practice of using bread and wine in public worship go back
directly to Jesus of Nazareth. It is clear from the New Testament’s testimonial that Jesus
expected his church to continue to use bread and wine in remembrance of him. Not only
did this recall the Last Supper, at which Jesus broke bread and drank wine with his disciples
before his betrayal, but breaking the bread and pouring the wine were symbols of his flesh
being broken and of blood being poured out on the cross.
The eucharist has strong associations with the Jewish Passover meal, not least in its
commemoration of an act of divine deliverance. According to John’s gospel, John the Baptist
declared that Jesus Christ is “the lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world” (John
1: 29). The image of the lamb of God immediately calls to mind the great Passover celebra-
tions of Israel, which in turn recalled God’s faithfulness in delivering his people from
captivity in Egypt (Exodus 12). A passover lamb would be slain, as a reminder of God’s
continuing care for his people and commitment to them in conditions of adversity and
suffering. To think of Jesus as this lamb of God is to see him as linked with God’s great
actions of deliverance, including the liberation of his people from their bondage to sin and
to the fear of death.
It is clear that Christians obeyed this explicit command of Jesus from the earliest of times.
The Acts of the Apostles reports that the disciples were “breaking bread” within weeks of
the death and resurrection of Jesus. Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians explicitly refers to
the practice in the most solemn of terms, making it clear that Paul is passing on something
of the utmost importance to his readers. Justin Martyr, writing around ad 165, indicates
that the normal practice had been to read and expound the Bible, which was followed by
giving thanks and distributing the bread and the wine. Note that the wine in question was
always mixed with water. The reason for this custom is unclear; it may have been a practical
measure designed to avoid the dehydration of those who received the wine. Theological
explanations soon developed, making room for the idea that the mingling of the wine and
water symbolized the mingling of Jesus Christ and his people.
This fundamental pattern has passed into modern Christian practice in a wide variety of
forms. One major difference between Christians should, however, be noted at this point. As
a general rule, Catholics have taught that only priests are permitted to receive both the
bread and the wine at communion; Protestant churches permit laypeople too to receive
them. The origins of and reasons for the Catholic denial of wine to the laity remain uncer-
tain; the custom may have resulted from a practical desire to avoid spillage. Although the
Second Vatican Council clearly wished to encourage the laity to receive the wine as well as
the bread, such an initiative still remains the exception rather than the rule. In the Orthodox

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 235
church both the priests and the congregation are permitted to receive wine too, although in
some traditions communion is received from a spoon that contains only the bread, sprin-
kled with a few drops of wine (but in other traditions the spoon contains only the wine to
be swallowed – the bread is administered separately). The more general western custom is
to handle the bread directly to the communicant.
There are four main ways of referring to the eucharist:
1 The mass This term derives from the Latin word missa, which really just designates a
service of some sort. As the main service of the western church in the classic period was
the breaking of the bread, the term came to refer to this one service in particular. “Mass”
is now especially associated with the Catholic tradition.
2 Eucharist This noun derives from the Greek verb eucharizein (“to render thanks”), and
designates any thanksgiving. The theme of thanksgiving is an important element in the
breaking of the bread, which makes the corresponding term entirely appropriate for the
service in question. The term “eucharist” is particularly associated with the Greek
Orthodox tradition but has found acceptance beyond it. The Orthodox church uses two
main forms of eucharistic liturgy: the liturgy of St. John Chrysostom and the liturgy of
St. Basil the Great. These are similar in many respects.
3 Holy Communion The phrase “holy communion” points to the idea of “fellowship” or
“sharing.” It highlights the bond of fellowship between Jesus and the church, and also
between individual Christians. The phrase is used in Protestant circles, particularly in
churches tracing their origins back to the English Reformation.
4 Lord’s Supper This phrase picks up the theme of breaking the bread in memory of the
Last Supper. To share in the Lord’s Supper is to recall, with thanks, all that Jesus achieved
for believers though his death on the cross. Again, the expression is used in Protestant
Figure 6.3 The Last Supper celebrated and commemorated in the eucharist; according to Jacopo
da Ponte Bassano (c. 1510–1592). Source: Cameraphoto/AKG Images.

236 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
circles, particularly in churches tracing their origins back to the English Reformation.
The formula is sometimes abbreviated or simplified to “supper.”
Rhythms and Seasons: The Christian Year
From the earliest of times, Christians developed ways of structuring time that reflected
fundamental Christian beliefs and the historical events on which they were grounded. This
structuring of time appears to have arisen for a number of reasons. The fact that Christianity
was grounded in historical events immediately established the basics of a structuring of the
year. Good Friday and Easter Day, for example, were located at quite specific positions in
the annual calendar. Pentecost and Ascension were easily added to this annual structure.
The partition of the Christian year thus reflected some landmark events – events of
fundamental importance to Christianity.
The structuring of the year also had an important educational role. It allowed the church to
focus its attention on certain themes at certain times of the year. Although the great themes of
the Christian faith were taught and preached at all times, the structure of the Christian year
allowed for certain ideas or themes to be emphasized at appropriate points. Thus Pentecost
marked an obvious time to celebrate the person and work of the Holy Spirit. Good Friday was
a particularly appropriate time to reflect on the meaning of Christ’s death. Easter Day allowed
the theme of the resurrection to be developed and applied to Christian living.
Yet a third reason must also be noted. The New Testament speaks of “redeeming the
time” (Ephesians 5: 16). Time does not simply mark the existence of Christians; it offers
them an arena within which they may grow and develop. To structure time is thus seen as a
means of encouraging spiritual growth – a means that allows the passing of time to rein-
force some basic Christian ideas and to deepen their impact on the Christian mind, imagi-
nation, and heart. The structuring of the Christian day, week, or year is thus a means of
enhancing its potential to remind, recall, and represent some fundamental themes of faith.
One of the most obvious developments in the Christian structuring of time was the
setting aside of Sunday – the first day of the week – as the day on which the resurrection
of Christ would be celebrated. The letters of Paul clearly presuppose that Christians were
meeting for worship on Sunday, in breach of the Jewish tradition of observing the
sabbath (Saturday) as a day of rest. In 321, following his conversion to Christianity, the
Roman Emperor Constantine formally declared that Sunday should be the official
imperial day of rest.
Sunday was thus seen by Christian writers as a “space” that God set aside, in his goodness,
to allow for physical rest and spiritual refreshment. One of the writers who stress this point
is Susanna Wesley (1669–1742), the mother of John and Charles Wesley, who was per-
suaded of the importance of creating space for God in the middle of a busy life. For Susanna,
Sunday was a space that had been created by God for exactly this purpose and was meant to
be used joyfully and profitably.
It is also known that early Christian communities set aside Wednesdays and Fridays as
fast days. The reason for the selection of these particular days is not clear; a later explana-
tion suggested that Wednesday was thus observed because it was the day on which Christ

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 237
was betrayed, and Friday the day on which he was crucified. The practice of eating fish
(rather than meat) on Friday, still widely encountered in Catholic circles, reflects this early
development.
Perhaps the most important aspect of structuring the time concerns the Christian year,
to which we now turn. As we have emphasized, Christianity is not just a set of ideas; it is a
way of life. Part of that life is a richly structured cyclical pattern in which various aspects of
the Christian faith are singled out for particular attention during the course of a year. The
two such festivals that are most familiar outside Christian circles are Christmas and Easter,
celebrating the birth and the resurrection of Jesus respectively. This section will focus on
the major festivals of the Christian year, explaining their religious basis and noting some of
the customs that have come to be attached to them in various parts of the Christian world.
There are major variations within the Christian world concerning how the major reli-
gious festivals are marked and celebrated. In general terms, evangelical and charismatic
Christians tend to attach relatively little value to such festivals, whereas Catholic and
Orthodox Christians tend to place considerably greater emphasis upon them. Indeed the
importance attached by Christians to festivals such as Advent and Lent is generally a useful
indication of the type of Christianity they have adopted.
Festivals tend to fall into a number of different categories. A major distinction is drawn
between fixed and movable feasts. A fixed feast is a festival that takes place on the same date
each year. Thus, in the western church, Christmas Day is invariably celebrated on December
25. Other feasts are determined with reference to events whose dates vary from year to year.
For example, the date of Easter is determined in relation to the full moon and could fall at
any point between March 21 and April 25. A series of other festivals is dependent on the
date of Easter, as follows:
Ash Wednesday, which falls 40 week days before Easter Day;
Maundy Thursday, which is the Thursday before Easter Day;
Good Friday, which is the Friday before Easter Day;
Ascension Day, which is the fortieth day after Easter Day (and thus always falls on a
Thursday);
Pentecost, which is the fiftieth day after Easter Day (and thus always falls on a Sunday);
Trinity Sunday, which is the Sunday following Pentecost.
Other festivals focus on individual saints, some of which have particular regional or
professional associations. Examples of these associations include:
St. David, patron saint of Wales, whose feast is observed on March 1;
St. Patrick, patron saint of Ireland, whose feast is observed on March 17;
St. Cecilia, patron saint of church music, whose feast is observed on November 22;
St. Christopher, patron saint of travelers, whose feast is celebrated in some parts of the
church on July 25.
In each case, the association of a saint with a particular profession is usually linked with
events in that saint’s life. Other saints have developed associations that have no apparent

238 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
connection with the original life story and figure of the saint in question. For example,
St. Valentine is thought to have been a Roman Christian who was martyred at Rome in the
third century. His feast day, which is celebrated on February 14, now has strong associations
with romance in some western societies.
In addition to festivals, two periods are often observed as times of fasting or penitence:
Advent and Lent. While many Christians no longer observe the tradition of fasting that was
once associated with these periods, particularly during the Middle Ages, some continue to
regard them as being of importance as times of personal reflection or penitence.
The Orthodox church follows a liturgical year that is broadly divided into three parts,
focusing on Easter. These three parts are the triōdion, the pentēkostarion, and the oktōēchos.
The triōdion is the 10 weeks prior to Easter, which can be seen as a preparation for this great
festival. The pentēkostarion is the entire Easter period, which is understood to embrace the
period between Easter and the Sunday after Pentecost (in the western church, this final date
is often celebrated as “Trinity Sunday”). The oktōēchos is the remainder of the year.
In what follows we shall explore the highlights of the western Christian year, which have
a major impact on the way in which many Christian churches worship and pray, and which
often percolate into society as a whole. In each case, the foundation of the festival or season
will be noted, together with some of the customs that have come to be associated with it.
The order in which the festivals will be discussed is chronological rather than alphabetical.
The western Christian year opens with the time of Advent, to which we now turn.
Advent
The term “Advent” comes from the Latin word adventus, meaning “coming” or “arrival.” It
refers to the period immediately before Christmas, during which Christians recall the
background to the coming of Jesus. Traditionally, four Sundays are set apart in order to
prepare us for the full appreciation of Christmas, of which the first is referred to as Advent
Sunday and the last as the Fourth Sunday in Advent. This period of four Sundays is often
observed by making “advent crowns,” which consist of four candles in a wooden or metal
frame. A candle is then lit for each of the four Sundays in Advent. Some churches use purple
clerical clothing during this period, as a symbol of the need for penitence (a custom that
also applies to Lent, which also has a penitential character).
Strictly speaking, Advent is intended to make us focus on the relationship of two “advents”
or “comings” of Jesus: his first coming, in humility, during his time on earth (which is espe-
cially associated with Christmas); and his second coming, in glory, as judge, which will take
place at the end of time.
Christmas
Christmas is a fixed or immovable feast, always celebrated on December 25. Some Orthodox
Christians in Central and Eastern Europe and other parts of the world (such as the United
States) celebrate Christmas on January 7. Why this difference? The answer lies in the intro-
duction of the Gregorian calendar, introduced over an extended period of time. It replaced
the older Julian calendar, which failed to accurately reflect the length of the year in terms of

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 239
the earth’s orbit around the sun. It was, however, necessary to lose 10 days to make up for
the accumulated inaccuracies of the Julian calendar. December 25 on the Gregorian
calendar is January 7 on the Julian calendar. The phrase “old calendarists” is sometimes
used to refer to those who retain the Julian calendar for liturgical purposes – such as the
celebration of Christmas.
It must be stressed that this has never been understood to mean that Christians believe
that Jesus was born on December 25. This date was chosen for the celebration of the birth
of Jesus irrespective of when that birth actually happened. It is likely that the date was
chosen at Rome, some time in the fourth century, to provide a Christian alternative to a
local pagan festival. The date of the festival is actually something of an irrelevance, despite
the association with the imagery of winter and snow found in many Christian writings from
the northern hemisphere.
The central theme of Christmas is the birth of Jesus, which is often commemorated in
special carol services. Of these, the one that is widely regarded as the most famous is the
Service of Nine Lessons and Carols associated with King’s College, Cambridge. The nine
lessons (that is, readings from the Bible) are designed to trace the steady progress of God’s
work of redemption in the world, beginning with the call of Israel and culminating in the
coming of Jesus Christ. This pattern of service is now used throughout the Christian world
and is familiar to many non-Christians. We considered it in some detail earlier in this
chapter (pp. 226).
Many customs have come to be associated with Christmas; the more famous among
them have their origins in the nineteenth century. “Santa Claus” is an American corruption
of the Dutch name “Saint Nicolas,” the patron saint of children. This saint was celebrated on
December 6 with gifts made to children. Dutch settlers in New Amsterdam (later renamed
“New York”) brought this custom to the New World, where it was firmly established and
came to be merged into the festival of Christmas itself. The practice of bringing a Christmas
tree into houses and of decorating it had its origins in Germany and was brought to England
in the 1840s by Queen Victoria’s husband, Prince Albert. The origins of this custom in
Germany go back to the dawn of Christian history, when missionaries were confronted
with pagan beliefs concerning tree-gods.
Epiphany
The unusual name of this festival owes its form to its ancestor, the Greek word epiphaneia,
which literally means “manifestation,” “apparition,” or “making known.” The festival takes
place on January 6. In the eastern church the festival is specifically linked to the baptism of
Jesus. In the western church, however, it is linked with the visit of the “wise men” or “Magi”
to the infant Jesus. The festival is understood to mark the beginning of the long process by
which the identity and significance of Jesus was “made known” to the world. The visit of the
Magi (described in Matthew 2: 1–11) is here seen as an anticipation of the recognition and
worship that would subsequently be associated with the ministry of Jesus in Galilee and
Judaea, which culminated in the resurrection.
Epiphany is celebrated in various ways throughout the Christian world. In France it is
marked by eating la galette des rois (“the kings’ cake”), made of puff pastry layers filled with

240 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
a dense center of frangipane. In Italy Epiphany is marked by la Befana – a woman who brings
gifts to children, by analogy with Santa Claus. The traditional Spanish celebration of
Epiphany (known as el Día de los Reyes, “the Day of the Kings”) involves both cakes and gifts.
The roscón de los reyes (“sweet bread of the kings”) is a rich fruit bread, often containing a
figure of the infant Christ. Traditionally, on the eve of this feast, children would leave out
shoes that would be filled with gifts overnight. In both Spain and Italy, the custom of receiving
gifts at Epiphany has now been supplemented by that of receiving gifts on Christmas day too.
Lent
The period of Lent begins with Ash Wednesday, which falls in the seventh week before
Easter. The expression “Ash Wednesday” needs explanation. The Old Testament occasion-
ally refers to putting ashes on one’s face or clothing as a symbol of repentance or remorse
(e.g., Esther 4: 1; Jeremiah 6: 26). Lent is a period of repentance; the wearing of ashes was
therefore seen as a proper external sign of an inward attitude of remorse or repentance. In
earlier periods in the history of the church, particularly during the Middle Ages, the first
day of Lent was therefore marked by the wearing of ashes: both the clergy and ordinary
people would wear ashes on their heads. In more recent years, these ashes are made by
burning the palm crosses handed out on Palm Sunday during the previous Lent. The theme
of repentance is also symbolized in some churches through the purple clerical dress, which
is imposed during this season.
Lent is widely regarded as a time of preparation for Easter, and in the past it was associ-
ated with a period of fasting. Lent represents the period of 40 days spent by Jesus in the
wilderness before the beginning of his public ministry in Galilee. Just as Jesus fasted for
40 days, so his followers were encouraged to do the same thing; thus a period of 40 days of
fasting before Easter emerged. Its origins seem to go back to the fourth century. In earlier
periods, a shorter period of fasting was recommended (two or three days). The precise
nature of the “fasting” varied from one location and time to another. In general, the western
church has understood “fasting” primarily in terms of a reduced intake of food and of a diet
where fish replaces meat. But the point of emphasis in Lent has generally been devotional
reading or attendance at church rather than fasting.
An issue that needs to be noted at this point concerns the length of Lent. The period
intervening between Ash Wednesday and Easter Day has actually 46 days. How does it
relate to the 40 days of fasting? The answer lies in the tradition, established at a very early
stage in the development of Christianity, that every Sunday was to be regarded as a celebra-
tion of the resurrection of Christ. For this reason, fasting was forbidden on Sundays. The
period of 46 days thus consists of 40 days of fasting plus the six Sundays that fall between
Ash Wednesday and Easter Day.
One of the most interesting customs linked with Lent concerns the day before Lent begins.
As noted above, Lent begins on a Wednesday. The previous day was therefore the last day
before this official period of fasting began. In England this day was called “Shrove Tuesday,”
although it is now more widely known as “Pancake Tuesday.” The origins of the name lie in
the practice of clearing out larders immediately before Lent. The simplest way of using up the
accumulation of eggs, flour, milk, and other ingredients was to make pancakes. The same

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 241
day is referred to as “Mardi Gras” in some European countries and their colonies and is
marked by major carnivals, such as that now associated with Rio de Janiero in Brazil.
Holy Week
The final week of Lent, generally known as “Holy Week,” begins with Palm Sunday (the
Sunday before Easter) and ends on the day before Easter Day. It is a time often set aside for
reflection on the suffering and death of Christ – a period sometimes referred to as
“Passiontide.” One of the devotional aids that have become considerably important in
Catholicism is that of the “Stations of the Cross.” (A “station” here means “a pausing point.”)
This aid consists of 14 representations of different aspects of Christ’s last day on earth –
Good Friday, which we shall consider in more detail shortly. The 14 stations are as follows:
1 Christ’s condemnation by Pontius Pilate;
2 Christ receiving the cross;
3 Christ’s first fall under the weight of the cross;
4 Christ’s meeting with his mother, Mary;
5 the carrying of the cross by a passerby, Simon of Cyrene;
6 the wiping of Christ’s face by Veronica. The name “Veronica” does not occur in the
gospels, but it is found in early apocryphal writings such as The Acts of Pilate. This text
relates that Veronica was the woman whom Jesus cured of a blood ailment (Matthew
9: 20–22), and that she came to his trial before Pilate to claim his innocence;
7 Christ’s second fall under the weight of the cross;
8 Christ’s exhortation to the women of Jerusalem;
9 Christ’s third fall under the weight of the cross;
10 the stripping of Christ’s garments;
11 the crucifixion of Christ;
12 the death of Christ;
13 the presentation of Christ’s body to Mary;
14 the burial of Christ.
Many churches have 14 panels illustrating each of these stations built into their walls. Others
use removable panels, which are displayed at this time of the year. Worshippers are encouraged
to walk round the church, pausing at each station for contemplation, reflection, and prayer.
Holy Week includes four days of particular importance. These are:
Palm Sunday;
Maundy Thursday;
Good Friday;
Holy Saturday.
(Note that Easter Day – which is always a Sunday – follows immediately after Holy Saturday.
However, Easter Day is seen as lying outside the season of Lent and marks the end of the
period of fasting.)

