UNIT VII STUDY GUIDEKennedy and Vietnam
Course Learning Outcomes for Unit VII
Upon completion of this unit, students should be able to:
4. Explain the impact of the Civil Rights Movement on America’s societal infrastructure.
4.1 Explain the impact of the Civil Rights Movement on equal opportunity in the United States
during the period of 1960–1980.
5. Contrast varied perspectives concerning America’s presence in the world.
5.1 Compare varied perspectives concerning America’s interventions in global affairs during the
period of 1960–1980.
6. Explain the United States’ evolving role as a superpower.
6.1 Explain how developments within the United States in the period between 1960 and 1980
affected its role as a global superpower.
7. Describe the modern challenges and opportunities concerning the United States around the globe.
7.1 Describe global challenges and opportunities encountered by the United States during the
period of 1960–1980.
Course/Unit
Learning Outcomes
4.1
5.1
6.1
7.1
Learning Activity
Unit Lesson
Chapter 29: Contesting Futures: America in the 1960s (4 sections)
Chapter 30: Political Storms at Home and Abroad, 1968–1980 (3 sections)
Unit VII Essay
Unit Lesson
Chapter 29: Contesting Futures: America in the 1960s (4 sections)
Chapter 30: Political Storms at Home and Abroad, 1968–1980 (3 sections)
Unit VII Essay
Unit Lesson
Chapter 29: Contesting Futures: America in the 1960s (4 sections)
Chapter 30: Political Storms at Home and Abroad, 1968–1980 (3 sections)
Unit VII Essay
Unit Lesson
Chapter 29: Contesting Futures: America in the 1960s (4 sections)
Chapter 30: Political Storms at Home and Abroad, 1968–1980 (3 sections)
Unit VII Essay
Required Unit Resources
In order to access the following resource, click the link below.
Throughout this course, you will be provided with sections of text from the online resource U.S. History. You
may be tested on your knowledge and understanding of the material listed below as well as the information
presented in the unit lesson. This unit’s chapter titles and sections are provided below:
Chapter 29: Contesting Futures: America in the 1960s, Sections 29.1, 29.2, 29.3, and 29.4
Chapter 30: Political Storms at Home and Abroad, 1968–1980, Sections 30.1, 30.2, and 30.3
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Unit Lesson
Title
Cultural Renaissance
The 1960s and 1970s were a renewed cultural renaissance of sorts for the United States. Almost in spite of
the ongoing communist threat, post-Korea attitudes again provided a chance for reflection with the rest of the
world. This would be the stage for some of the most dynamic speakers and leaders in recent memory.
Analyzing the complex question of racial equality and debates promoting violent and nonviolent action would
resonate throughout the nation’s urban and rural locations. These would bring with them wave after wave of
hostile criticism and reaction from conservative, and often white, neighbors and peers.
In this same spirit, a renewed women’s reform
would also emerge. Building on the successes of
Seneca Falls, the 1848 conference where equality
leaders drafted the Declaration of Sentiments, as
well as the suffrage fight, a new stage with new
leaders would introduce an even more
controversial attempt at total equality: the Equal
Rights Amendment (ERA).
Away from home, not everything would remain
peaceful, as the communist threat would once
again imperil the delicate line between Communist
and Democratic views. Again, this divide would
end in military action. Vietnam, however, would
not