242 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
Palm Sunday is the Sunday immediately before Easter. On this day the church commem-
orates the triumphal entry of Jesus into Jerusalem, during which the crowds threw palm
fronds into his path (see Matthew 21: 1–11). This day, which marks the beginning of Holy
Week, is now widely marked by the distribution of crosses made from palm fronds to
congregations.
Maundy Thursday focuses on one of the final acts concerning Jesus to be related in John’s
gospel: his washing of the disciples’ feet (John 13: 1–15). The ceremony of the “washing of
the feet” of members of the congregation came to be an important part of the liturgy of the
medieval church, symbolizing the humility of the clergy, in obedience to the example of
Christ. The unusual term “Maundy” is related to this medieval practice. In the Middle Ages
church services were held in Latin. The opening words of a typical service on this day are
based on the words of Jesus recorded in John 13: 34: “A new command I give you: Love one
another. As I have loved you, so you must love one another.” In Latin, the opening phrase of
this sentence is mandatum novum do vobis. The English word “Maundy” is a corruption of
the Latin word mandatum (“command”).
In England, the “Maundy ceremony” originally involved the monarch’s affirmation of
humility by washing the feet of a small number of his or her subjects. This has now been
replaced by the ceremony of the “Maundy Money,” in which the monarch distributes spe-
cially minted coins to a representative group of older people at cathedrals throughout
England.
Good Friday is marked as the day on which Jesus died on the cross. It is the most
solemn day in the Christian year and is widely marked by the removal of all decorations
from churches. In Lutheran churches the day was marked by the reading of the passion
narrative in a gospel, a practice that lies behind the “passions” composed by Johann
Sebastian Bach (1685–1750). Both the St. Matthew Passion and the St. John Passion have
their origins in this observance of Good Friday. The practice of observing a period of
three hours’ devotion, from 12.00 to 3.00 p.m. on Good Friday, has its origins in the eigh-
teenth century. Jesus’ three hours on the cross often take the form of an extended
meditation on his seven last words from the cross, with periods of silence, prayer, or
hymn singing.
The events of Good Friday are also marked dramatically in various ways throughout the
world. Perhaps the best known of these is the enactment of the passion and death of Christ,
which takes place every 10 years in the little Upper Bavarian village of Oberammergau. As
a way of expressing their gratitude to God for delivering them from the plague in 1633, the
villagers undertook to act out the passion and death of Christ every decade. The event,
which lasts six hours and involves about 700 people, is now a major tourist attraction. In the
Philippines, the only Asian nation in which Christianity is the dominant religion, Good
Friday is marked with particular fervor. In villages and towns throughout the nation, the
crucifixion of Christ is re-enacted by young men who are willing to be nailed to crosses
briefly as a sign of their commitment to the Christian faith.
Holy Saturday is the final day of Lent, immediately before Easter Day. Especially in the
eastern Orthodox churches, the day is marked by the Paschal Vigil – a late evening service,
which leads directly into the following Easter Day, making extensive use of the imagery of
light and darkness.

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 243
Easter
Easter Day marks the resurrection of Jesus and is widely regarded as the most important festival
of the Christian year. Its  religious significance is funda mental. In the first place, the festival
affirms the identity of Jesus as the risen savior and Lord. In the Orthodox tradition, this point is
often made through icons or pictures in churches, which show a triumphant and risen Christ
(often referred to as Christos pantocrator, “Christ the all-powerful”) as ruler over the universe as
a result of his being raised from the dead. In the second place, the festival affirms the Christian
hope – that is, the fundamental belief that Christians will be raised from the dead, and hence need
fear death no more. Both these themes dominate Easter hymns and liturgies. A good example is
provided by an early eighteenth-century collection of hymns known as the Lyra Davidica.
Similar themes are found in the poems of the Christian tradition. The words of the
English poet George Herbert (1593–1633) illustrate this point well. For Herbert, Easter is
about the believer’s hope of rising with Christ:
Rise, heart, thy Lord is risen. Sing his praise
Without delays,
Who takes thee by the hand, that thou likewise
With him mayst rise.
In the Greek Orthodox church, the following traditional Easter greeting is widely used, and
has become familiar in other Christian traditions during the present century: Christos
anestē (“Christ is risen”); answer: Alethōs anestē (“he is risen indeed,” or “he really is risen”).
Figure 6.4 Queen Elizabeth II hands out Maundy Money during the Royal Maundy Service held
at Liverpool’s Anglican Cathedral in 2004. The purses containing the coins were handed to 78 men
and 78 women, the number selected to mark the Queen’s 78th year. Source: Phil Noble/PA Archives/
Press Association Images.

244 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
Once the date of Easter Day is established, the dates of all other related festivals can be
established. Palm Sunday occurs one week before Easter Day. Good Friday is two days before
Easter. Pentecost occurs seven weeks after Easter Day, and Trinity Sunday eight weeks after
Easter Day. Thus in the year 2000, the dates of these four festivals were as follows:
Palm Sunday April 16
Good Friday April 21
Easter Day April 23
Pentecost June 11
Trinity Sunday June 18
Easter is marked in a wide variety of ways throughout the Christian world. In Catholic
and Orthodox churches, particular emphasis is often placed on the importance of the
symbolism of light and darkness. In the ancient church, baptisms took place on Easter
Day, as a way of showing that the believers had passed from darkness to light, from death
to life. The custom of giving Easter eggs, widespread in western culture, seems to go
back to the idea of an egg as a symbol of new life, pointing to the new life brought by the
Christian gospel.
The liturgy and hymns of the Christian church are a particularly powerful witness to the
importance of the message of the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead. The Paschal
troparion or troparion of Easter in the Byzantine liturgy sets out clearly the significance of
the Easter event for the world:
Christ is risen from the dead!
Dying, he conquered death!
To the dead, he has given life!
Box 6.1 Dates of Easter Sunday, 2015–2025
2015 April 5
2016 March 27
2017 April 16
2018 April 1
2019 April 21
2020 April 12
2021 April 4
2022 April 17
2023 April 9
2024 March 31
2025 April 20

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 245
Ascension
Ascension Day, which always falls on a Thursday, can be seen as completing the sequence
of events celebrated at Easter. The feast recalls the final ascension of Christ after he has been
raised from the dead and has recommissioned the disciples. Theologically, ascension marks
the end of the period of appearances of the risen Christ to his disciples. These appearances,
which are recorded in some detail in the gospels and hinted at in the letters of the New
Testament, began immediately after the resurrection. The theme of “exaltation” is impor-
tant at this point, in that Jesus is understood to have been exalted to the right hand of God.
Pentecost
Pentecost is the feast on which the church celebrates the gift of the Holy Spirit to the apostles,
which led to the dramatic expansion of the church in its formative period. The Holy Spirit is
of major importance to Christian thought and life. In recent times, the rise of the charismatic
movement within the worldwide church has created an increased awareness of the particular
role of the Holy Spirit. Pentecost falls on the fiftieth day after Easter. In the account of the
death and resurrection of Jesus set out by Luke in his gospel and in the Acts of the Apostles,
there is a continuous sequence of events leading from the resurrection to the giving of the
spirit. After the resurrection, Jesus appears to his disciples on a number of occasions, to
promise them the gift of the Holy Spirit. This act is described as “the gift the Father promised”
and is clearly linked with the theme of empowerment for evangelism and mission.
John’s gospel refers to Jesus’ promise of the gift of the spirit after he had been taken from
his disciples. The basic theme is that the spirit is given to the disciples after Jesus is no
longer present with them physically, in order to remind them of his words and works. Note
that the spirit is referred to in John’s gospel as the “Counsellor.” The Greek word paraklētos
could also be translated as “comforter” or “advocate.”
The specific event commemorated at Pentecost is the coming of the Holy Spirit, which is
described in the Acts of the Apostles. Luke relates how the disciples had gathered together,
and they were filled with the Holy Spirit. Luke’s description of the event focuses on its
impact: the disciples were empowered to preach the gospel and to break down the barriers
of language separating them and their audiences. Theologically, the coming of the spirit
thus occupies a significant role in the scheme of salvation: it can be seen as a reversal of the
“tower of Babel” (Genesis 11: 1–32).
Pentecost is a major feast in the Christian year. In many Christian traditions, it is seen as
second in importance only to Easter itself. Pentecost is sometimes referred to in older
English writings as “Whitsun” (literally, “white Sunday”), on account of the tradition that
the clergy was wearing white robes on this occasion.
Trinity
The final major feast of the Christian year is Trinity Sunday, which follows immediately after
Pentecost. This festival completes the Easter sequence of events by celebrating the distinc-
tively Christian doctrine of the Trinity, in which God is understood to be revealed as Father,

246 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
Son, and Holy Spirit (pp. 74–78). It is placed immediately after Pentecost, which celebrates the
gift of the Holy Spirit. The early church did not regard the doctrine of the Trinity as marking
the occasion of a church festival. The Orthodox Christian year, for example, does not include
any direct equivalent of this festival (see p. 236). Trinity first became a feast of major impor-
tance in the Middle Ages, and it was eventually given official sanction by John XXII in 1334.
Trinity Sunday is the last major festival in the Christian year. The remainder of the year is
reckoned in terms of “Sundays after Trinity,” until the cycle resumes again on Advent Sunday.
The Structuring of Time: The Monastic Day
While there is no doubt that the Christian year represents one of the most important ways of
structuring time, another one should also be noted – namely the one developed in monasteries.
Monasticism can be seen, in part, as a reaction against the secularization of the church that
resulted from the conversion of Constantine. Monasteries were partly established in order to
allow for constant prayer, which was becoming problematic for Christians who chose to remain
active in the world. Increasingly, monasticism appeared as an ideal in which the goal of contin-
uous prayer was pursued with a dedication that was impossible outside a monastic context.
This emphasis upon constant prayer led to the restructuring of the day. The pattern that
gradually emerged was one of seven times of prayer during the day and one during the night.
These times of prayer were given the name “offices,” from the Latin term officium, meaning
“an obligation” or “duty.” The biblical basis for this pattern was found in the Psalter. For
example, Psalm 119: 64 commends prayer at seven points during the day, and many of the
psalms refer to prayer during the night. The evolution of the monastic day can be seen as the
gradual institutionalization of this pattern of seven day-time offices and a nocturnal one.
The practice of night-time prayer seems strange, possibly even inhumane, to modern
readers used to sleeping in eight-hour blocks. It is important to note that human sleep pat-
terns seem to have changed as a result of the introduction of artificial light. In older times,
when human life was governed by the rising and setting of the sun, people often slept in
shorter blocks of time, which are sometimes referred to as “first sleep” and “second sleep.”
In between these shorter periods of sleep, they tended to eat or pray. The monastic prayer
cycle fits in neatly with this older pattern of sleep.
The precise evolution of this pattern of monastic offices is not completely understood.
The following factors seem to have been involved.
1 There was already a widespread trend within ordinary church life to pray corporately in
the early morning and evening. These offices came to be referred to as Mattins and
Vespers (from the Latin terms for “morning” and “evening”). The monasteries appear to
have incorporated this regular pattern of prayer into their own more rigorous structures.
These two times of prayer were often referred to as “the principal offices.”
2 A second major factor was the structure of the classical Roman working day. This led to
prayer being specified for the third, sixth, and ninth hours (that is, 9.00 a.m., noon, and
3.00 p.m.). These times of prayer were designated as “terce,” “sext,” and “none” respec-
tively (from the Latin words for “third,” “sixth,” and “ninth”).

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 247
3 Two additional offices were specified. Compline (from the Latin term for “completion”
or “ending”) was, in effect, the final time of prayer before retiring to bed. Prime (from
the Latin word for “first”) was an early morning form of prayer, apparently introduced
by Cassian, who was concerned that monks might otherwise go back to bed after the
night office and sleep through until 9.00 in the morning.
4 There appears to have been considerable variation as to the time of the night office,
which reflected local patterns of worship and understandings of personal discipline. If
the day is divided into eight periods of three hours, it might be expected that the night
office would be set for 3.00 a.m.; however, there appears to have been some variation on
this matter.
The basic point to be made here is that the monastic day was systematically structured into
segments, which included prayer and the reading of Scripture, particularly the Psalms.
Psalms 148, 149, and 150 were used with particular frequency. The pattern of daily offices
was seen as an important framework for the development of personal and corporate
spirituality, offering monks the opportunity to achieve the ideal of continual prayer and at
the same time saturating them with biblical passages. The internalization of Scripture, so
important an aspect of monastic spirituality, is partly grounded in the rich use of the Bible
in the monastic offices, as well as in the emphasis, within some monastic traditions, on
personal devotion on the part of individual monks in their cells.
Some aspects of this structuring of the day remain important outside the monastic tradi-
tion. An excellent example is provided by the tradition of evangelical Quiet Time, a daily
period set aside for private reading of the Bible, meditation, and prayer. For many evangel-
icals, the early morning provides an ideal opportunity to begin the day with the reading of
Scripture. Although the pressures of modern life have undermined this practice somewhat,
the basic principle remains unaltered. Many study aids have emerged to encourage and
assist the practice of Quiet Time, typically by assigning a passage to each day and by offering
brief devotional comments and reflections on the passage as an aid to prayer. Similarly, the
Lutheran writer Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906–1945) stressed the positive value of setting
aside a daily period for personal Bible study and meditation. In his Life Together (1938),
Bonhoeffer set out the importance of “being alone with the Word,” allowing it to challenge
and inspire its readers.
The Structuring of Space: Pilgrimage and the Christian Life
It is not merely time that is given a new meaning or structure by the Christian faith. The
same is true of locations. For many Christians, their faith gives them a new sense of the
importance of certain places. Noting the importance of places associated with the Old
Testament, the scholar Walter Brueggeman offered the following description of “place,”
which is helpful for understanding the phenomenon of pilgrimage:
Place is space which has historical meanings, where some things have happened which are now
remembered and which provide continuity and identity across generations. Place is space in

248 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
which important words have been spoken which have established identity, defined vocation,
and envisioned destiny.
Many Christian traditions ascribe particular spiritual significance to holy places or to the
process of traveling to them. Once more, it is necessary to note that this is not a uniform
tendency within Christianity. While we should immediately concede the dangers of gener-
alization, it seems that Protestantism has generally been more critical than affirmative of
the notion of a “holy place.” In the present section we shall explore some aspects of this
notion and the significance of such places for spirituality.
Old Testament writers clearly regarded the city of Jerusalem as a holy place. Jerusalem
and its temple were seen as the central focus of the religion of Israel. God was understood
to have chosen Jerusalem as a dwelling place; the city and its temple were thus set apart as
possessing a religious significance denied to other locations in Israel. Earlier in Israel’s
history, sites such as Shiloh and Mizpah were regarded as being of special religious impor-
tance. It was at these sites that shrines were established during the period of the conquest of
Canaan.
Nevertheless, the temple erected at Jerusalem came to be seen as possessing supreme sig-
nificance. Some Old Testament passages spoke of Jerusalem or its temple as the “dwelling
place” of God. As a result, Jerusalem gradually assumed a special role in Israel’s hopes for
the future. It was from Jerusalem that the knowledge of God was to spread to all nations
(Isaiah 2: 2–4; Micah 4: 1–3). It was by worshipping God in Jerusalem that the nations of the
world would find their true unity (Isaiah 19: 23; Zechariah 8: 3). The modern Jewish
Passover ends by expressing the hope that, in the next year, this feast will be celebrated in
Jerusalem.
It is therefore clear that Jerusalem came to play a special role in Judaism. Given that
the central events upon which the Christian faith is founded – supremely, the death and
resurrection of Jesus – took place in Jerusalem, it might be expected that the New
Testament should take over this Old Testament understanding of the special place of the
city. This, however, proves not to be the case. The special, sacred status of Jerusalem
within the Old Testament is not endorsed by the New Testament, which affirms the his-
torical but not the theological importance of this city. The theme of the “new Jerusalem”
is certainly found, as a statement of the Christian hope (see Hebrews 12: 22; Revelation
21: 2). Yet this statement is not seen as legitimizing any present spiritual significance of
the city of Jerusalem.
The significance of Jerusalem is not discussed in any detail by Christian writers of the
first three centuries. This is in itself an indication that this theme was not felt to be of major
importance. Two very different views emerged in the fourth century. Eusebius of Caesarea
(c. 260–339) argued that the spirituality of the New Testament was not concerned with
physical entities (such as the “land of Israel” or the “city of Jerusalem”), but with spiritual
matters, of which these physical entities were at best convenient physical symbols. Cyril of
Jerusalem (c. 320–386), in contrast, was quite clear that Jerusalem remained a “holy city.” It
is, of course, entirely possible that ecclesiastical politics entered into this debate. Cyril was
anxious to maintain the prestige of his own city; Eusebius was interested in promoting the
claims of Rome as the new city to be granted special divine favor.

The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality 249
An important document dating from this period, which illustrates the spiritual impor-
tance of pilgrimage, is the “Peregrinatio Egeriae” (“The Pilgrimage of Egeria”). This docu-
ment, discovered in 1884 and probably dating from somewhere between 381 and 384, is in
effect the personal journal of a woman visiting the Holy Land and recording everything she
observes. Although the text is often read for its first-hand testimony concerning liturgical
practices in the Holy Land at this date, it is also an important witness to the benefits that
such pilgrimages were understood to bring.
In the course of Christian history, a number of sites have emerged as having potential
spiritual importance. These include the following:
1 Jerusalem, the scene of the Last Supper, betrayal, crucifixion, and resurrection of Jesus;
2 Rome, widely believed to be the site of the martyrdom and burial of both St. Peter and
St. Paul;
3 Canterbury, the site of the martyrdom of Thomas à Becket in 1170. The bawdy esca-
pades subsequently accompanying pilgrimages to Canterbury were set out by Geoffrey
Chaucer in his Canterbury Tales;
4 Santiago de Compostela in northwestern Spain, the traditional burial place of St. James
the Apostle;
5 Lourdes in southern France, the site of a vision of the Virgin Mary in 1858, which has
become associated with reports of healings.
Figure 6.5 Santiago de Compostela, the center of
a major pilgrimage route in northern Spain. Source:
Andrea Jemolo/AKG Images.

250 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
What role do pilgrimages to such sites play in Christian spirituality? Clearly, the answer to
such questions will be complex and nuanced, given the considerable variation within
Christianity concerning issues of theology. For example, Protestants generally no not accept
any kind of “theology of sacred places” and would not give Mary any particular place of honor.
Pilgrimages to Lourdes therefore do not feature prominently in Protestant spirituality.
In general, the following factors help toward an understanding and an appreciation of a
spirituality of pilgrimage.
1 The act of making a pilgrimage involves at least a degree of commitment and hardship.
This makes a pilgrimage an act of self-denial or personal discipline, the virtues of which
would be widely accepted. The degree of hardship can be enhanced in various ways: for
example, medieval penitents were in the habit of placing small stones inside their shoes
to make the journey more painful.
2 The pilgrimage offers an opportunity to reflect on the life and teaching of the person
associated with the pilgrimage site. For example, a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela
offers an opportunity to read about St. James, just as a pilgrimage to Rome can be the
focus for reflection on the life and teaching of both St. Peter and St. Paul.
3 The notion of “pilgrimage” helps reinforce the Christian idea that believers are “strangers
and pilgrims on earth” (Hebrews 11: 13), whose true home is a city in heaven (Philippians
3: 20). The idea of passing through life en route to the heavenly city, rather than making
oneself at home in the world, is clearly embodied in the act of pilgrimage.
4 For some, the sites of pilgrimage are themselves endued with some spiritual quality,
which can be experienced by those who travel there.
As was noted earlier, Protestants generally regard the notion of “pilgrimage” with suspicion.
However, it is important to appreciate that the notion is present, although in a slightly redirected
manner, within many Protestant spiritualities. Many Protestants find it helpful to make journeys
to the Holy Land or to sites of relevance to the New Testament – for example, the seven churches
of Asia (mentioned in the book of Revelation) or the churches established by or written to
by St. Paul. These journeys are seen, however, primarily as bringing a new depth to Bible
study, in that biblical passages take on a new personal significance once the reader has visited
the site in question. Visiting religious sites is thus seen as an aid to more effective Bible study.
The image of “pilgrimage” gained new importance through the Second Vatican Council’s
use of it as a model of the church. The idea of a “pilgrim church” is a helpful counterbalance
to a strongly institutional conception of the church, associated with buildings and power
structures. It offers a minimalist ecclesiology, focusing on the theme of journeying through
the world on one’s way to the new Jerusalem.
Conclusion
In this chapter we have looked at some features of the Christian life. We have already seen
how Christianity impacts on culture – for example, in customs and traditions associated
with holy days such as Easter or Christmas. But what of the wider impact of Christianity?
In the next chapter we shall look at the impact of the Christian faith on culture in general,
including the arts and sciences.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Christianity is both a private and a public faith. It affects the way in which individuals think
and behave; it also impacts on society as a whole. Christianity has the potential to shape
culture in a significant manner. Yet Christianity is complex, containing within itself diver-
gent understandings of the nature of the Christian faith and of how this faith affects both
individual and communal engagement with the wider culture.
This tension was evident within Roman Christianity in the fourth century. The conversion
of the Emperor Constantine (pp. 129–131) ended a long era of the oppression and margin-
alization of Christianity. Bishops suddenly found themselves as figures of social influence
and power. Christians were able to build churches and to worship in public. Many welcomed
this new possibility, seeing it as a means of reshaping society along Christian lines. But
others were alarmed, believing that Christianity was at its most authentic when it existed
and operated on the margins of society. Power corrupted. Was there not a danger that
Christianity’s new social status would lead to its becoming compromised?
This was no idle concern. The new social status of Christianity within the Roman empire
certainly led to a growth in its cultural influence. Yet it soon became clear that, if Christianity
was to be the new religion of Rome, it would have to become what Roman rulers expected
a religion to be. Establishment might well have its privileges; it also had its obligations.
Culturally, the imperialization of Christianity led to the absorption of a number of Roman
customs into Christian practice, where they were given a new interpretation.
Perhaps the most interesting of these is the development of the “cult of the saints.”
Traditional Roman religion honored the dead with ceremonial meals at the site of their
tombs. This practice soon became absorbed into Christianity. Christians would gather at
the tombs of prominent saints or martyrs, celebrating a eucharist in their honor. Though
this practice was relatively easily accommodated theologically, it is important to note that
Christianity and the Shaping
of Culture
7

252 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
its origins did not lie in the New Testament. Its development ultimately reflected the need
for a Christian equivalent of a traditional Roman practice.
Many other examples could be given to illustrate the complex relation of Christianity to
culture, which led some to develop a theology of the church as a “community in exile.” This
idea sustained the Puritans as they wrestled with their powerlessness after the failure of the
Commonwealth in England. It nourished the radical wing of the Reformation, which
deliberately forsook any kind of social approbation in sixteenth-century Europe in order to
be authentically Christian. Many Anabaptist writers saw the conversion of Constantine as
marking the end of authentic Christianity and believed that the latter needed to be recon-
stituted in new forms, which should be uncontaminated by privilege and influence.
It is therefore hazardous and unhelpful to offer sweeping generalizations about the rela-
tionship between Christianity and culture. Some Christians disengaged from wider society;
others embraced it. Some saw engagement as a means of making secular culture more
Christian. Others feared that this process would lead to Christianity becoming more secular.
On balance, however, the interaction can be argued to have enriched both the church and
society. In the present chapter we shall consider some aspects of this relationship. We begin
by reflecting on how the relation of Christianity to culture is to be understood.
Christianity and Culture: General Considerations
The history of the interaction between Christianity and culture is very complex. While
most Christian writers support engagement with culture, others advocate withdrawal or
disengagement from society, fearing that such engagement might contaminate faith. Some
Christians hold that it is not proper to attend any form of public entertainment – such as the
cinema – whereas others believe that it is important to be fully and appreciatively immersed
in culture at large.
Some Christian groups have deliberately defined themselves as countercultural; hence
they have worn clothes and adopted practices that mark them off from those around them.
The Mennonite and Amish communities in modern America are a particularly good
example of this trend. Holding that their faith demands that they separate from mainstream
culture and distinguish themselves clearly by physical and visible means, the Amish adopt
clothing styles that encourage humility and separation from the world. The Amish dress is
in a very simple style, avoiding all but the most basic ornamentation. Clothing is made at
home, of plain fabrics, and is primarily dark in color. Such habits reflect, however, a minority
perspective. Most Christians see no need to distinguish themselves from the world.
To understand the complexities of the interrelationship of Christianity and culture, we
need to consider the first phase of Christian history. Since it first established a significant
presence at Rome in the first century ad, namely in the 40s, Christianity had had a decid-
edly ambiguous legal status. On the one hand, it was not legally recognized, and so it did not
enjoy any special rights; on the other, it was not explicitly forbidden. However, its growing
numerical strength gave rise to periodic attempts to suppress it by force. Sometimes these
persecutions were local, restricted to regions such as North Africa; at other times they were
sanctioned throughout the entire Roman empire.

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 253
How should Christians have responded to this situation? Prior to the conversion of
Constantine, many of them were content to keep a low profile, keeping their religious views
to themselves. Many – including Tertullian – took the view that Christianity must maintain
its distinctive identity by avoiding secular influences. “What,” he famously asked, “has Athens
to do with Jerusalem?” But, with the conversion of Constantine, new possibilities emerged.
Augustine of Hippo is widely – and rightly – seen as mapping out the mainstream
Christian response to the relation of faith and culture. His approach is probably best
described as a critical appropriation of classical culture. For Augustine, the situation of
Christianity in Rome is comparable to that of Israel fleeing from captivity in Egypt at the
time of the exodus. Although they left the idols of Egypt behind them, the Israelites carried
with them Egypt’s gold and silver, in order to make better and proper use of such riches,
which were thus liberated in order to serve a higher purpose. In much the same way, the
philosophy and culture of the ancient world could be appropriated by Christians, where this
seemed right, and thus allowed to serve the cause of the Christian faith.
Figure 7.1 Saint Augustine of Hippo in a
monastic cell, as depicted by Sandro Botticelli,
c. 1495. Source: Rabatti-Domingie/AKG Images.

254 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
Augustine’s fundamental idea was to make use of a way of thinking – or writing, or
speaking – that had hitherto been imprisoned within a purely pagan use, and to liberate it
from this captivity, so that it might be put to the service of the gospel. Augustine argues that
what is essentially neutral yet valuable ways of thinking or self-expression has been quar-
ried in “the mines of the providence of God”; the difficulty is the use to which they were put
within pagan culture, in that they had been “improperly and unlawfully prostituted to the
worship of demons.”
Augustine’s approach thus laid the foundation for the assertion that whatever was good,
true, or beautiful could be used in the service of the gospel. It was this approach that would
prove dominant in the western church, providing a theological foundation for the critical
appropriation by Christian writers of literary genres whose origins lay outside the church.
To literary forms already known within the church and widely recognized as entirely appro-
priate for Christian usage – such as the sermon and the biblical commentary – might be
added others, whose cultural pedigree was thoroughly secular. Examples would include
drama and – to anticipate a later development – the novel.
Yet Augustine’s view never secured total acceptance. The study of Christian history
reveals a complex pattern of interactions with culture, some inspired by Augustine, others
by more countercultural ways of thinking. For some Christians, the world is an environ-
ment hostile to Christian belief and practice. The values of the kingdom of God stand in
contrast to those of the world. This type of spirituality was of considerable importance in
the first few centuries of Christian history, when Christianity was viewed with intense dis-
trust and suspicion by the secular authorities, and on occasion actively persecuted. Once
the Roman emperor Constantine was converted to Christianity, however, a very different
situation resulted. Christianity rapidly became the official religion of the Roman empire.
In the eyes of many, this resulted in a compromise with secular values. Bishops began to
imitate the dress and customs of secular rulers – for example, by wearing purple robes
(a symbol of wealth and power).
The new situation made many Christians believe that some authentically Christian ideals
were being sacrificed in the compromise. The rise of the monastic movement is widely seen
as a revolt against the easy accommodation that began to emerge between church and state,
which often made it difficult to tell them apart. The monasteries saw themselves as centers
of authentic Christianity, insulated from the temptations of power and wealth, in which
the true Christian vision could be pursued. Many works of monastic spirituality spoke
of the cultivation of “contempt for the world,” by which they meant a studied rejection of
the temptations offered by the world, which they regarded as an obstacle to salvation and
personal spiritual growth. Withdrawal from the world was the only guaranteed means of
ensuring one’s salvation.
Although the Protestant Reformation rejected the monastic ideal, the dual theme of
renunciation of the world and the world’s hostility toward authentic Christianity was taken
up and developed by the more radical wing of the movement. Anabaptist writers stressed
the need to form alternative Christian communities, often in rural areas. They refused to
have anything to do with secular power or authority, as they rejected the use of force. A
tension can be discerned at this point between radical writers and the mainline reformers
(such as Luther and Calvin), who encouraged a more positive and interactive approach to

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 255
society and culture. Similar attitudes and conflicts between them can be found within
North American fundamentalist circles today.
The relationship between Christianity and culture is thus complex. Some Christians see
no difficulty in interacting positively and fully with the local culture; others fear that any
such engagement would lead to the erosion of Christian distinctive features.
The ability of Christianity to change culture can be seen in both the ancient and the
modern world. In the late third century, many Romans were convinced that the diminishing
prosperity and influence of Rome were directly due to the rise of Christianity. The old reli-
gious cults were being abandoned in favor of Christianity. There is no doubt that one of the
most significant contributing causes of the slow and inexorable death of classical pagan
culture was the rise of Christianity. The same pattern can be seen in modern Chinese
culture, where there is a widespread interest in Christianity among the younger generation.
Traditional Chinese customs, such as “grave sweeping” (in which children are regarded as
being under an obligation to honor their ancestors by tidying their graves), are regarded
with suspicion by younger Chinese Christians, who feel that the practice is linked with a set
of beliefs that are not Christian. This traditional Chinese custom is being eroded, due to the
growth of Christianity. Countless other examples could be given of cultural changes result-
ing from the growth of Christianity, including the decline of traditional religious beliefs and
their associated practices in Africa and Southeast Asia.
One of the most marked differences between Christianity and the two other great mono-
theistic religions – Judaism and Islam – is that Christianity makes no religious requirements
of its followers concerning food or clothing. Judaism and Islam both regard certain foods –
such as pork – as being “unclean” and forbid their followers to eat them. In marked contrast,
Jesus of Nazareth declared all foods to be clean, insisting that moral and religious purity
depended on what lay within a person’s heart rather than on what entered their bodies
through their mouth (Mark 7: 18–19).
In a similar way, Judaism and Islam require animals to be slaughtered in a particular way,
to meet strict religious laws (kosher and halal, respectively). Christianity has never made
any such demands of its followers, despite pressure from Judaizing factions within the early
church to satisfy such requirements.
It must, however, also be appreciated that Christianity exists in a mutual relationship
with culture. Christianity had an impact on its surrounding culture, which in turn molded
Christianity. This process was entirely natural: Christianity did not lay down precise rules
concerning food, dress, or lifestyle – Christians regarded themselves as able to incorporate
aspects of their culture according to their beliefs. As the history of Christian expansion
makes clear, Christians did not impose a uniform culture on peoples who had chosen to
accept the Christian faith. It is quite clear that Christianity fostered an attitude of tolerance
toward traditional cultural beliefs and norms where these were not seen as having a direct
relevance to the Christian faith. The cultural diversity within Christianity is perhaps one of
the most striking differences between Christianity and Islam.
A wide range of traditional cultural customs and practices thus finds its way into
Christianity. Some have achieved almost universal acceptance. Two examples will illustrate
this. The traditional color associated with Christian bishops is purple. This was a sign of
social status in the classical world and was adopted by Christians as a means of designating

256 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
the importance of bishops within their communities and beyond. Had Christianity had its
origins in China, it is entirely possible that bishops might have worn yellow (the traditional
Chinese color associated with royalty). This aspect of classical culture was regarded as
acceptable by Christians, and thus eventually found its way within the church. A second
example is the Christian practice (now widespread within western culture) of placing a
wedding ring on the fourth finger of the bride’s left hand. This reflects a traditional Roman
custom, which Christians found perfectly acceptable – and thus incorporated into their
marriage customs.
A further area of interest concerns the need for a supply of wine in order to comply with
the explicit commandment of Jesus that his followers should use bread and wine to
remember him. The great medieval monasteries in Spain, France, and Italy soon fell into
the habit of establishing vineyards in order to ensure a regular supply of communion wine.
It was a monk named Dom Perignon who discovered how wine could be preserved by using
the bark of the Portuguese cork oak to seal bottles.
In what follows we shall explore some of the ways in which Christianity has influenced –
and continues to influence – culture. It must be made clear that the restriction of the subject
in this way is entirely due to lack of space. What follows must be regarded as illustrative of
the way in which Christianity interacted with culture; in no way can this brief analysis be
considered to be definitive!
We begin by looking at the world of art, music, and literature. In what way has Christianity
shaped the way we represent and reflect the world? We may begin by considering how
Christian symbols have developed.
Christian Symbolism: The Cross
We have already seen how the figure of Jesus Christ dominates the Christian faith. In
particular, we noted how the death of Jesus on the cross is understood by Christians to be
the foundation of the salvation of humanity. The cross is thus a symbol of salvation. It is also
a symbol of the Christian hope, in that it affirms the death that has been defeated through
the resurrection of Jesus. The cross – an instrument of execution – became a sign of the
hope and transformation that are fundamental to Christianity.
The cross has been the universally acknowledged symbol of the Christian faith from a
very early period, probably as early as the late second century. Indeed, it is fair to suggest
that there is no symbol that carries as much weight, authority, or recognition within the
Christian faith as the cross. Christians are baptized with the sign of the cross. Churches and
other Christian places of meeting do not merely include a cross; they are often built in the
shape of a cross. The Christian emphasis on the cross has had considerable implications for
the design of churches. Indeed, it is probably in this area that Christian theology has had its
most profound impact on western culture. To explore a great medieval cathedral or church
is to view theology embodied in stone.
Many Christians find it helpful to make the sign of the cross in times of danger or anxiety.
The graves of Christians – whether Catholic, Orthodox, or Protestant – are marked with
crosses. Careful studies of the origins and development of Christian symbolism have made

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 257
it clear that the cross was seen as the symbol of the Christian gospel from the earliest of
times. Even in the earliest writings of the New Testament, the phase “the message of the
cross” is used as a shorthand summary of the Christian gospel (see 1 Corinthians 1: 18–25).
This theme is echoed in later writers of the early church. For Tertullian, Christians are
“those who believe in the cross”; for Clement of Alexandria, the cross is “the supreme sign
of the Lord.”
The final stage in the global acceptance of the cross as supreme symbol of the Christian
faith is generally regarded as having been the conversion of the future Roman Emperor
Constantine. At some point shortly before or after the decisive battle of the Milvian Bridge
(312), Constantine saw a vision of a cross, which ordered him to place the sign on his sol-
diers’ shields. During the reign of Constantine, crosses of various types were erected in
Rome and began to appear on Roman coinage. Crucifixion had continued as a means of
execution under previous Roman emperors. Constantine outlawed the practice and directed
that the scaffolds used for execution would no longer be referred to as “crosses” (cruces) but
as patibula, a Latin word referring to one component of a cross, namely its “horizontal
support” or “crossbeam.”
Early Christian writers regarded the cross as a teaching aid for the great themes of the
Christian faith. Not only did it affirm the reality of salvation and hope in a world of death;
it also affirmed the full humanity of Jesus. Early Christian writers were also prepared to
read more ambitious ideas into the cross. Justin Martyr suggested that there was a parallel
between the Christian cross and the Platonic cross-shaped cosmic symbol – the Greek
letter chi.
There is evidence that first-century Christians were reluctant to portray the crucifixion
of Jesus. It was one thing to make the sign of the cross; it was quite another to depict Jesus
on the cross of Calvary, especially on account of the issues of taste and decency involved in
portraying Jesus naked. However, these inhibitions were gradually overcome. Christian art,
both in the East and in the West, began to focus on the crucifixion for devotional purposes.
In response to the view that Jesus was purely divine, lacking any real human nature,
Christian leaders encouraged artists to produce depictions of the crucifixion of Jesus as a
way of emphasizing his full humanity. What better way of stressing the suffering and death
of Jesus than to portray him on the cross? The implications of these attitudes are consider-
able and help understand the importance attached by many Christian writers to the devo-
tional depiction of the crucifixion. Matthias Grünewald’s Crucifixion (1515–1516) is an
excellent example of this genre of paintings (p. 261).
The symbol of the cross features prominently in Christian worship, both public and
private. Many churches are built in the shape of crosses and display crosses conspicuously
on their rooftops and within the building itself. Of particular importance to many Christians
is the crucifix – that is, a wooden carving of Jesus stretched out on the cross, with the
inscription INRI above his head (these letters spell out the Latin words Iesus Nazarenus Rex
Iudaeorum, which mean “Jesus of Nazareth, king of the Jews”). The crucifix is intended to
remind Christians of the sufferings of Jesus, and thus to emphasize the costliness and reality
of the salvation that resulted from his death on the cross.
The cross has found its way into the symbolism of nations whose history has been
steeped in the Christian faith. For example, the traditional Union Flag of the United

258 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
Kingdom consists of three different crosses – the crosses of St. George (England), St.
Patrick (Ireland) and St. Andrew (Scotland) – combined into a single design. Celtic crosses
– that is, crosses with a circle embracing their four arms – are a particular feature of the
Irish landscape. Other forms of the cross with particular national or regional associations
include the Cross of Lorraine and the Maltese Cross. The background to the incorporation
of this Christian symbol into national flags can probably be traced back to the second
century. Justin Martyr and others drew a parallel with the way in which conquering Roman
armies marched behind their “banners and trophies” (vexilla et tropaia): in the same way,
such writers argued, Christians marched behind the banner of the cross, which bore the
trophy of a defeated death.
Although the cross is the most familiar and widely encountered of Christian symbols, it
is important to note that other symbols were of importance in early Christianity. One of
these may be noted. A fish was used as a symbol of Christian identity, on account of its
potential as a teaching aid. The Greek term for fish is ichthus. The five letters of the Greek
word for fish are ΙΧΘΥΣ (i-ch-th-u-s); these letters act as an acronym, spelling out the
central Christian beliefs concerning the identity and significance of Jesus.
Greek letter Greek word English translation
I (iota) Iēsous Jesus
Χ (chi) Christos Christ
Θ (theta) Theou of God
Υ (upsilon) huios Son
Σ (sigma) sōtēr savior
Figure 7.2 Ground plan of York Minster, one of the greatest Gothic cathedrals of Europe. Note
especially its cruciform structure. Source: © The Dean & Chapter of York.

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 259
The word ichthus thus spells out the belief that Christians regarded as being at the center of
their faith: “Jesus Christ, Son of God, savior.” References to “the sign of the fish” can be
found in a number of early Christian writings, particularly on tombs. The Greek word ich-
thus and the symbol of a fish are both still widely used by Christians. If the automobile in
front of you has a symbol of a fish on its bumper, it is probably owned by a Christian. If an
organization or an Internet URL has the word ichthus in it, you can be fairly certain it has
something to do with Christianity.
Christian Art
God is invisible and cannot be seen by mortal human beings. This insight is fundamental to
most religions with a strongly transcendent understanding of God. Yet, throughout the his-
tory of Christian thought, human beings have shown a marked longing to be able to depict
God in some manner. If God cannot be visualized, the idea of God becomes potentially
abstract and impersonal, remote from the world of human experience. One of the most
significant themes in Christian spirituality is that of visualization – the development of
ways in which the divine may be represented visually, as something to be contemplated,
without compromising the transcendence of God.
On May 8, 1373, the English religious writer Julian of Norwich experienced a series of
visions concerning the love of God. These were triggered off by a very specific stimulus.
Julian had become ill, and those around her were convinced that she was about to die. The
local parish priest was sent for; he held before her a crucifix (that is, a carving of Jesus of
Nazareth upon the cross) and spoke these words to her: “I have brought you the image of
your Creator and Savior. Look at it, and be strengthened.” The image of Christ upon the
cross proved to be a gateway to a series of extended meditations on the goodness of God
and on God’s overwhelming generosity and courtesy to sinners.
If contemplation of the life and person of Jesus led people to a deeper knowledge of God,
it seemed to many that vivid and realistic depictions of incidents in the life of Christ could
assist that process still further. The Middle Ages and the Renaissance witnessed a dramatic
increase in the use of religious art for both public and private devotion. Panel painting was
widely used to depict narratives concerning Jesus, or static portraits of Jesus and his mother.
In the early Middle Ages, the two dominant religious images were the Madonna and child
and the crucifixion. By the later Renaissance, the same attention once paid to the cruci-
fixion was being devoted to other religious subjects.
Renaissance artists regarded many incidents in the life of Jesus as being of potential
importance. Particular attention was paid to the Annunciation (that is, to the scene in
Luke’s gospel in which Gabriel informs Mary that she is to bear a son), to the baptism of
Jesus, and to the resurrection. The appearance of the risen Jesus to Mary Magdalene (John
20: 17) was also the subject of many classic works, including Fra Angelico’s fresco Noli me
tangere (Do Not Touch Me), painted over the period 1440–1441 in the convent of San Marco
in Florence. Painted panels could be displayed singly in churches, but they were often
combined in the form of double panels (diptychs) or triple panels (triptychs), as in the
Isenheim altarpiece by Matthias Grünewald, noted earlier. One of the most complex of

260 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
these is the assembly of multiple painted panels (polyptychs) that make up the Ghent
Altarpiece by Hubert and Jan van Eyck, which was installed in Ghent Cathedral in 1432.
The nativity – that is, the birth – of Christ has long played a central role in Christian ico-
nography. Christians have always appreciated the theological and spiritual importance of
the birth of the savior and have found picturing this event to be helpful for personal and
corporate devotion. In the West, the dominant approach to depicting the nativity is to set
Mary and her child at the center of the picture.
An excellent example of this approach can be found in The Mystic Nativity by Sandro
Botticelli (1447–1515). In this work, executed around the year 1500, Mary is depicted in
terms appropriate to the era of the painter rather than to that of the New Testament.
Botticelli here follows other Renaissance painters of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
who portrayed Mary dressed as a noblewoman of their time. The point being made is that
Christ’s entry into history is of importance to all ages, not simply the Palestine of the first
century. Representing Mary as a lady of the Renaissance was a means of emphasizing the
transformative potential of the Christ-child for the Renaissance – as well as for all ages.
Botticelli portrays the angels in heaven as rejoicing over the transformation of the created
order that will take place through the newborn Jesus. Indeed, in the lower section of the
painting, angels are even depicted as dancing with humans, as they celebrate the possibility
of a new heaven and a new earth.
Interestingly, Botticelli follows a long-standing tradition in including an ox and ass in
the nativity scene. Yet the gospel nativity accounts make no mention of oxen or asses. So
why are these traditionally included in the scene? From the second century on, commen-
tators on the birth of Jesus linked the nativity narrative with Isaiah 1: 3: “The ox knows its
owner, and the donkey its master’s crib; but Israel does not know, my people do not
understand.”
In some cases, the themes of Christmas and Epiphany (p. 239) are merged: shepherds
from the fields around Bethlehem are depicted along with some of their sheep, worshipping
the infant Jesus, together with the three wise men or kings from the East, who brought the
newborn child the exotic and costly gifts of gold, frankincense, and myrrh. Traditionally it
is assumed that each wise man brought one of the three gifts (the gospels do not tell us how
many wise men actually came).
Churches, private chapels, and houses were often decorated with depictions of the cruci-
fixion as a means of encouraging personal devotion. Christian writers and artists have
always been aware of the need to reflect on this pivotal event and its life-changing implica-
tions. Unlike the docetic heresy (which held that Jesus merely had the “appearance” of
humanity and did not really suffer), Christian orthodoxy stressed both the reality of Jesus’
agony on the cross and the salvation that it achieved. Visual representations of this suffering
on the cross thus served to stress the costliness of redemption and to deepen the believers’
appreciation of what Jesus of Nazareth achieved. The best argument against docetism was
the depiction of the sufferings of Jesus on the cross.
Depictions of the passion of Jesus of Nazareth often reveal significantly different interests
and emphases. Some artists depict Christ as raised up on this cross, high above the crowds
around him. This is meant to focus attention on the way in which Jesus was “raised up” on
the cross, so that believers might in turn be “raised up” to heaven by his cross and

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 261
resurrection. Others focus on the crowds around Jesus, sometimes depicting the rage and
fury on the faces of those who mocked him. The point being made here is that those who
crucified Christ were ordinary people.
Others still focus on those who are standing around the cross. An excellent example of
this is provided by Matthias Grunewald’s famous altarpiece at Isenheim, painted during the
years 1510–1515. On the left of the cross, three people mourn the dead Jesus: Mary, the
mother of Jesus; John, the beloved disciple; and Mary Magdalene. This is intended to help
us appreciate the appalling impact that the death of Jesus of Nazareth had on his disciples.
In the case of Mary, believers are invited to imagine how she must have felt when her son –
the one whom she held in her arms as an infant – was taken away from her and spread out
on the arms of the cross.
From what has been said, it will be clear that the gospel narratives have proved a major
inspiration for western religious art. Yet it is important to note that some Protestant writers
have misgivings about this development. Whereas Anglicanism and Lutheranism have seen
religious art as playing an important role in Christian devotion, the reformed tradition has
expressed reservations about its use. The Heidelberg Catechism (1563) argues that images
of God are neither necessary nor helpful for Christian believers. Biblical preaching should
take the place of religious art as a means of instruction and devotion. Most other Christian
traditions regard religious art as a helpful aid to devotion and encourage the display of
appropriate works in places of worship. It may also be noted that several recent theologians
Figure 7.3 The crucifixion, as depicted by Matthias Grünewald in the Isenheim Altarpiece,
executed c. 1513–1515. Source: Erich Lessing/AKG Images.

262 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
within the reformed tradition have used works of religious art to encourage theological
reflection and personal devotion. Thus Karl Barth (1886–1968) had on his desk a copy of
Matthias Grünewald’s Isenheim altarpiece depicting the crucifixion. Similarly, Jürgen
Moltmann (born 1926) had a copy of Marc Chagall’s Crucifixion in Yellow in front of him as
he wrote The Crucified God, widely regarded as one of the theological masterpieces of the
twentieth century.
Icons
The use of icons in public worship and private devotion, though especially associated with
eastern Orthodoxy, is now widespread within Christianity. An “icon” (derived from the
Greek word eikōn, “image”) has come to mean a portable sacred image, typically painted on
a wooden base, following the traditions and conventions of Byzantine art.
The history of the use of icons is somewhat unclear. However, there is substantial evi-
dence to indicate that the use of such sacred images originated in the region of Palestine
and Syria. It seems that the first icons were pictures of martyrs, often illustrating aspects
of their histories. The homilies of eastern Christian writers of the fourth century – such
as Basil the Great and Gregory of Nyssa – are an important witness to this practice.
However, from the fifth century on, it became increasingly common for icons to depict
Jesus Christ and Mary.
The iconoclast controversy put an end to the production of icons and caused the destruc-
tion of many older ones. While Orthodox writers conceded that the Old Testament prohib-
ited the production and use of religious images, they argued that this was an essentially
temporary provision, reflecting the widespread use of idols in Canaanite culture. With the
defeat of Roman paganism through the conversion of Constantine, Orthodox theologians
argued that this was no longer a significant issue. Furthermore, they pointed out that the
incarnation of the Son of God further undermined this Old Testament prohibition: was not
Jesus the image of God, displayed to humanity? The resolution of this issue in favor of the
“iconophiles” led to a golden age of iconography at Constantinople from about 850 to 1200.
During this time, a special style of icon painting developed, and became characteristic of
Byzantine art.
So what are icons understood to achieve? What is their purpose? Orthodox Christian
writers emphatically reject what they regard as two serious misunderstandings: that icons
are themselves objects of worship; and that they are merely a form of religious art, whose
significance lies in beautifying religious sites.
In Orthodoxy, icons are not objects of adoration or worship, whose proper objects can
only be Jesus of Nazareth or God. Rather they are objects of veneration. Icons are to be seen
as windows to the transcendent. They can be thought of as a “visible gospel,” proclaiming
the same truths as Scripture, yet in a pictorial rather than verbal form. Thus Nicephorus,
patriarch of Constantinople between 806 and 815, argued that icons are especially significant
for those who lack the conceptual skills to understand Scripture. Indeed, very often what
eludes people when reading or hearing words is captured when viewing icons.

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 263
Image and word are thus not seen to be in
conflict, but to offer the possibility of mutual
reinforcement. Orthodox writers tend to speak
about scriptural vision and pictorial formation
as the two symbolic ways through which
humanity gains access to transcendent realities.
Where the iconoclasts argued that the unin-
structed and illiterate would be unable to dis-
tinguish between image and the divine reality it
depicted (hence lapsing into idolatry), the
iconophiles held that these  same people could
use icons as a Scripture in color that would lead
them to the divine reality – if they were prop-
erly instructed in how to use them.
Church Architecture
Initially Christians had to borrow buildings in
which they could worship. Until Christianity
became a recognized and legitimate religion
within the Roman empire, it was not free to
build its own distinctive structures. Christians
met in private homes or borrowed pagan tem-
ples as places of worship. However, from the
fourth century on, they were free to construct
places of meeting and worship that reflected
their own distinctive ideas and beliefs. This led
to the development of several distinctive styles
of church architecture, each of which is grounded
in a set of beliefs about the nature of God, the
place of the institution of the church in God’s plan of salvation, and the ultimate destiny of
human nature.
To appreciate the importance of church architecture throughout the Middle Ages – the
golden age of church architecture – it is essential to understand the exceptionally high
value attached to the institution of the church at this time. In the third century of the
Christian era, Cyprian of Carthage penned a slogan that would have a decisive impact on
Christian understandings of the role of the church as the mediator and guarantor of
redemption. “Outside the church, there is no salvation.” This pithy maxim was open to a
number of interpretations. The one that predominated throughout the Middle Ages can
be argued to have resulted directly from the church’s growth in institutional authority
after the collapse of the Roman empire. Salvation was only to be had through member-
ship of the church. Jesus of Nazareth may have made the hope of salvation possible; only
Figure 7.4 Byzantine icon of the late
thirteenth or early fourteenth century,
showing Mary with the infant Jesus.
Source: Cameraphoto/AKG Images.

264 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
the church could make it available. There was an ecclesiastical monopoly on the dispen-
sation of redemption.
The view that the institution of the church was the sole mediator and guarantor of the
hope in human salvation was rapidly assimilated into church architecture. The great portals
of Romanesque churches were often adorned with elaborate sculptures depicting the glory
of heaven as a tactile affirmation that it was only by entering the church that this hope could
be achieved. Inscriptions were often placed over the great western door of churches,
declaring that it was only by entering the church that one could attain heaven. The door-
frame was allowed to be identified with Christ for this purpose; it spoke words directed to
those passing by or pausing to admire its magnificent ornamentation.
An excellent example is provided by the Benedictine priory church of Saint-Marcel-lès-
Sauzet, which was founded in 985 and extensively developed during the twelfth century.
The portal to the church depicts Christ addressing these words to all who draw near:
You who are passing through,
you who are coming to weep for your sins,
pass through me,
since I am the gate of life.
Although the words are clearly to be attributed to Christ (picking up on the image of Christ
as the “gate of the sheepfold” from John 10), a tactile link has been forged with the building
of the church itself. This is often reinforced visually through the physical location of the
baptismal font close to the door of the church, which thereby affirms that entrance to
heaven is linked with the sacrament of baptism.
A similar theme is found in the inscription placed over the portal of the Benedictine
church of Santa Cruz de la Serós, located close to the main pilgrimage route from Jaca to
Puente la Reina in Spain.
I am the eternal door; pass through me, faithful ones.
I am the fountain of life; thirst for me more than for wine.
The door of the church of San Juan de la Peña, possibly dating from the twelfth century,
bears the following message:
Through this gate, the heavens are opened to every believer.
Perhaps the most famous literary variant on this theme actually constitutes an ironic
inversion of its contents. The third canto of Dante’s “Inferno” – the first of the three books
of the Divine Comedy – includes a famous description of the portal of hell, on which are
inscribed the words “Abandon all hope, you who enter.” Dante’s description clearly assumes
familiarity with the conventions of ecclesiastical architecture of the period and playfully
parodies its leading theme.
One particularly important function of church architecture is to stress the transcendence
of God. The great soaring arches and spires of medieval cathedrals were intended to stress

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 265
the greatness of God and to raise the thoughts of worshippers heavenward. The symbolism
is that of the eternal impinging upon the temporal, the church building symbolizing the
mediation between heaven and earth offered through the gospel. This emphasis on repre-
senting the transcendent here on earth is especially associated with the Gothic style of
church architecture, which merits further discussion.
The term “Gothic” was coined in the sixteenth century by Giorgio Vasari to denote a
style between the Romanesque and that of the Renaissance, characterized by pointed
arches, extended door and window space, structural complexity, immense size, and (espe-
cially in Northern Europe) large stained glass windows and sculptured doorways. (It is
worth noting that Vasari intended the term to be pejorative and to suggest associations
with the barbarism of the Goths – the tribes that destroyed Roman civilization.) The rise
of Gothic architecture is usually traced back to the twelfth century, a period of relative
political stability in Western Europe, which encouraged the rebirth of art and architecture.
Figure 7.5 The south transept of the cathedral of
Notre Dame de Chartres, one of the best examples
of Gothic church architecture. The façade was
completed in the mid-thirteenth century. Chartres
(Dep. Eure-et-Loir, France), Cathedrale Notre-
Dame (1134–1514; choir 1194–1221, transept after
1194–c. 1250, nave c. 1200–1220, west façade
1134–1514). Exterior: façade of the south transept.
Source: Archives CDA/St-Genès/AKG Images.

266 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
Within a period of one century (1130–1230) some twenty-five Gothic cathedrals were
built in France. One of the most distinctive features of this architectural style is its deliberate
and programmatic use of height and light to generate and sustain a sense of the presence
God and heaven on earth. The extensive use of buttresses allowed the weight of the building
to be borne by outside supports, thus allowing the external walls to have large glass win-
dows, which ensured that the building was saturated with the radiance of the sun. The use
of stained glass helped generate an other-worldly brilliance inside the cathedral while
simultaneously allowing gospel scenes to be depicted to worshippers. The use of tall, thin
internal columns created an immense sense of spaciousness, again intended to evoke the
hope of heaven. The cathedral thus became a sacred space, bringing the vast spaciousness
and brilliance of heaven within the reach of believers. Worship inside it was seen as an
anticipation of the life of heaven, allowing the worshipper to step into another world and
savor its delights before returning to the dull routines of everyday life.
While it might be a little ambitious to speak of a coherent “theology” of the Gothic cathe-
dral, there can be no doubt about the spiritual aspirations of the cathedrals’ designers and
about the importance of their sacred spaces in anticipating their heavenly counterparts.
The theological importance of these values is perhaps best explored by considering the
ideas of Abbot Suger (1080–1151), who devoted much of his later life to the restoration of
the abbey church of Saint-Denis, near Paris. This early example of the classic Gothic style
embodies many of its characteristic emphases. Yet, perhaps most importantly, Suger’s three
books of commentary on the renovation process allow us insights into the physical process
of construction, along with the spiritual and aesthetic principles that governed his design.
The architecture of the church allowed the human mind to “travel through the lights to the
true light, where Christ is the true door.” Suger intended the human mind to be drawn
upward, through the light of the building, to the true light, which is the enthroned Christ in
heaven. While not all were persuaded by this theology of the church as guarantor and visu-
alization of the hope of heaven, there is no doubting its massive impact upon the culture of
the Middle Ages and beyond.
In addition to this emphasis on the transcendence of God, architecture reflects a concern
to focus on what is deemed to be important by specific Christian groupings. Three such
focal points may be singled out.
1 Especially within Catholicism, the altar was singled out for special attention, reflecting
an emphasis upon the importance of the mass. Gregory the Great chose to erect an altar
over the tomb of St. Peter, thus combining a focus on the “sacrament of the altar” with a
veneration of the relics of saints.
2 In the eastern Orthodox tradition, particular emphasis came to be placed on the iconos-
tasis – that is, the stand on which icons were placed. As we noted earlier, icons play an
important role in Orthodox spirituality (pp. 262–263). In later Orthodox churches, the
iconostasis became such a prominent feature that it in effect cut off the entire altar area
from the sight of the laity. The icon placed upon the iconostasis thus assumed a much
higher profile than the altar.
3 In the Protestant tradition, the emphasis upon preaching led to the pulpit being ele-
vated above the altar, both physically and in terms of the emphasis placed upon it. The

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 267
noted Swiss reformed theologian Karl Barth (1886–1968) once pointed out how
reformed churches stress God’s “otherness” through the design of churches and other
liturgical means:
Preaching takes place from the pulpit (a place which by its awesome but obviously intended
height differs from a podium), and on the pulpit, as a warning to those who ascend it, there
is a big Bible. Preachers also wear a robe – I am not embarrassed to say this – and they should
do so, for it is a salutary reminder that from those who wear this special garment, people
expect a special word.
More recently, church architecture has come to be influenced by other factors. For example,
North American revivalism of the late nineteenth century saw worship partly in terms of
entertainment, and thus designed church buildings with stages suitable for the performance
of music and worship. The rise of “base ecclesial communities” or “house churches” has led
Figure 7.6 The pulpit in St. Peter’s Cathedral,
Geneva. Source: J.-P. Scherrer/Geneva 2005.

268 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
to a new informality of worship, often within private homes or borrowed premises, in which
the emphasis has been placed on fellowship, prayer, and worship, architectural considerations
being of minimal importance. According to some, this can be regarded as a return to the
earliest Christian practice, and is thus more authentic than later developments.
Stained Glass
There are many points at which the Christian interest in church architecture and that in art
forms converge – for example, the use of altarpieces to remind congregations of the reality
of the sufferings of Jesus Christ on the cross as an aid to devotion. Yet it is widely agreed
that the most distinctively Christian art form to be linked with the design of church build-
ings is the use of stained glass. Why did this development take place? And what was its
significance?
Early Christian buildings did not use stained glass. Windows were widely used, but they
were seen primarily as functional. They were necessary to allow light into the building. Wall
paintings were widely used as well, to represent incidents in the life of Christ or the saints.
These were intended to inspire devotion in congregations and to serve as teaching aids for
preachers and catechists. If they were to do this, they needed to be seen. Windows allowed
sunlight into the church building, so that these devotional and pedagogical aids could be
properly viewed and appreciated. These windows were often quite narrow, and so they did
not need to be filled with glass.
The origin of the use of stained glass in church windows is not fully understood. We
know that it was in production, but on a very small scale, in the seventh century. St. Paul’s
church in Jarrow – the home of Bede, the great historian of English Christianity – still con-
tains a very small round stained glass window dating from the Anglo-Saxon period. To view
this small window helps appreciate how the art form was developed on a much grander
scale in later centuries.
The flourishing of the Gothic architectural style propelled stained glass design and
technology to the forefront. Churches became taller and lighter, walls became thinner, and
windows larger. They needed to be filled with glass. So why not use glass to create devo-
tional images? Instead of seeing a window as a means of illuminating wall paintings, why
not allow the window itself to represent biblical images?
The technology of creating stained glass windows was well established in Western Europe
by the year 1100. Glass was colored during its manufacture through the addition of metallic
salts or oxides. The addition of gold produced a cranberry color, silver produced yellows
and golds, while cobalt produced a deep blue, ideal for representing the heavens.
Most of what is known about medieval stained glass making comes from the book On
Diverse Arts by a twelfth-century German monk known only as Theophilus. An artist and
metalworker himself, Theophilus described how he carefully studied glaziers and glass
painters at work in order to provide detailed directions for creating windows of “inesti-
mable beauty.” He then gave detailed directions for the production of stained glass win-
dows, and these were followed meticulously throughout the Middle Ages.

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 269
If you want to assemble simple windows, first mark out the dimensions of their length and
breadth on a wooden board, then draw scroll work or anything else that pleases you, and select
colours that are to be inserted. Cut the glass, and fit the pieces together with the grouting iron.
Enclose them with lead and solder on both sides. Surround it with a wooden frame strength-
ened with nails, and set it up in the place where you wish.
As windows became larger, more elaborate means of supporting windows were developed,
by making use of saddle bars.
In France, the best early exemplars of Gothic stained glass are to be found in the north,
in the churches of Saint-Denis (founded 1144) and in the cathedrals of Chartres (1150),
Laôn (1160), Notre Dame de Paris (1163), Reims (1211), and Amiens (1220): all are graced
by spectacular stained glass windows. Several of them are circular, and are known as “rose
windows.” Of these buildings, the best is probably the great cathedral of Chartres, which has
152 of its original windows still intact, including the three great rose windows, which date
from around 1200. Other important examples include the Cathedral of Évora in Portugal
(founded 1186), Canterbury Cathedral, and York Minster (the largest Gothic cathedral in
Northern Europe).
With the waning of the Middle Ages, however, stained glass came to be seen by many
artists as unsophisticated. New technology allowed glass to be painted, opening up new
possibilities. Instead of assembling tiny fragments of stained glass to produce a picture, it
was possible to paint directly onto glass. Many medieval stained glass windows were
removed from churches and replaced with the new painted forms. The revival of stained
Figure 7.7 The great rose window above the main portal of the cathedral of Notre Dame,
Strasbourg, France, one of the finest examples of stained glass in Europe. Strasbourg (Alsace,
France), Minster: Cathédrale Notre-Dame (12th–15th century). West façade (planned in 1276 by
Erwin von Steinbach): Window rose above the main portal. Source: Hedda Eid/AKG Images.

270 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
glass as an ecclesiastical art form dates from the second half of the nineteenth century and
is especially associated with the pre-Raphaelite movement. Perhaps the best example is
found in the three windows Faith, Hope, and Charity, designed by Sir Edward Burne-Jones
for St. Martin’s Church in Brampton, Cumbria and manufactured by William Morris’s
workshop. This unique pre-Raphaelite church was built in 1889, according to a design by
the architect Philip Webb.
Christian Music
The richness of Christian worship inevitably led to the adoption of all kinds of musical
styles in the life of the Christian church. Although early Christian writers were hesitant over
the use of music in worship, fearing that it would paganize what was a thoroughly Christian
occasion, the value of music as an aid to Christian devotion was soon realized.
The most important early use of music can be traced back to certain set forms of words
known as “canticles,” usually derived from the Bible and used in monastic services – for
example, the “Magnificat” (“My soul magnifies the Lord”) at the early evening office of
Vespers, and the “Nunc dimittis” (“Lord, now allow your servant to depart in peace”), set
for the late evening office of Compline. Each of these set pieces is known by its opening
words in Latin. It was not long before Plainsong was introduced as a means of permitting
these central texts to be sung rather than just recited. The form of chanting that is probably
best known in the modern world is the Gregorian chant, which is readily available in high-
quality modern recordings, often made in monastic settings.
Gradually the patterns of monastic chanting became more ornate, as increasingly com-
plex musical forms were used to express the various emotions associated with the biblical
passages being sung in this way. Four of the most important hymns set to music in this way
were:
“Te lucis ante terminum” (“To you before the ending of the day”), a hymn sung at Compline,
in which believers committed themselves to the care of God during the hours of darkness;
“Pange lingua gloriosa” (“Now, my tongue, the glorious mystery proclaiming”), a medieval
hymn, often ascribed to Thomas Aquinas, which explains the meaning of the commu-
nion service. It was often used on Maundy Thursday (p. 242);
“Puer natus” (“A boy is born”), a short hymn celebrating the birth of Jesus.
During the Reformation, controversy developed over the role of music. Zwingli and Calvin
did not regard music as having a proper place in Christian worship. In other Protestant
traditions, however, music continued to play an important role. Martin Luther composed
settings for a number of traditional hymns, as well as writing hymns of his own. The most
famous of these is “Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott” (“A Safe Stronghold Is Our God”), which
remains widely used in modern Protestant church life, particularly in Lutheranism. The
Church of England encouraged the setting of the Psalms and other canticles as chants.
The rise of Methodism gave a new importance to hymns, John and Charles Wesley
both recognizing their enormous potential to convey Christian teachings. Alongside

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 271
this recognition of the pedagogical and catechetical value of hymns, Charles Wesley
pioneered the use of adapting popular secular tunes for Christian purposes. For
example, the English composer Henry Purcell had written a superb tune to accompany
John Dryden’s text praising England, entitled “Fairest isle, all isles excelling.” Wesley
altered the words to reflect Christian interests but retained Purcell’s operatic tune,
and the result was the well-known hymn “Love divine, all loves excelling.” Perhaps the
most well-known of all Protestant musical pieces is Handel’s Messiah, which sets to
music a series of biblical texts focusing on the coming of Jesus and on his subsequent
glorification.
The most important musical developments within western Christianity, however, are
linked with Catholicism. The great cathedrals of Europe demanded increasingly sophisti-
cated and prestigious musical settings of the standard Catholic liturgical texts. Of these, the
most important were the text of the mass and the requiem. The Catholic church was without
question one of the most important patrons of musical developments throughout the
Middle Ages and the modern era and a major stimulus to the development of the western
musical tradition. Virtually every great European composer helped shape the development
of church music. Monteverdi, Vivaldi, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven, Rossini, and Verdi all
made major contributions in this sphere.
Music continues to be an integral part of modern Christian life. The classics of the past
continue to be represented in modern Christian worship. However, it is clear that more
popular styles of music are having an increasing influence, especially in evangelical and
charismatic congregations.
Christianity and Literature
“The church, as a body, has never made up her mind about the Arts.” Thus wrote Dorothy
L. Sayers, herself an important contributor to the shaping of Christian literature in the
twentieth century. There can be no doubt that she is correct in her judgment. Some Christian
writers have adopted strongly positive attitudes to literature, seeing it as a powerful ally in
the quest to foster the Christian vision and to interact with the world. Others have regarded
literature as alien to the Christian faith, with a potential to mislead.
One of the most important debates in the early church concerned the extent to which
Christians could appropriate the immense cultural legacy of the classical world – especially
its poetry and literature. In what way could the ars poetica be adopted by Christian writers
interested in using these classical modes of writing to expound and communicate their
faith? Or was the very use of such a literary medium tantamount to compromising the
essentials of the Christian faith? This was a debate of immense significance, as it raised the
question of whether Christianity would turn its back on the classical heritage or appropriate
it, even if in a modified form.
As we noted earlier (pp. 253–254), in the early period of the Christian church, a critical
and hostile attitude toward contemporary pagan culture – including its literature – tended
to prevail. Writers such as Tertullian and Chrysostom were intensely suspicious of Greek
and Latin literature and sought to minimize its importance and influence within the church.

272 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
Others, such as Jerome and Augustine, were considerably more positive, even though they
shared some of the anxieties voiced elsewhere.
Literature came to be seen by some Christian apologists as a means of further enhancing
the appeal of their faith to the wider world. Might not the obvious attractions of the gospel
be augmented if they were to be presented in words of beauty and power, in which
theological precision was supplemented by the lyricism of poetry and by the rhetoric of
prose? Gravity of form and sublimity of expression in an argument could assist in both the
communication and commendation of the substance of the gospel. The anonymous Cursor
mundi, written around 1300, argued that, since people enjoy reading secular literature so
much, it makes sense to present religious truth in literary forms. A work of religious litera-
ture could thus be both a delight to read and something able to nourish the human soul. Yet
the tension that this approach generated can be seen from other works of this period. For
example, Geoffrey Chaucer concluded his Canterbury Tales with a “retraction” in which he
asks his readers to forgive him for his “translations and compositions of worldly vanity.”
The implication is clear: works of literature are potentially vain, whereas purely religious
works, written for the purpose of doctrinal and ethical instruction, are acceptable. Chaucer’s
obvious concern at this point raises the question of whether the notion of “Christian litera-
ture” is inherently indefensible, in that the desire to please and amuse is potentially in
tension with the seriousness of Christian doctrine and ethics. This is certainly the view that
we find adopted by the noted Puritan writer Richard Baxter, who argued that literature
encourages its readers to waste their time in recreation when they could be doing something
more productive, and that it has a disquieting potential to be morally corrupting. Baxter’s
most severe criticism was directed against works of fiction, which, he held, actively promote
a culture of falsehood, which “dangerously bewitcheth and corrupteth the minds of young
and empty people.”
One manner of reconciling this tension was known throughout Christian history, and
acquired special importance during the romantic period. The language of literature, it was
argued, served to elevate its readers and to inspire them to devotion and passion. Was not
this sufficient justification for a religious literature? In his preface to the Lyrical Ballads,
William Wordsworth complained of the “frantic novels, sickly and stupid German Tragedies,
and deluges of idle and extravagant stories in verse” by which his age had been seduced, and
he urged a recovery of the language and concerns of writers such as Shakespeare and Milton.
For Wordsworth himself, there was an obvious affinity between religion and poetry; indeed
Wordsworth’s literature increasingly adopted the characteristics of religion. This evolution
is of particular importance to the development of treating the Bible as literature. For Percy
Bysshe Shelley, the Bible is revered on account of its literary character rather than for the
religious views it propounded.
Yet it must not be assumed that the Christian interest in literature was a purely pragmatic
consequence of a desire for church growth and for the consolidation of religious faith. From
the outset, Christian writers have found the notion of “God as author” as offering a substan-
tial theological foundation and encouragement for the writing of literature. In the beginning,
God created through God’s word, spoken over the face of chaos. Did this not point to a criti-
cal role of words in the Christian understanding of the world? And was there not a most
natural connection between the verbal origins of the world and a concern with words,

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 273
revelation, texts, literature, and reading and writing? The production of Christian literature
was thus seen by some as resting upon rigorous theological foundations rather than as
being opportunistic.
But this raises the difficult question of precisely what is to be understood by “Christian
literature.” Although this matter continues to be debated, there is at least some agreement
on the categories of writing that deserve to be included. Such writings fall into three broad
categories:
1 Works of literature that are specifically written to serve the needs of Christians or of the
church as an institution – such as prayers, devotional works, and sermons. The Christian
faith has given rise to certain specific forms of writing, which Christians have sought to
develop to the highest standards of cultural excellence. These works are a response to
the needs of the Christian faith and can also be seen as expressing its nature.
2 Works of literature in general – such as stories and poems – which are not specific to the
Christian faith but have been shaped or influenced by Christian ideas, values, images,
and narratives. Christian poetry, in particular, reflects a quite distinct set of ideas and
images, and it is important to appreciate the way in which these are assimilated in such
writings. Although most Christian literature is written by Christians, one should note
that there are many examples of writings that have unquestionably been shaped by
Christian influences, even though their writers would not regard themselves as
Christians. The lyrical ballads of both William Wordsworth and Samuel Taylor
Coleridge might be included in this category.
3 Works of literature that involve interaction with Christian ideas, individuals, schools of
thought, or institutions, often written by those who would regard themselves as observers
or critics of Christianity. George Eliot or Thomas Hardy fall in this category. Here the
influence of Christianity is evident, at least in the subject matter of these writings. Yet even
the mode of criticism often reflects a subtle appropriation, development, or modification
of Christian assumptions – for instance assumptions concerning what Christianity ought
to be, which are then contrasted with what is observed through experience.
It lies beyond the scope of this brief chapter to offer a detailed discussion of the nature and
development of Christian literature. However, something of its scope can be appreciated by
considering a representative example of the field. In what follows we shall look at the best-
known work of the literary critic and novelist C. S. Lewis (1898–1963), widely agreed to be
one of the most engaging and accessible Christian writers of the twentieth century.
Originally an atheist, Lewis found his attitude to Christianity to undergo a dramatic change
in the 1920s. The story of his return to the faith he abandoned as a boy is described in great
detail in his autobiography Surprised by Joy. After wrestling with the clues concerning
God that he found in human reason and experience, he eventually decided that intellectual
honesty compelled him to believe and trust in God.
After his conversion, Lewis began to establish his reputation as a leading authority on
medieval and Renaissance English literature. The Allegory of Love, published in 1936, is still
regarded as a masterpiece, as is his Preface to Paradise Lost. Alongside his scholarly writings,
however, Lewis wrote books of a very different nature. Aiming at clarity and conviction, he

274 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
produced a series of works devoted to communicating the reasonableness of Christianity to
his own generation – such as the Chronicles of Narnia.
The first in this series of seven novels was published in 1950. The Lion, the Witch and the
Wardrobe introduces its readers to the land of Narnia, which is discovered by four English
children (Peter, Susan, Edmund, and Lucy) at the back of a seemingly ordinary wardrobe.
The series ended in 1956, with the publication of The Last Battle. The series can be seen as
standing in the fairy-tale tradition established by George MacDonald in the nineteenth
century. Its success did much to publicize Lewis’ notion of “the baptized imagination,”
which emphasized the importance of the human imagination in grasping and appreciating
the essence of the Christian faith.
As a child, Lewis loved stories and had little interest in Christianity. But he later came to
wonder how stories might have helped him to embrace a faith that he neither understood
nor appreciated. What if stories could have opened up the wonder and joy of a faith that he
had to wait two decades to discover? Lewis may well have written the books that he would
have liked to read as a boy – both as something that excited his imagination and as something
that helped him to offer what he later called an “imaginative welcome” to the Christian faith.
Religious symbolism plays a major role in the Chronicles of Narnia. One of the best exam-
ples is the “undragoning” of Eustace Scrubb in the Voyage of the Dawn Treader. Eustace is
portrayed as a thoroughly unsympathetic boy and as an example of selfishness. It’s difficult
to like him to begin with, and it’s just as difficult to feel sorry for him when he changes into
a dragon as a result of his “greedy, dragonish thoughts.” Eustace frantically tries to scratch
off his dragon’s skin. Yet each layer he removes merely reveals yet another layer of scales
beneath it. He simply cannot break free from his prison. He is trapped within a dragon’s
skin, because he has become a dragon.
Then Aslan appears – the noble lion of Narnia, whom Lewis depicts as a “Christ-figure” –
and tears away at Eustace’s dragon flesh with his claws. The lion’s claws cut so deeply that
Eustace is in real pain – “worse than anything I’ve ever felt.” And, when the scales are finally
removed, Aslan plunges the raw and bleeding Eustace into a well from which he emerges
purified and renewed.
So what are we to learn from this powerful and shocking story, so realistically depicted?
As the raw imagery of Aslan’s tearing at Eustace’s flesh makes clear, Eustace has been trapped
by forces over which he has no control. The one who would be master has instead been
mastered. The dragon is a symbol, not so much of sin itself, as of sin’s power to entrap, cap-
tivate, and imprison. It can only be broken and mastered by the redeemer. Aslan is the one
who heals and renews Eustace, restoring him to what he was intended to be. The immersion
in the water of the well picks up on the New Testament’s language about baptism as dying
to self and rising to Christ (Romans 6). Eustace is tossed into the well by Aslan and emerges
renewed and restored.
As might be expected, the storyline of The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe divides its
readers. Some see it as childish nonsense. To others, it is utterly transformative. For the lat-
ter, this evocative story affirms that it is possible for the weak and foolish to have a noble
calling in a dark world; that our deepest intuitions point us to the true meaning of things;
that there is indeed something beautiful and wonderful at the heart of the universe, and that
this core may be found, embraced, and adored. Whether Lewis is right or wrong, he

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 275
bequeathed to us a children’s story that opens up some of the deepest questions of life, set
within a Christian framework.
Thus far we have focused on the way in which Christianity has shaped the arts. But what
about the natural sciences, now accepted as an important part of culture? Here the situation
is somewhat complex.
Christianity and the Natural Sciences
Religion and science are two of the most powerful cultural and intellectual forces in today’s
world. Some scientists and religious believers see them as locked in mortal combat. Science
and religion would be at war with each other, and that war would continue until one of
them is eradicated. Although this view tends to be associated particularly with dogmatic
atheist scientists such as Richard Dawkins (born 1941), they are also encountered among
religious believers. Some fundamentalist Christians and Muslims, for example, see science
as a threat to their faith. A good example of this trend can be found in the criticisms of evo-
lution made by conservative Protestant Christians, who see it as undermining the biblical
creation accounts.
To some, the notion of any positive link between religion and science seems highly
improbable from the outset. Surely science and religion have always been locked in mortal
combat? Yet the stereotype of a “warfare of science and religion” is a product of the social
conditions of the late nineteenth century and is now regarded as historically unacceptable.
The interaction of science and religion is far too complex and interesting to be represented
in such a simplistic, inaccurate way. The massive advances made in the history of science
now allow the early relationship between science and Christianity in Western Europe to be
seen in a much more positive light.
It is often argued that the emergence of the natural sciences is specifically linked with the
Christian intellectual environment of Western Europe. A Christian understanding of
creation (pp. 78–82) holds that God imposes order, rationality, and beauty upon nature. As
a result, the universe has a regularity that is capable of being uncovered by humanity. This
theme, which is expressed in terms of laws of nature, is of fundamental importance to the
emergence and development of the natural sciences. This religious undergirding of the
notion of the regularity in nature is known to have been of major historical importance for
the emergence of the natural sciences. The scientific study of nature could now be seen as
an indirect way of recognizing and honoring the divine wisdom reflected in the order of
things.
Christianity thus created a new motivation – or perhaps, some might argue, it enhanced an
existing one – for the scientific study of nature. For example, the Protestant writer John Calvin
(1509–1564) argued that the wisdom of the invisible and intangible God might be discerned
and studied through the beauty and regularity of the created order. Calvin thus commended –
and even expressed some jealousy of – natural scientists, who could experience and appreciate
the beauty and wisdom of God through what God had created and fashioned.
This fundamental motivation for the scientific study of nature was set out in some sixteenth-
century confessional documents of the reformed church in Western Europe. For example,

276 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
the Belgic Confession affirmed that nature was “set before our eyes as a most beautiful
book, in which all creatures, great and small, are like so many characters leading us to con-
template the invisible things of God.” The natural scientist was thus able to praise God
through the close study of God’s work in creation.
This approach was not without its difficulties. What happened when scientific advances
seemed to contradict traditional religious beliefs? For example, the Copernican debates of
the sixteenth century called into question the traditional idea that the earth stood at the
center of the universe. The Darwinian debates of the nineteenth century called into question
traditional religious understandings of the origins of humanity and of its place within the
natural world. Often the issue of biblical interpretation was of central importance. Had
certain biblical passages been rightly interpreted? Or did the Copernican and the Darwinian
debates call into question how those passages had traditionally been understood?
This perception of an inalienable tension and contradiction between Christianity and the
natural sciences has been a core theme of the New Atheism, a movement that become
prominent in 2006. Leading New Atheist writers such as Richard Dawkins and Daniel
Dennett argued that science and faith were locked in mortal combat and that science would
emerge victorious. This simplistic rendering of the historically questionable “warfare”
model of the relation of the sciences and Christianity has failed to win wide support. The
situation is rather more complex and nuanced than the New Atheist narrative suggests.
The complex relationship between Christianity and the natural sciences is at times
positive and symbiotic, at times tense and challenging. Yet it is a changing relationship, in
that neither science nor Christianity is fixed or static. Science is, by its very nature, progres-
sive, developing new theories and approaches and discarding older theories in the light of
new evidence. And, as this brief introduction to Christianity has indicated, Christianity has
also developed and modified over the centuries, and it is likely to do so in the future.
Yet, despite this complexity, a number of helpful points can be made about the relation-
ship between Christianity and the natural sciences. First, science and the Christian faith can
be thought of as operating at different levels, often reflecting on the similar questions, yet
answering them in different ways. Historians suggest that both science and religion lose
their way when they play at being what they are not. There are some scientists who declare
they have displaced religion (as is evident in recent “scientific atheism”), just as there are
religious activists who claim to have displaced science (as is evident in modern “crea-
tionism”). Science does not answer every question that we might have about the world.
Neither does religion. Yet, taken together, they can offer a stereoscopic view of reality that
is denied to those who limit themselves to one discipline’s perspective on things. The dia-
logue between science and religion allows us to appreciate the distinct identities, strengths,
and limits of each conversational partner. It also offers us a deeper understanding of things
than either religion or science could offer unaided.
Second, both the natural sciences and Christianity are concerned about making sense of
things. Although Christianity places an emphasis upon the transformation of the human
situation, it also offers an explanation of the world. Why are things the way they are? What
explanations may be offered for what we observe? What is the “bigger picture” that makes
sense of our observations and experiences? Scientific and religious explanations generally
take different forms, even when they reflect on the same observations. Perhaps most

Christianity and the Shaping of Culture 277
importantly, science tends to ask “how” questions, whereas religion asks “why.” Science
seeks to clarify mechanisms; Christianity explores the question of meaning. These
approaches do not need to be seen as being in competition, or as being mutually incompat-
ible. They operate at different levels.
And, finally, we may note the growing awareness, within the scientific community, of the
broader issues raised by its research and of the limits placed upon that community’s ability
to answer them. An obvious example is ethical questions. Is science able to determine what
is right and what is wrong? Most scientists would affirm that their discipline is fundamen-
tally amoral – that the scientific method does not extend to moral questions.
Many natural scientists seem increasingly willing to enlarge scientific understandings of
the world with additional approaches that permit or encourage the ethical, aesthetical, and
spiritual enhancement of their subject. Religion is being seen increasingly as an important
dialogue partner in allowing the natural sciences to engage with questions that are raised,
yet not answered, by scientific research. Debates about the ethics of biotechnology, for
example, often raise important questions that science cannot answer – such as when a
human “person” comes into existence, or what constitutes an acceptable quality of life.
The future of the relationship between Christianity and the natural sciences is open and
unpredictable. Yet there are signs of a movement away from the historically discredited
“warfare” model of their interaction and toward a more nuanced and productive framework
of understanding. Pope John Paul II made this point well in an article published in the
Vatican newspaper Osservatore Romano on October 26, 1988: “Science can purify religion
from error and superstition; religion can purify science from idolatry and false absolutes.
Each can draw the other into a wider world, a world in which both can flourish.”
Conclusion
This chapter has briefly explored some aspects of the relationship between Christianity and
culture. There is much more that needs to be said, and there is a substantial and important
literature that will allow you to take these matters further. Christian literature, art, and
music are of immense cultural interest and importance, and they play an important role in
both sustaining and expressing faith. They are certainly things that merit studying; they
also deserve to be experienced and appreciated.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Any introduction has its limits. It is like a sketch map of a vast landscape, which helps you
identify some important landmarks and work out how they fit into the overall picture.
Christianity is arguably the largest, most complex, and most diverse living faith of today.
Inevitably, this means that this brief introduction cannot do justice to its history, ideas, and
practices. It is best seen as a handshake intended to begin a conversation; as helping you to
orient yourself and get your bearings.
If you are using this book as part of a taught course, you will be given guidance on what
you might do next to take your studies further. If you are studying on your own, you may
find these suggestions for further exploration helpful.
1 Visit a church, preferably an older church, such as one of Europe’s great cathedrals. Use
a guide to help you “read” the church. What are its structures and symbols all about? I
would especially recommend two resources:
Clive Fewins, The Church Explorer’s Handbook: A Guide to Looking at Churches and
Their Contents. Norwich: Canterbury Press, 2005.
Richard Taylor, How to Read a Church: A Guide to Symbols and Images in Churches and
Cathedrals. Mahwah, NJ: HiddenSpring, 2005.
2 Make a study of Christian art. This is now very easy, since many excellent images of
leading works of art are available to look at, free of charge, on the Internet. You might
like to choose a theme – such as incarnation, annunciation, crucifixion, resurrection –
and look at how (and why) various artists represent it. There are lots of online and
printed works that will help you do this more effectively and enable you to get the most
out of it. You might like to try these:
Richard Harries, The Passion in Art. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2004.
Conclusion
Where Next?

Conclusion: Where Next? 279
David Morgan, Visual Piety: A History and Theory of Popular Religious Images. Berkeley,
CA: University of California Press, 1998.
3 Attend a service of Christian worship, particularly on a great festival occasion, such as
Christmas or Easter. This introduction will give you plenty of information that will help
you make sense of what you experience. However, it is the experience itself that really
matters. It is very difficult to express in words the sense of awe or mystery that often
results from such services, especially in cathedrals. While many of these can now be
accessed on the Internet, they are better experienced directly, as living realities.
4 Focus down on a Christian writer whom you might find interesting. Many find the
Oxford literary critic and popular writer C. S. Lewis (1898–1963) to be an excellent
gateway to a better understanding of the Christian faith, whether through his work
Mere Christianity or through his celebrated Chronicles of Narnia – especially the open-
ing volume, The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe. You should read a biography, then
follow through by reading Lewis himself. For a biography, you could try:
Alister E. McGrath, C. S. Lewis – A Life: Eccentric Genius, Reluctant Prophet. Carol
Springs, IL: Tyndale House, 2013.
Works by Lewis that you will find interesting and stimulating are:
C. S. Lewis, Mere Christianity. London: HarperCollins, 2002.
C. S. Lewis, The Chronicles of Narnia. 7 vols. London: HarperCollins, 2002.
Other Christian writers that you may enjoy reading include G. K. Chesterton;
Graham Greene; Marilynne Robinson; Dorothy L. Sayers.
There are many other things that you could do: take a course in Christian theology, go on a
pilgrimage, attend an Alpha Course at a local church, or stay at a monastery or retreat
center. But, whatever you do next, I hope that you will have found this short introduction
helpful, and I wish you well wherever you choose to go.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Useful Introductions to Christianity in General
Bruyneel, Sally, and Alan G. Padgett. Introducing
Christianity. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2003.
Wagner, Richard. Christianity for Dummies. Hoboken, NJ:
Wiley Publishing, 2004.
Woodhead, Linda. Christianity: A Very Short Introduction.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.
Woodhead, Linda. An Introduction to Christianity.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.
Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
Bauckham, Richard. Jesus: A Very Short Introduction.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.
Benedict XVI (Joseph Ratzinger). Jesus of Nazareth. New
York: Rizzoli, 2009.
Blomberg, Craig. Jesus and the Gospels: An Introduction and
Survey. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 1997.
Brown, Raymond Edward. An Introduction to the New
Testament. New York: Doubleday, 1997.
Dunn, James D. G. Jesus Remembered: Christianity in the
Making. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003.
Evans, Craig A. Jesus and His World: The Archaeological
Evidence. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press,
2012.
Perkins, Pheme. Introduction to the Synoptic Gospels. Grand
Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2007.
Powell, Mark Allan. Jesus as a Figure in History: How
Modern Historians View the Man from Galilee. 2nd
edn. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press,
2013.
Rausch, Thomas P. Who Is Jesus? An Introduction to
Christology. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2003.
Sanders, E. P. The Historical Figure of Jesus. New York:
Penguin Books, 1996.
Stanton, Graham. The Gospels and Jesus. 2nd edn. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2002.
Witherington, Ben. The Jesus Quest : The Third Search for
the Jew of Nazareth. 2nd edn. Downers Grove, IL:
InterVarsity Press, 1997.
Wright, N. T. Simply Jesus: Who He Was, What He Did, Why
It Matters. New York: HarperOne, 2011.
Further Reading

Further Reading 281
The Christian Bible
Bandstra, Barry L. Reading the Old Testament: An
Introduction to the Hebrew Bible. 4th edn. Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth, 2009.
Barton, John, and John Muddiman. The Oxford Bible
Commentary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.
Bauckham, Richard. Jesus and the Eyewitnesses: The Gospels
as Eyewitness Testimony. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans,
2006.
Brown, Raymond Edward. An Introduction to the New
Testament. New York: Doubleday, 1997.
Coogan, Michael David. A Brief Introduction to the Old
Testament: The Hebrew Bible in Its Context. 2nd edn.
New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.
Ehrman, Bart D. A Brief Introduction to the New Testament.
3rd edn. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013.
Johnson, Luke Timothy. The Writings of the New Testament:
An Interpretation. 3rd edn. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress
Press, 2010.
Murphy-O’Connor, Jerome. Paul the Letter-Writer: His
World, His Options, His Skills. Collegeville, MN:
Liturgical Press, 1995.
Perkins, Pheme. Introduction to the Synoptic Gospels. Grand
Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2007.
Riches, John. The Bible: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2000.
Schmid, Konrad. The Old Testament: A Literary History.
Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2012.
Christian Creeds and Beliefs
Balthasar, Hans Urs von. Credo: Meditations on the Apostles’
Creed. San Francisco, CA: Ignatius Press, 2000.
Harn, Roger van, ed. Exploring and Proclaiming the
Apostles’ Creed. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2004.
Johnson, Luke Timothy. The Creed: What Christians Believe
and Why It Matters. New York: Doubleday, 2003.
Kelly, J. N. D. Early Christian Creeds. 3rd edn. New York:
Continuum, 2006.
Lewis, C. S. Mere Christianity. London: Collins, 2002.
Lubac, Henri de. The Christian Faith: An Essay on the
Structure of the Apostles’ Creed. San Francisco, CA:
Ignatius Press, 1986.
McGrath, Alister E. Christian Theology: An Introduction. 5th
edn. Oxford and Malden, MA: Wiley Blackwell, 2010.
Williams, Rowan. Tokens of Trust: An Introduction to
Christian Belief. Norwich: Canterbury Press, 2007.
Young, Frances. The Making of the Creeds. London: SCM,
2002.
Christian History: An Overview
Chidester, David. Christianity: A Global History. San
Francisco, CA: HarperSanFrancisco, 2000.
Ferguson, Everett. Church History. Grand Rapids, MI:
Zondervan, 2005.
González, Justo L. The Story of Christianity. 2 vols. San
Francisco: HarperOne, 2010.
Hastings, Adrian. A World History of Christianity. Grand
Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1999.
Hill, Jonathan. Handbook to the History of Christianity.
Oxford: Lion Hudson, 2009.
MacCulloch, Diarmaid. Christianity: The First Three
Thousand Years. New York: Viking, 2010.
McManners, John, ed. The Oxford History of Christianity.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
Noll, Mark A. Turning Points: Decisive Moments in the
History of Christianity. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books,
2000.
Nystrom, Bradley P., and David P. Nystrom. The History of
Christianity: An Introduction. Boston: McGraw-Hill,
2004.
Pelikan, Jaroslav. The Christian Tradition: A History of the
Development of Doctrine. 5 vols. Chicago, IL: University
of Chicago Press, 1989.
Shelley, Bruce L. Church History in Plain Language. Dallas,
TX: Thomas Nelson, 2008.
Vidmar, John. The Catholic Church through the Ages: A
History. New York: Paulist Press, 2005.

282 Further Reading
Denominations: Forms of Christianity
Benedict, Philip. Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed: A
Social History of Calvinism. New Haven, CT: Yale
University Press, 2002.
Chapman, Mark D. Anglicanism: A Very Short Introduction.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006.
Cracknell, Kenneth, and Susan J. White. An Introduction to
World Methodism. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2005.
Duffy, Eamon. Saints and Sinners: A History of the Popes.
New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002.
Gritsch, Eric W. A History of Lutheranism. Minneapolis,
MN: Fortress Press, 2002.
Hollenweger, Walter J. Pentecostalism: Origins and
Developments Worldwide. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson
Publishers, 1997.
Johnson, Robert E. A Global Introduction to Baptist
Churches. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2010.
McGuckin, John Anthony (ed.), The Encyclopedia of
Eastern Orthodox Christianity. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell,
2011.
O’Collins, Gerald. Catholicism: A Very Short Introduction.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
Rhodes, Ron. The Complete Guide to Christian
Denominations. Eugene, OR: Harvest House Publishers,
2005.
Ware, Kallistos. The Orthodox Church. New York: Penguin
Books, 1993.
The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
Bartholomew, Craig G., and Fred Hughes. Explorations in a
Christian Theology of Pilgrimage. Aldershot: Ashgate,
2004.
Begbie, Jeremy S. Voicing Creation’s Praise: Towards a
Theology of the Arts. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1991.
Dawn, Marva J. Reaching out without Dumbing Down: A
Theology of Worship for the Turn-of-the-Century Culture.
Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995.
Just, Arthur A. Heaven on Earth: The Gifts of Christ in the
Divine Service. St. Louis, MO: Concordia Publishing
House, 2008.
LaVerdiere, Eugene. The Breaking of the Bread: The
Development of the Eucharist According to Acts. Chicago,
IL: Liturgy Training Publications, 1998.
Nolan, Mary Lee, and Sidney Nolan. Christian Pilgrimage
in Modern Western Europe. Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1989.
Rubin, Miri. Corpus Christi. The Eucharist in Late Medieval
Culture. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991.
Stookey, Laurence Hull. Calendar: Christ’s Time for the
Church. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1996.
Talley, Thomas J. The Origins of the Liturgical Year. New
York: Pueblo Publishing, 1986.
Taylor, Richard. How to Read a Church: A Guide to Symbols
and Images in Churches and Cathedrals. Mahwah, NJ:
Hidden Spring, 2005.
Webber, Robert. Ancient-Future Time: Forming Spirituality
through the Christian Year. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker
Books, 2004.
Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
Baggley, John. Doors of Perception: Icons and Their Spiritual
Significance. Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir’s
Seminary Press, 1995.
Beckett, Lucy. In the Light of Christ: Writings in the
Western Tradition. San Francisco, CA: Ignatius Press,
2006.
Brooke, John Hedley. Science and Religion: Some Historical
Perspectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.
Hass, Andrew, David Jasper, and Elisabeth Jay, eds. The
Oxford Handbook of English Literature and Theology.
New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
Jensen, Robin Margaret. Understanding Early Christian
Art. London: Routledge, 2000.

Further Reading 283
Kemp, Wolfgang. The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
Ladner, Gerhart B. God, Cosmos, and Humankind : The
World of Early Christian Symbolism. Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1995.
Numbers, Ronald L., ed. Galileo Goes to Jail: And Other
Myths about Science and Religion. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 2009.
Raguin, Virginia Chieffo, and Mary Clerkin Higgins. The
History of Stained Glass: The Art of Light Medieval to
Contemporary. London: Thames & Hudson, 2003.
Ryken, Leland, ed. The Christian Imagination: The Practice
of Faith in Literature and Writing. Colorado Springs, CO:
Shaw, 2002.
Schloeder, Steven J. Architecture in Communion. San
Francisco, CA: Ignatius Press 1998.
Taylor, Richard. How to Read a Church: An Illustrated
Guide to Images, Symbols and Meanings in Churches and
Cathedrals. London: Rider, 2004.
Watts, Fraser. “Are Science and Religion in Conflict?”
Zygon 32 (1997): 125–138.
White, James F. A Brief History of Christian Worship.
Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press, 1993.
Wilson-Dickson, Andrew. A Brief History of Christian
Music: From Biblical Times to the Present. Oxford: Lion,
1997.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Chapter 2
p. 48
Augustine of Hippo, De utilitate credendi 3.9.
p. 48
Gregory the Great, Homiliae in Ezechielem 1.6.15.
p. 49
Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1992, §§128–9, at http://www.vatican.va/archive/
ENG0015/_INDEX.HTM (accessed July 12, 2014).
p. 52
Irenaeus of Lyons, Adversus haereses 2.2.1–4.1.
p. 53
Hippolytus of Rome, The Apostolic Tradition 21.
Chapter 3
p. 55
Charles Taylor, Modern Social Imaginaries. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002,
p. 23.
Sources of Quotations

Sources of Quotations 285
p. 57
Quintus Septimius Tertullian, De praescriptione hereticorum 13.
p. 60
Samuel Taylor Coleridge, The Literary Remains of Samuel Taylor Coleridge. London:
Pickering, 1834–1838, vol. 3, p. 461.
p. 60
The Second World Conference on Faith and Order. New York: Macmillan, 1938, p. 21.
p. 61
Blaise Pascal, Pensées. London: Penguin Books, 1966, p. 188.
p. 62
Terry Eagleton, “Lunging, Flailing, Mispunching.” London Review of Books 28.2, October
19, 2006, p. 33.
p. 62
Fides et ratio. Encyclical letter of the Supreme Pontiff John Paul II to the Bishops of the
Catholic Church on the Relationship between Faith and Reason, at http://www.vatican.va/
holy_father/john_paul_ii/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_15101998_fides-et-ratio_
en.html (accessed July 16, 2014).
p. 64
Blaise Pascal, Pensées. London: Penguin Books, 1966, pp. 110, 190.
p. 65
G. K. Chesterton, “The Return of the Angels.” Daily News, 14 March, 1903.
p. 65
C. S. Lewis, Essay Collection. London: HarperCollins, 2002, p. 21.
p. 69
Catechism of the Catholic Church, 1992, §239, at http://www.vatican.va/archive/
ENG0015/_INDEX.HTM (accessed July 12, 2014).
p. 74
Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Messrs. Nehemiah Dodge and Others, January 1, 1802, at
http://www.stephenjaygould.org/ctrl/jefferson_dba.html (accessed July 12, 2014).
p. 75
Irenaeus of Lyons, Against All Heresies 3.23.3.
p. 75
Irenaeus of Lyons, Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching 6.
p. 77
Robert Jenson, “The Triune God,” in C. E. Braaten and R. W. Jenson, eds., Christian
Dogmatics. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984, vol. 1, pp. 88–89.

286 Sources of Quotations
Chapter 4
p. 127
Cited in Laura K. McClure, ed., Sexuality and Gender in the Classical World: Readings and
Sources. Oxford: Wiley Blackwell, 2008, p. 158.
p. 129
Galerius, Edict of Toleration [311], chapter 34.
p. 151
Alister E. McGrath, Iustitia Dei: A History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. vii.
p. 154
John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, preface to the 1539 edition.
p. 155
Roland H. Bainton, “The Left Wing of the Reformation.” Journal of Religion 21.2 (1941):
124–134.
p. 155
George Hunston Williams, The Radical Reformation. Philadelphia: Westminster Press,
1962.
p. 161
John Wesley, journal entry for May 24, 1738, in The Works of John Wesley. Grand Rapids:
Baker Books, 2007, vol. 5, p. 103.
p. 168
Roger Williams, “Mr Cotton’s Letter Lately Printed, Examined and Answered” [1644], in
The Complete Writings of Roger Williams. New York: Russell & Russell, 1963, vol. 1, p. 108.
p. 168
Thomas Jefferson, Letter to the Danbury Baptists, January 1, 1802, at http://www.loc.gov/
loc/lcib/9806/danpre.html (accessed August 1, 2014).
p. 171
Stephen Charles Neill, A History of Christianity in India, 1707–1858. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1985, p. 155.
p. 175
First Vatican Council, at http://www.intratext.com/x/eng0063.htm (accessed August 1,
2014).
p. 176
Alfred Loisy, L’Évangile et l’église. Paris: Picard et fils, 1902, p. 111.
p. 176
George Tyrrell, Christianity at the Crossroads. London: Allen & Unwin, 1963, pp. 49–50.

Sources of Quotations 287
p. 177
Ibid., p. 45.
p. 177
Pope Pius X, Pascendi dominici gregis, at http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_x/
encyclicals/documents/hf_p-x_enc_19070908_pascendi-dominici-gregis_en.html
(accessed August 1, 2014).
p. 178
Benjamin Jowett, “On the Interpretation of Scripture,” in his Essays and Reviews. London:
Parker, 1860, pp. 477–593.
p. 178
John William Colenso, The Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua Critically Examined.
London, 1862, p. 8.
p. 183
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, Collected Works. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1965, vol. 10, pp. 83–87.
p. 185
Kirsopp Lake, The Religion of Yesterday and Tomorrow. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1925,
pp. 61–62.
p. 187
Barmen Declaration, at http://www.ekd.de/english/barmen_theological_declaration.html
(accessed August 1, 2014).
p. 188
Peter Berger, The Sacred Canopy. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967, pp. 111–113.
p. 192
Winston Churchill, The Second World War. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948–1953, vol. 1,
p. 105.
p. 194
Pope John Paul II, “Crossing the Threshold of Hope,” 1994, at http://www.2heartsnetwork.
org/Crossing.the.Threshold.ofHope-PopeJPII (accessed August 1, 2014).
p. 196
Gustavo Gutiérrez, “Two Theological Perspectives: Liberation Theology and Progressivist
Theology,” in Sergio Torres and Virginia Fabella, eds., The Emergent Gospel. Maryknoll.
New York: Orbis Books, 1978, pp. 234–235.
Chapter 5
p. 202
Council of Trent, Fourth Session, Decree on the Edition and Use of Sacred Books, at
http://history.hanover.edu/texts/trent/ct04ed.html (accessed August 1, 2014).

288 Sources of Quotations
p. 204
Athanasius of Alexandria, On the Incarnation 54.3.
p. 215
World Council of Churches, Toronto Statement, 1970, at http://www.oikoumene.org/en/
resources/documents/central-committee/1950/toronto-statement (accessed August 1,
2014).
Chapter 6
p. 223
Episcopal Church of Scotland, Marriage Liturgy 2007, p. 10, at http://www.scotland.
anglican.org/who-we-are/publications/liturgies/marriage-liturgy-2007/ (accessed August
1, 2014).
pp. 223–224
Catholic Order of Christian Funerals, as implemented by the Archdiocese of Boston, at
http://www.bostoncatholic.org/uploadedFiles/BostonCatholicorg/Offices_And_Services/
Offices/Sub_Pages/Worship_and_Spiritual_Life/2014guidelines-for-homilies-and-words-
of-remembrance-in-ocf (accessed August 1, 2014).
p. 224
Book of Common Prayer (1662), “At the burial of the dead,” at https://www.
churchofengland.org/prayer-worship/worship/book-of-common-prayer/at-the-burial-of-
the-dead.aspx (accessed August 1, 2014).
pp. 224–225
Funeral liturgy in the Catholic archdiocese of Vancouver, at http://www.rcav.org/
uploadedFiles/About_Us/Guidelines_for_Funerals_and_Burials (accessed August 1,
2014).
p. 225
First United Methodist Church in Austin, Texas, at http://fumcaustin.org/open-heart/
worship/funeral-services/ (accessed August 1, 2014).
p. 226
Bidding Prayer in Nine Lessons and Carols, at http://www.kings.cam.ac.uk/events/
chapel-services/nine-lessons/order-service-2002.html (accessed August 1, 2014).
p. 227
Justin Martyr, First Apology 67.
p. 228
Chrysostom, Homily 24 on First Corinthians.
p. 229
John Newton, Olney Hymns [1779], Preface.

Sources of Quotations 289
p. 231
Thomas Aquinas, “Adoro te devote,” translated by Gerard Manley Hopkins.
p. 232
John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion 4.14.3.
p. 243
The Works of George Herbert. London: Oxford University Press, 1941, p. 41.
p. 243
Easter/Paschal troparion, at http://www.byzcath.org/index.php/resources-mainmenu-63/
liturgical-texts (accessed August 1, 2014).
p. 247–248
Walter Brueggemann, The Land: Place as Gift, Promise, and Challenge in Biblical Faith,
2nd edn. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 2002, p. 5.
Chapter 7
p. 253
Tertullian, De praescriptione haereticorum 7.
p. 254
Augustine of Hippo, On Christian Doctrine 2.40.60–61.
p. 257
For these and other references, see Martin Hengel, Crucifixion in the Ancient World and
the Folly of the Message of the Cross. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977.
p. 259
Julian of Norwich, Revelations of Divine Love. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1998, p. 64.
p. 263
Cyprian of Carthage, Letters 72.21.
p. 266
Abbot Suger, The Book of Suger Abbot of St. Denis on What Was Done During his
Administration 27.
p. 267
Karl Barth, The Gottingen Dogmatics: Instruction in the Christian Religion. Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1990, vol. 1, pp. 31–32.
p. 269
Theophilus, On Diverse Arts 6.
p. 271
Dorothy L. Sayers, “Towards a Christian Aesthetic,” in Unpopular Opinions. London:
Victor Gollancz, 1946, p. 31.

290 Sources of Quotations
p. 272
Geoffrey Chaucer, Canterbury Tales. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1946, p. 373.
p. 272
Richard Baxter, The Practical Works of Richard Baxter. London: Duncan, 1830, vol. 11,
p. 177.
p. 272
William Wordsworth, The Prose Works of William Wordsworth. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1974, vol. 1, p. 128.
p. 276
The Belgic Confession of Faith [1561], Article 2.

Christianity: An Introduction, Third Edition. Alister E. McGrath.
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Note: Page numbers in italic refer to figures, those in bold to boxes.
Index
Abelard, Peter 141, 177
Abraham 7–8, 32–33, 47, 60
academic theology 141–142
Acts of the Apostles 24, 47, 123, 232, 234, 245
Adam
creation of 73, 82
and Eve 32, 84–85
Adams, John 168
adoption, image of 93
adultery 25
Advent 237–238
Africa 172, 197–198
Age of Reason 61
Aidan 137
Alaric 133
Albert, Prince 225, 239
Alexander, Mrs. Cecil F. 99
Alexander VI, Pope 150
Alexius I, Emperor 140
altars, focus on 266
Ambrose of Milan 113
America
Catholicism in 174
church and state in 166–168
Civil Rights Movement in 191–192
fundamentalism controversy in 184–186
origins of Pentecostalism in 179–180
Protestantism in 162–163, 216–218
Puritanism in 159–160
American Civil Liberties Union 186
Amish community 252
amma 128
Anabaptism 109, 148, 154–155, 252, 254
Andrew 14
Andronicus 123
Anglicanism 205–207, 230, 261
Annunciation 259
Anselm of Canterbury 60, 98, 141
Anselm of Laôn 141
Anthony of Egypt 132
Antioch 5, 140
Apocalypse 47
Apocrypha 31
Apostles’ Creed 53, 56, 58, 71, 106, 230
apostles (“the twelve”) 14, 111
apostolic age 122–123
Appenzeller, Henry 197
Aquila 123
Aquinas, Thomas 63, 71, 141–142, 231, 270
Aratus 27

292 Index
architecture 221, 263–268, 265
Arian controversy 88–89
Aristotle 142
Arius of Alexandria 88
Arles, Synod of 136
Armenian genocide 181–182
art and artistic expression 79–81, 221, 259–262
Aryan clause 187
Ascension 236–237, 245
Ash Wednesday 237, 240
Assyrians 30
Athanasius of Alexandria 46, 73, 88–89, 99–100,
122, 204
atheism 85, 125, 178, 182–184, 186, 276
atonement 94, 96–101
Augsburg, Peace of 158–159
Augsburg Confession 209
Augustine of Canterbury 206
Augustine of Hippo 48, 83, 85, 93, 100,
108–109, 122, 253–254
on baptism 115, 233
definition of sacraments by 112
and literature 272
and Pelagian controversy 103–105
Augustus, Emperor 124
Aurelian, Emperor 130
Australasia, missionary work in 173
Authorized Version see King James Bible
Baal 36
Babylon 30, 38–39
Babylonians 30, 37–38
Bach, Johann Sebastian 242
Bainton, Roland H. 155
baptism 13, 52–53, 57, 73, 113–115, 126, 221,
224, 232–234, 264
adult (believer) 208
by total immersion 233
infant 115, 232–233
sacraments of 6
Baptist Missionary Society (BMS) 172, 207
Baptists 160, 205, 207–208
Barmen Declaration 187
Barth, Karl 77, 85, 187, 262, 267
Basil of Caesarea 73
Basil the Great 262
Baxter, Richard 272
Becket, Thomas à 249
Bekennende Kirche (Confessing Church) 187
Belgic Confession 276
beliefs 54–120
Benedict of Nursia 133
Benedict XV, Pope 177
Benedictines 133, 138
Benson, Bishop Edward White 225
Berger, Peter 188
Bergoglio, Jorge Mario 196, 201
Bethlehem 11, 101
Bez, Theodore 154
Beza, Theodore 153
Bible see Christian Bible
Bible Christian Church 210
bishops 58, 126–127, 131–132, 138, 251
Bismark, Otto von 175
Bolsheviks 182–183
Bonaparte, Napoleon 169
Bonaventure, St 113
Bonhoeffer, Dietrich 187, 247
Book of Common Prayer 207
Bora, Kati von 152–153
born again Christians 214
Botticelli, Sandro 260
Brendan, St 137
Browne, Robert 160
Brownists 160
Brueggeman, Walter 247
Bryan, William Jennings 186
Buber, Martin 70–71
Bucer, Martin 156
Bulgakov, Sergei 204
Bullinger, Heinrich 151, 153
burial 119–120, 126
Burne-Jones, Sir Edward 270
Byron, George Gordon, Lord 170
Cabral, Pedro Álvares 149
Caecilian, Bishop 108
Caesarea 46
Calvinists 153–154, 158
Calvary 19, 95
Calvin, John 91, 106–107, 153, 158, 205, 211,
217, 230, 270, 275
on baptism 115
definition of sacraments 114–115, 232
on the Eucharist 116
Reformation of 153–154

Index 293
Calvinism 148, 154, 158–159
Canaan 30, 32, 34–35, 248
Canaanite religion 35–36
Candida Casa (Whithorn) 136
cannibalism 125–126
Cantabrians, revolt of 17
Canterbury 249
canticles 270
Capernaum 14
Carchemish 38
cardinals 201
Carey, William 171, 207
carols 225
Carroll, Archbishop John 174
Carthage 127
Cassian 247
Castro, Fidel 196
cathedrals 137–138, 221
Catherine of Aragon 156
catholic, definitions of 110
Catholic Reformation 148, 155
Catholic teaching, clarification of 157
Catholicism 148, 158–159, 188–189, 192,
199–203, 271
and the Apocrypha 31
expansion of 149
Quebec Act 166
shifting fortunes of 173–175
and women 195
see also Roman Catholicism
CELAM II (Medellín conference) 196
Celestine I, Pope 136
Celtic regions 135
Cerularius, Patriarch Michael 139
cessationism 179
Chalcedon, Council of 58, 87, 89–90, 127
charismatic renewal 212–213, 271
Charles I, King 160, 162
Charles II, King 160
Charles V, Emperor 157–158
Chateaubriand, François René 174
Chaucer, Geoffrey 272
Chesterton, G. K. 65
China 172, 197, 255
chrismation 234
Christ see Jesus of Nazareth
Christ, Carol 195
Christendom, end of 180–181
Christian Bible 8, 28–53, 157, 208, 221
Calvinistic guide to 154
criticism of 178
languages of 49
public readings of 229–230
referring to passages in 39–40
selection of contents 45
and tradition 51–53
translation of 49–51, 151
ultimate authority of 151
Christian communities 222–226
Christian expansion 149–151
Christian history 121–198
Christian hope 117–120
Christian life 247–250
Christian Science 179
Christian symbolism 256–259
Christian worship 226–231
Christian year 236–246
Christianity
American 166–167, 184
and atheism 186
beyond the West 196–198
Celtic 135–137
and Civil Rights Movement 191–192
contemporary forms of 199–219
creeds and beliefs of 54–120
criticism of 165
early worship and organization 125–127
east–west schism in 138–139
establishment of 131–133
expansion of 170–173
history of 121–198
impact of Great War on 180–181
and Israel 4
Jesus and origins of 3–27
and Judaism 5, 7–9, 47–48, 187–188
and literature 271–275
as a living reality 220–250
in the modern period 163–180
and the natural sciences 275–277
rhythms and seasons of 236–246
and the Roman Empire 123–125
and the shaping of culture 251–277
in the twentieth century 180–198
Christmas 10–11, 225–226, 237–239, 260
Christological titles 22
Christology 86, 88

294 Index
Christus (also Chrestus/Christos) 1, 9
Chrysostom 228, 271
church 106–112
apostolicity of 110–112
architecture 263–268
catholicity of 109–110
challenging establishment of 194–196
elimination of abuses within 157
empirical and ideal 107
holiness of 107–109
the life of 222–226
unity of 106–107
visible and invisible 107
Church of England, in America 166–167
Church Missionary Society (CMS) 172
churches
African initiated (AICs) 198
art in 259–260
cross shape of 257–258
Churchmen’s Union 177
circumcision 8–9, 33, 113, 115, 232–233
Civil Rights Movement 191–192
Claudius, Emperor 9
Clement of Alexandria 10, 46–47, 101, 257
Clement, Bishop of Rome 47
Clement XIV, Pope 171
clergy 202, 204–205
Colenso, Bishop John William 178
Coleridge, Samuel Taylor 60, 273
Colossians, letter to 107
Columba, St 137
Columbus, Christopher 149–150
commemoration, of saints 144
Commonwealth, Puritan 160, 252
communication, by spoken word 43
communism 194
Compline 247, 270
confirmation 233–234
consensus fidelium 46
Constantine, Emperor 58, 108, 130, 236
conversion of 129–131, 251, 253–254, 257
Constantinople 130, 134, 138, 146
Council meeting 74
fall of 135, 139–140, 145–146
consubstantiation 116
conversion 45, 129–131, 162
cosmological argument 64
Counter Reformation 148, 155
Covenants 232
Coverdale Bible 50
Cranmer, Thomas 156
creation 32, 54, 80–82
creationism 276
creeds 52–120
reciting of 230–231
cremation 119–120, 126
cross, symbolism of the 256–259
crucifix, importance of 257
crucifixion 13, 17–19, 257, 261
crusades 139–141
cultic laws, of Judaism 8
culture, shaped by Christianity 251–277
Cyprian of Carthage 117, 263
Cyril of Jerusalem 110, 248
Cyrus, King 38
Daly, Mary 195
Damascus, conversion on road to 45
Darrow, Clarence 186
Darwinism 178, 186, 276
David, King 7, 11–12, 23–24, 30, 36
Dawkins, Richard 275–276
deacons and deaconesses 126–127
Dead Sea Scrolls 18
death 94–97, 224
dechristianization 168–169
Demetrias 104
Dennett, Daniel 276
denominations 199–219
Deuterocanonical works 31
diakonos 126
Didache 47, 126
Diderot, Denis 166
Diet of Worms 152
dietary laws 8
Diocletian, Emperor 108, 129
Dionysius the Areopagite 203
disciples 5, 14, 61
Docetism (docetic heresy) 88, 260
doctrines see beliefs
Dominicans 150
Domitian, Emperor 44, 124
Donatist controversy 108, 110
Dostoyevsky, Fyodor 85

Index 295
Draper, John William 178
Dutch War of Independence 159
Eagleton, Terry 62
Early Church 122–134
Easter 236–237, 243–244
ebionitism 87–88
economy of salvation 75
ecumenical movement 214–216
Eddy, Mary Baker 179
Edessa 140
Edward VI, King 156
Edwards, Jonathan 79, 163
Egypt 32–34, 124, 128, 132
elders 126, 211
Elijah 13, 38
Eliot, George 273
Eliot, John 162
Elisha 38
Elizabeth I, Queen 156, 159, 207
Elizabethan Settlement 156
emanation 78–79
empty tomb, tradition of 19–20
England
cathedral schools in 138
national church of 206
Puritanism in 159–160
Reformation in 156–157
English Civil War 159–160
Enlightenment 164–166
Ephesians, letter to 107
Ephesus 131
Epiphany 101, 239–240, 260
episcopos 126
epistles see letters
Erasmus of Rotterdam 50, 147
eschatology 117
Ethiopian churches 198
Eucharist 19, 113–114, 126, 228, 230, 234–236
debates about 116
leavened/unleavened bread at 139
sacraments of 6
Europe, post-Christian 188–189
Eusebius of Caesarea 46, 248
Evangelicalism 186, 205, 213–214
evangelism, new age of 170–173
Evangelists 271
events, and meanings 21–22
evil, inherent 81
exile 38–40
exodus 18, 33–36
route of 35
faith 55
and belief 60
globalization of 196–198
justification by 105
the life of 220–250
and reason 61–62
renewal of 192–194
statements of 55
Tertullian’s rule of 57
two senses of 59–60
understanding of 59–65
Victorian crisis of 177–179
fall, the 84–86
fasting 236–238, 240
fathers of the church 122
feasts, fixed and movable 237
Felicitas 127
Felix of Aptunga 108
feminism 194–196
Ferdinand II, King 159
fertility cults 143
Fidanza, Giovanni di 113
First Testament 31
fish, as Christian symbol 5, 258–259
folk (popular) religion 143–145
font 113, 221, 264
food, cleanliness of 255
Formula of Concord 209
Fosdick, Henry Emerson 185, 217
Fourth Gospel see John, gospel of
France 135, 138, 150, 157–158, 175
Francis, Pope 201
Franciscans 150
frankincense 101–102, 260
Franklin, Benjamin 215
free will 103
French Revolution 85, 161, 165–166, 170,
172–174, 178, 180, 200
and dechristianization 168–169
fruit, of tree of knowledge 84–85
Fulbert of Chartres 96

296 Index
fundamentalism, in America 184–186
funerals 126, 223–225
Gabriel, angel 11
Galerius, Emperor 129
Galilee 10, 15, 16
Gama, Vasco da 149
Garden of Eden, heaven as restoration of 118
Gaul 132, 136
Genesis 84, 222
Geneva 153, 158–159
genocide
in Armenia 181–182
in Germany 188
Gentiles 4, 8, 33
Germany, church crisis of 1930s 186–188
Ghirlandaio, Domenico 14
Gideon 36
Gilson, Etienne 141
Gnosticism 44, 52, 78
God
as almighty 71–72
an impersonal 70
analogies for 66–67
armor of 137
authority of 81
belief in 60
calling of Abraham by 32–33
Christian understanding of 65–82
as the creator 78–82
faithfulness of 72
as father 66–69
gender of 68–69
hostility to sin by 32
image of 83–84
immensity of 77
made known by Jesus 4, 65, 90–91
male role models for 195
a personal 69–71
proofs for existence of 63–65
proper name for 77
self-revelation of 71
sexuality of 69
as shepherd 66–67
as spirit 72–74
transcendence of 266
and understanding of the Testaments 47–49
unity of 78
visualization of 259
gold 101–102, 260
Goldenberg, Naomi Ruth 195
Golgotha 19
Good Friday 236–237, 242, 244
Gorbachev, Mikhail Sergeyevich 193–194
gospels 20, 25, 41–44, 229
“according to” 42
John see John, gospel of
Luke see Luke, gospel of
Mark see Mark, gospel of
Matthew see Matthew, gospel of
as source of information on Jesus 6, 9–10
Synoptic 9–10
gothic architecture 265, 266
grace 102–106, 161, 210
Graham, Billy 120, 207, 214
Great Awakening 162–163
Great Bible 50
Great Schism 74, 138–139
Great War (World War I) 121, 180–181,
183–184, 186, 225
Grebel, Conrad 154
Greek Orthodoxy, sacraments of 112
Greek War of Independence 169–170
Gregory the Great, Pope 48, 134, 138
Gregory of Nazianzus 73
Gregory of Nyssa 76, 203, 262
Gregory I, Pope 206
Gregory VII, Pope 140
Gregory X, Pope 143
Haggai 38
Hampson, Daphne 195
Hardy, Thomas 273
Harnack, Adolf von 176
harrowing of hell 96–97
healing 6, 93
heaven 117–119
association with worship 227–228
Heber, Bishop Reginald 171
Hebrew Bible 31
Hebrews, letter to 46–47
Heidelberg Catechism 154, 261
hell, harrowing of 96–97
Henry, Patrick 167
Henry VIII, King 156, 183
Herbert, George 243

Index 297
Herod Antipas 15, 37
Herrnhuter 161
Hippolytus of Rome 53
historians, Roman 9
Hitler, Adolf 187–188
Hodge, Charles 102
Holocaust 187–188
Holy Communion 19, 116, 235
Holy Saturday 242
Holy Scripture see Christian Bible
Holy Spirit 72–74, 204, 245
Holy Week 241–243
homily 230
homoousios 90
Hosea 68
Howell, R. B. C. 208
Hudson Taylor, James 172
Huguenots 158–159
humanism 146–147
humanity
Christian understanding of 82–86
Jesus as mediator with God 90–91
humility 6
Huntingdon, Selina Countess of 161
hymns 229
iconostasis, focus on 266
icons 4, 204, 221, 262–263
Ignatius of Antioch 113
images 144
inauguration 15
incarnation 141, 262
the Chalcedonian definition of 89–90
doctrine of 4, 86
Islamic view on 92
India 135, 171
indulgences, sale of 151–152
infants, baptism of 115, 232–233
Innocent III, Pope 140, 142–143
Iona 136–137
Ireland 136
Irenaeus of Lyons 45, 52, 75, 85–86
Isaac 7
Isaiah 227–228, 260
Islam 163, 184, 215, 255
and Armenian genocide 181–182
criticisms of the understanding
of Jesus 91–92
expansion of 135, 139–140, 145
Sunni 170
Israel 30, 36, 102
figures of faith of 8
hopes and expectations of 4, 10
relationship with Christianity 4
state of 188
Israelite Patriarchs 7
Italy 132, 146
Jacob 7
James 14
James, St 249–250
James I, King 162
Jefferson, Thomas 74, 167–168
Jehoiakim, rebellion of 38
Jehova 33
Jehovah’s Witnesses 179
Jenson, Robert 77
Jeremiah 38
Jerome 272
Jerusalem 11, 36–38, 140, 248–249
Jesuits 149–150, 158, 171
Jesus Christ, meaning of name 3–4
Jesus of Nazareth 2, 86–92
achievements of 87
at wedding at Cana 222
baptism of 13, 38, 232
betrayal of 19
birth of 5, 10–12, 239
conception of 12
continuity with Moses 47
crucifixion of 17–19
death of 5, 99–100
disciples of 14
doings of 6
and early church 122
flogging of 19
Galilean ministry of 16
as God incarnate 89
and the gospels 9–10
harrowing of hell by 96–97
healing by 6, 87
humiliation of 19
identity of 6, 87–88
image of 90
interpretation of history of 21–22
Islamic criticisms of the understanding of 91–92

298 Index
Jesus of Nazareth (cont’d )
Jewish context of 7–9
as king 101–102
lack of divinity of 88–89
as lamb of God 234
as Lord 23–24
as lover 100–101
maleness of 195
as mediator between God and humanity 90–91
as Messiah 23
ministry of 6, 13–15
as model of life with God 4
New Testament understandings of
significance of 22–25
and origins of Christianity 3–27
passion of 260–261
possibility of salvation through 7
presence at Lord’s Supper 116
as priest 101–102
reception outside Judaism 26–27
the redeemer 98–99
rejection of 13–14
representing invisible God 7
resurrection of 7, 19–21, 20, 87
risen 259
on Roman taxes 83
as Savior 24–25
sayings about 6
significance for Christianity 3–5
as Son of God 24–25
as Son of man 24–25
as son of Mary 92
sources of knowledge about 5–7, 9–10
teaching of 6, 15–17
temptation of 13
“threefold office of ” 101–102
and understanding of God 66
the victor 94–96
and women 25–26
worship of 9
Jews 4, 8, 17, 40, 184, 187, 190
Joanna, wife of Cuza 26
Joel 24
John 14, 25
gospel of 9–10, 18, 27, 42, 44, 87, 234, 242, 245
John the Baptist 13, 15, 232, 234
John XXII, Pope 246
John XXIII, Pope 189, 193, 200
John Paul I, Pope 193
John Paul II, Pope 62, 192–194, 277
Jordan River 13
Joseph 10, 12, 88
Josephus 17, 24
Jovian 131
Jowett, Benjamin 178
Juana de la Cruz 101
Judaea 9, 11, 13, 15–16, 18–19, 38, 86, 124, 239
Judah 30, 36, 38, 96–97
Judaism 184, 248, 255
Chrestus group within 9
and Christianity 5, 7–9, 47–48, 187–188
cultic laws of 8
marking male infants in 115
and Old Testament 30–31
and women 25, 123
Judas, gospel of 44
judges 36
Julian the Apostate 131
Julian of Norwich 259
Julius Caesar 22
Junia 123
justification 94, 105–106, 151, 157, 209
Justin Martyr 45, 126, 227, 234, 258
Karlstadt, Andreas Bodenstein von 152
Kennedy, John Fitzgerald 189, 200
Khomyakov, Aleksei 204
King James Bible 50–51
King, Martin Luther 191–192, 215
kingdom of God 15
Knights of St John 145
Korea, Christianization of 197
kurios 23–24
Lake Galilee 14
Lake, Kirsopp 185
Lamb of God 18
Lambeth Conference 207
Langland, William 96
Last Supper 6, 18–19, 116, 234–235
last things 117
Lateran Council, Fourth 142
Lateran Treaty 176
Latin, use in liturgy 134
Laud, Archbishop William 162
Law 7–8, 33–36

Index 299
League of Militant Atheists 184
lectionary 229
Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich 182–183
Lent 13, 237–238, 240–241
Leo IX, Pope 139
Leo X, Pope 177
Leo XIII, Pope 201
Leopold I, Emperor 145
Lepanto, battle of 145
letters 6
of New testament 44–45
Pastoral 51
as source of information on Jesus 6
to Hebrews 8, 99
to Romans 8
see also New Testament, letters of; Paul, letters
of; Peter, letters of
Lewis, C. S. 65, 84, 97, 218, 273–274
liberation theology 194–196
liberationist movement 194
Licinus, Emperor 129–131
liminality 228
Lindisfarne 137
literature, and Christianity 271–275
liturgy 221–222, 244
Anglican 207
and Baptists 208
Catholic 202
and Lutheranism 209
Orthodox 227
renewal of 190–191
rituality of 143–144
use of writings in 46
Locke, John 164
logos 27
Loisy, Alfred 176
Lombard, Peter 113, 119, 141
London Missionary Society (LMS) 172–173
Lord 23–24, 33
Lord’s Prayer 5, 15, 67
Lord’s Supper 116, 235
Louis XIV, King 159
Louis XVI, King 169
Louis XVIII, King 169
Lourdes 249–250
love 80, 100–101, 125
Loyola, Ignatius 158
Luciani, Albino 193
Luke 144
gospel of 6, 9–14, 25–26, 42, 45, 123–124,
245, 259
Luther, Martin 50, 105, 152, 157, 217, 223, 270
on baptism 115
definition of sacraments by 113–114
on the Eucharist 116
Reformation of 151–153
Lutheranism 114, 148, 159, 205, 209, 261, 270
Lydia 123
Macartney, Clarence Edward 185
Madison, James 167–168
Magellan, Ferdinand 150
Magi 101–102, 239
mainstream Reformation 155
Malachi 13, 38
Malta 145
manger 11
Manicheans 48
manuscripts, copying of 138
Manzikert, battle of 139–140
Manzoni, Alessandro 174
Marcion of Sinope 8, 48, 75
Marienthron 152
Mark 25, 61
gospel of 9–10, 13, 20, 23, 42
Mark, St 144
marriage 222–223
martyrdom, of women 127–128
Marx, Karl 3, 182
Marxism 3, 195–196
Mary Magdalene 20, 26
Mary, mother of James 20
Mary, mother of Jesus 10–12, 11, 88, 203, 206, 249
Mary Tudor, Queen 156
mass 19, 116, 235
Massachusetts Bay 160, 162
Matthew, gospel of 6, 8–13, 24, 42, 47
Matthews Bible 50
Matins 246
Maundy Thursday 237, 242, 243, 270
Maximilla 128
Maximus the Confessor 203
meanings, and events 21–22
Mehmed II, Sultan 145
Melanchthon, Philip 106
memorialism 116

300 Index
Mencken, H. L. 186
Mennonite community 252
Messiah 3–4, 7, 23, 92
Methodism 161, 165, 206, 209–210, 270
Methodius of Olympus 119
Micah 11
Middle Ages 12, 135–148, 263
Middle East 135, 139–141
Milan
Council of 58
Edict of 108, 129
Milner-White, Eric 225–226
Milvian Bridge 129–130, 257
ministers 208, 211
miracles, healing 15
missionary activity 136, 170–173
Mithras, cult of 125
Mizpah 248
modernism, the challenge of 176–177
Moltmann, Jürgen 262
monarchy, establishment of 36–37
monasticism 128, 202–203, 254
and education 137–138
in Ireland 136–137
in Orthodoxy 204
rise of 131–134
structuring of time in 246–247
Monica 129
monophysitism 90
Montanist movement 128
Monte Cassino (Montecassino) 133
Mormonism 179
Morocco 135
Moses 7–8, 18, 30, 47
Muhammad 135, 165
music 221, 228–229, 270–271
Muslims 91–92, 135
Mustard Seed, Parable of the 15
myrrh 101–102, 260
nabi 37
Nantes, Edict of 159
Narnia, as allegory of harrowing of hell 97
National Socialist German Workers Party
(Nazis) 187
nativity 260
Nazareth 14
Nebuchadnezzar, Emperor 38, 83
Neill, Stephen Charles 171
Neoplatonism 78
Nero, Emperor 1, 9, 44
Nestorianism 135
New Covenant, continuity from Old 47–49
New Jerusalem 118
New Testament 4, 40–47
27 books of 40–41
and Christian hope 117–118
on the crucifixion 18
fixing of the canon of 45–47
gospels of 8–10
hope of a Messiah in 7
idea of holiness in 109
images of salvation 93–94
letters of 6, 44–45
relation with Old Testament 47–49
and significance of Jesus 22–25
as source of information on Jesus 5–6, 87
and style of worship 226
writers 8
Newman, John Henry 176
Newton, John 229
Nicaea, Councils of 58, 76, 130, 157, 203
Nicene Creed 58–59, 74, 76, 78, 89, 106, 230
Nicephorus of Constantinople 262
Nicolas, St 239
Nine Lessons and Carols, Service
of 225–226, 239
Ninian, Bishop 136
Noah’s flood 32
nominalism 213
None 246
Oberammergau Passion Play 242
Odoacer 134
offices 246
Old Covenant, continuity with New 47–49
Old Testament 8, 30–31
39 books of 29
Five Books of the Law (Moses) 30
historical books 30
idea of holiness in 109
and Judaism 30–31
major themes of 32–40
prophecies 8
the Prophets 30
relation with New Testament 47–49
typological reading of 49
wisdom writings 30

Index 301
Oppositionalism 185
oral tradition, period of 43–44
ordinance 231
ordination, of women 195
Origen 233
Orthodox Christians 31, 182
Orthodox Church 184, 228, 243
icons in 4, 262
liturgical year of 238
resurgence of 169–170
Orthodoxy 183, 194–195, 203–204
Ottoman empire 145–146, 169–170, 181
Owen, John 154
Oxford Movement 178
Ozman, Agnes 179
Pachomius 132
paganism 131, 255
Palestine 16, 23, 128
Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi da 228
pall 224–225
Palladius, Bishop 136
Palm Sunday 18, 241–242, 244
papacy, re-emergence of 174
papal elections 143
papal infallibility 175–176
parables of the Kingdom 6, 15–17
Parham, Charles 179, 212
Parks, Rosa 191
Pascal, Blaise 61, 64–65, 83–84
Passiontide 241
Passover 18, 33, 234, 248
Pastoral Epistles 51
Patrick, St 76, 136–137
patristic period 122
Paul 21, 102, 111, 202, 224
on baptism 115, 232
distinguishing God from creation 81
on heaven 118
helped by women 123
letters of 8, 17, 45–46, 92–94, 106, 234, 236
missionary journeys of 45
passing on teachings by 51
on salvation 69
sermon on Areopagus by 26–27, 62
and Thecla 128
understanding of God by 66
Paul, St 249–250
Paul of Tarsus 26, 45, 122
Paul III, Pope 157–158
Paul VI, Pope 189, 190, 193
Pelagian controversy 103–105
Pelagius 104–105, 151
penance, sacrament of 50
Pentateuch 30
Pentecost 24, 180, 212, 236–237, 244–245
Pentecostalism 128, 179–180, 196, 198,
212–214
Peregrinatio Egeriae 249
Pergamon 131
Perkins, William 154
Perpetua 127–128
persecution 108, 129
Peter 10, 14, 23, 26, 202
letters of 46
sermons of 24, 232
Peter, St 249–250
Pharaoh 33
Pharisees 13, 21, 123
Philo of Alexandria 78
Phoebe 123
Photian Schism 139
Phrygia 128
Pietism 160–161, 165
Pilate, Pontius 1, 9, 19, 86
Pilgrim Fathers 162
pilgrimages 144, 247–250
Pius VII, Pope 174
Pius IX, Pope 175
Pius X, Pope 177
Pius XII, Pope 189, 192
Plainsong 270
Platonism 78–79
Pliny the Younger 9, 125
Plotinus 78
Poland 193
Pole, Reginald 156
popular (folk) religion 143–145
Portugal, voyages of discovery by 149–151
power, secular and religious 142–143
Prado, Caio 196
praise 229
prayer 5, 228–229
preaching 230
presbuteros 126
Presbyterianism 185, 205, 211
Presbyterians 153, 211, 230
Preveza, battle of 145

302 Index
priesthood 37, 127, 151–152, 201
Prime 247
Prisca 123, 128
Priscilla 123, 128
Proclus 78
Prodigal Son, Parable of the 17
promised land 30
prophecy 37–38
Prophet-healing churches 198
Prophets 7–8, 30, 38, 101–102
Protestant Reformation 109
Protestantism 148, 158, 160–161, 188–189,
205–212, 248
American 162–163, 184–186
erosion of denominationalism in 216–218
sacraments of 112–114
Protestants 31, 50, 120, 250
Psalter 246
pulpit 161, 166, 208, 266–267
purgatory 206
Puritanism, in England and America 159–160, 252
Quiet Time 247
Quintillian, Emperor 17
Qumran, Jewish community at 7
Qu’ran 49, 78, 92
Rachmaninoff, Sergei 228
racial segregation 191
Radical Reformation 154–155
Rahner, Karl 77
Ramesses II 33
Rashdall, Hastings 177
rationalism 61, 77, 164–166, 174–175
Ravenna 134
reason, and faith 61–62
reconciliation, image of 94
Red Sea, division of 72
redeemed life, Jesus’ disclosure of 5
redemption 94, 98
reform, competing visions of 148–163
Reformation 148, 205, 230, 254, 270
Calvinist 153–154
Catholic 155
in England 156–157
Lutheran 151–153
mainstream 155
Radical 154–155
sixteenth century debates of 105–106
Reformed churches 211
regula fidei 57
relations, two categories of 70
relics, cult of 144
religion
indifference to 164
Marx’s views on 182–183
wars of 158–159, 164
Remembrance 114
Renaissance 146–148
repentance, corporate 13
representation 99
restoration 38–40, 96–97, 131
resurrection 7, 19–21, 20, 92, 118–119, 223–224
Revelation 47, 71, 165
of St John 124
revisionism, theological 176–177
revivalism 267
Ricci, Matteo 150
rings 256
Robespierre, Maximilien F. M. I. de 169
Robinson, John 160
Rockefeller, John D., Jr. 185
Roman Catholicism 112, 114, 120, 155
see also Catholicism
Roman Empire 5, 56, 58, 123–125,
131–134, 251
Rome 1–2, 56, 126, 138, 140, 202, 249–250
bishop of 132
Christianization of 129–130, 252
cults in 124–125
great fire of 1, 124
occupation of Palestine by 23
sacking of 133–134
triumphal parades in 95
Romulus Augustus, Emperor 134
ruach 72–73
Rubicon, crossing of the 22
Russell, Charles Taze 179
Russia 181–182
Russian Orthodox wedding 223
Russian Revolution 182–184
Sabbath 227, 236
sacraments 112–116, 202, 206, 231–236
Sacred Scripture see Christian Bible
sacrifice, death of Jesus as 99–100

Index 303
Sacrosanctum concilium 190
Sadducees, resurrection beliefs of 21
saints 143–145, 203, 206, 237–238, 251–252
Salome 20
salvation 5, 75, 82, 84, 118
by grace 104–105
Christian understanding of 92–102
Salvation Army 195
Samson 36
Samuel 36
sanctification 106
Santa Claus 239–240
Santiago de Compostela 249, 250
Saragossa, Treaty of 150
satisfaction, atonement as 98–99
Saul 26, 45
Saul, King 36
Savior 4, 7, 24–25
Sayers, Dorothy L. 79–80, 91, 271
scholasticism, rise of 141–142
Schwartz, Christian Frederick 171
science 178, 275–277
Scopes, John T. 186
scriptoria 138
Scripture, inspired 46
Second Testament 31
secularization 188–189
Seleucus Callinicus, King 101
Selwyn, Bishop George 173
Separatism 185–186
Sermon on the Mount 15, 68
sermons 230
services 221
Sext 246
Seymour, William J. 180, 212
Shelley, Percy Bysshe 272
shepherds 11
Shiloh 248
Shrove (Pancake) Tuesday (Mardi Gras) 240
signs 231
Simmons, Menno 109
Simon of Cyrene 19
sin 32, 37, 81, 84–86, 94–96, 103–104
Siri, Cardinal Giuseppe 193
Sixtus IV, Pope 150
Smith, Joseph 179
Smyth, Newman 177
sobornost 204
socialism, and atheism 182–184
Society of Jesus 149, 158, 171
Socrates 125
sola Scriptura 151, 154
Solomon, King 30, 36
Southern Baptist Convention 207–208
Soviet Union 184, 192–194
space, structuring of 247–250
Spain 132, 135, 138–141, 149–151
speaking in tongues 179–180, 212
Spener, Philip Jakob 161
spirit 72–73
spiritual churches 198
Spurgeon, C. H. 207
stained glass 266, 268–270, 269
Stalin, Josef 184, 187, 192
Stations of the Cross 241
Stolberg, Friedrich von 174
substitution 99
Suetonius 6, 9
suffering, acceptance of 6
Suger, Abbot 266
Sunday gatherings 126, 227, 236
Susanna 26
Swinburne, Richard 65
symbolum apostolorum/apostolicum see
Apostles’ Creed
Syncletica of Alexandria 128
Synoptic Gospels see gospels, Synoptic
Syria 128, 132
Tacitus 1, 9, 86, 124
Talmud 25
Tanakh 31
Tarsus, Cilicia 45
tawhid 78
Taylor, Charles 55
teleological argument 63–64
temple 37, 248
Temple, Archbishop William 60
temptation of Christ 13
Ten Commandments 34
terce 246
Tertullian 46, 57, 112, 128, 233, 253, 257, 271
Tetragrammaton 24, 33–34
texts 221
Thecla of Iconium 128
Theodore of Amasea 144

304 Index
Theodosius the Great, Emperor 131
Theophilus 268
Thirty Years War 159
Thirty-Nine Articles 207, 230
Thomas, gospel of 45
Three Self Patriotic Movement 197
Tiberius, Emperor 1, 9, 86, 124
time, structuring of 246–247
Timothy 111
Tindal, Matthew 165
Toland, John 165
toleration 164
Torah see Law
Tordesillas, Treaty of 150
Tower of Babel 32, 84–85
tradition, and the Bible 51–53
traditores 108
Trajan, Emperor 9, 123–125
transubstantiation 116
tree of knowledge, eating fruit of 84–85
Trent, Council of 149, 155, 157–158, 202
Trinity 74–78, 76
Trinity Sunday 237, 244–246
Tripoli 140
Turkey 135
Tyndale, William 50
Tyrrell, George 176
ultramontanism 174
Underwood, Horace 197
United Methodist Church 210
Urban III, Pope 140
Valentine, St 238
Vasari, Giorgio 265
Vatican
First Council 175–176
Second Council 78, 114, 189–191, 190,
192–193, 200–202, 234, 250
Vermigli, Peter Martyr 156
Vespers 246, 270
Victor Emmanuel, King 175
Victoria, Queen 225, 239
Vienna 145, 200
Vineyard, Parable of the 15
Virgin Mary see Mary, mother of Jesus
von Rad, Gerhard 32
von Zinzendorf, Nicolas 107
Vulgate 49–50, 147–148, 157
wailing wall 37
wall of separation 167–168
wars of religion 158–159
Washing of the feet 242
Washington, George 168
Watts, Isaac 229
Weber, Max 188
weddings 222–223
Weimar Republic 187
Wesley, Charles 229, 236, 270–271
Wesley, John 161, 165, 210, 229, 236, 270
Wesley, Susanna 236
Westminster Confession 211, 230
Westphalia, Peace of 159
wheat and weeds (tares), parable of 108
White, Andrew Dickson 178
Whitefield, George 161, 163
Whitsun 245
Wilberforce, William 173
Williams, George Hunston 155
Williams, Roger 168, 185
wise men 11, 101
Wittenberg 152
Wojtyła, Karol Józef 62, 193
women 25–26, 123, 127–129, 152–153, 205, 210
word 27
Wordsworth, William 178, 272–273
World Alliance of Reformed Churches 211
World Christian Fundamentals Association 186
World Council of Churches 214–216
World War II 159, 184, 186–188, 192, 194–195,
197, 212–214, 216
worship see Christian worship
writings 8, 46–47
Wu, Y. T. 197
Wycliffe, John 49
Xavier, Francis 149
Yahweh 24, 33
Yeshua 3
Ziegenbalg, Bartholomäus 171
Zinzendorf, Nikolaus Ludwig Graf von 161
Zion 36
Zurich
Anabaptism in 154–155
Reformation 153
Zwingli, Huldrych 114–116, 152–154, 270

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Title Page
Copyright Page
Brief Contents
Contents
Preface
List of Illustrations and Maps
Introduction
Chapter 1 Jesus of Nazareth and the Origins of Christianity
The Significance of Jesus of Nazareth for Christianity
The Sources of Our Knowledge about Jesus of Nazareth
Jesus of Nazareth in His Jewish Context
The Gospels and Jesus of Nazareth
The Birth of Jesus of Nazareth
The Early Ministry of Jesus of Nazareth
The Teaching of Jesus of Nazareth: The Parables of the Kingdom
The Crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth
The Resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth
Events and Meanings: The Interpretation of the History of Jesus
The New Testament Understandings of the Significance of Jesus
Jesus of Nazareth and Women
The Reception of Jesus of Nazareth outside Judaism
Chapter 2 The Christian Bible
The Old Testament
Major Themes of the Old Testament
The creation
Abraham: Calling and covenant
The exodus and the giving of the Law
The establishment of the monarchy
The priesthood
Prophecy
Exile and restoration
The New Testament
The gospels
The New Testament letters
The fixing of the New Testament canon
The Christian Understanding of the Relation of the Old and New Testaments
The Translation of the Bible
The Bible and Tradition
Chapter 3 Christian Creeds and Beliefs
The Emergence of Creeds
What Is Faith?
Faith and reason
Can God’s existence be proved?
The Christian Understanding of God
Christian analogies for God
God as Father
A personal God
God as almighty
God as spirit
The doctrine of the Trinity
God as the creator
The Christian Understanding of Humanity
Humanity and the “image of God”
Humanity, the fall, and sin
Jesus of Nazareth
Early Christian approaches to the identity of Jesus of Nazareth
The Arian controversy and the incarnation
The incarnation: The Chalcedonian definition
Jesus of Nazareth as mediator between God and humanity
Islamic criticisms of the Christian understanding of Jesus of Nazareth
The Christian Understanding of Salvation
New Testament images of salvation
Christ the victor: The defeat of death and sin
Christ the harrower of hell: Atonement as restoration
Christ the redeemer: Atonement as satisfaction
The death of Christ as a perfect sacrifice
Christ the lover: Atonement and the enkindling of love
Salvation and the “threefold office of Christ”
Grace
The Pelagian controversy of the fifth century
The Reformation debates of the sixteenth century
The Church
The unity of the church
The holiness of the church
The catholicity of the church
The apostolicity of the church
The Sacraments
What is a sacrament?
The function of sacraments
Debates about baptism
Debates about the eucharist
The Christian Hope
The New Testament and Christian hope
The nature of the resurrection body
Christian burial or cremation?
Conclusion
Chapter 4 Christian History: An Overview
The Early Church, c. 100–c. 500
The apostolic age
Early Christianity and the Roman empire
Early Christian worship and organization
Women and early Christianity
The conversion of the Emperor Constantine
The cities and the rise of monasticism
The fall of the Roman empire
The Middle Ages and the Renaissance, c. 500–c. 1500
The development of Celtic Christianity
The rise of the monastic and cathedral schools
The “Great Schism” between East and West (1054)
The crusades: Spain and the Middle East
Academic theology: The rise of scholasticism
Secular and religious power in the Middle Ages
Popular religion: The cult of the saints
The rise of the Ottoman empire: The fall of Constantinople (1453)
The rebirth of western culture: The Renaissance
Competing Visions of Reform, c. 1500–c. 1650
Christian expansion: Portuguese and Spanish voyages of discovery
The Lutheran Reformation
The Calvinist Reformation
The Radical Reformation (Anabaptism)
The Catholic Reformation
The Reformation in England
The Council of Trent
The Society of Jesus
The Wars of Religion
Puritanism in England and America
A Protestant religion of the heart: Pietism
American Protestantism and the Great Awakening
The Modern Period, c. 1650–1914
The rise of indifference to religion in Europe
The Enlightenment: The rise of rationalism
Christianity in the American Revolution
Church and state in America: The “wall of separation”
The French Revolution and “dechristianization”
Orthodox resurgence: The Greek War of Independence
A new expansion of Christianity: The age of mission
The shifting fortunes of Catholicism
The First Vatican Council: Papal infallibility
Theological revisionism: The challenge of modernism
The Victorian crisis of faith
Pentecostalism: The American origins of a global faith
The Twentieth Century, 1914 to the Present
The Armenian genocide of 1915
The Russian Revolution of 1917
America: The fundamentalist controversy
The German church crisis of the 1930s
The 1960s: The emergence of a post-Christian Europe
The Second Vatican Council: Reform and revitalization
Christianity and the American Civil Rights Movement
Faith renewed: John Paul II and the collapse of the Soviet Union
Challenging the church’s establishment: Feminism and liberation theology
Christianity beyond the West: The globalization of faith
Conclusion
Chapter 5 Denominations: Contemporary Forms of Christianity
Catholicism
Eastern Orthodoxy
Protestantism
Anglicanism
The Baptists
Lutheranism
Methodism
Presbyterianism and other reformed denominations
Pentecostalism
Evangelicalism
The Ecumenical Movement and the World Council of Churches
The Erosion of Protestant Denominationalism in the United States
Conclusion
Chapter 6 The Life of Faith: Christianity as a Living Reality
Gateways to Exploring the Life of Faith
Christian Communities: The Life of the Church
Christian weddings
Christian funerals
The Service of Nine Lessons and Carols
Christian Worship
Prayer
Praise
The public reading of the Bible
Preaching
The reciting of the creeds
The Sacraments
Baptism
The eucharist
Rhythms and Seasons: The Christian Year
Advent
Christmas
Epiphany
Lent
Holy Week
Easter
Ascension
Pentecost
Trinity
The Structuring of Time: The Monastic Day
The Structuring of Space: Pilgrimage and the Christian Life
Conclusion
Chapter 7 Christianity and the Shaping of Culture
Christianity and Culture: General Considerations
Christian Symbolism: The Cross
Christian Art
Icons
Church Architecture
Stained Glass
Christian Music
Christianity and Literature
Christianity and the Natural Sciences
Conclusion
Conclusion: Where Next?
Further Reading
Sources of Quotations
Index
EULA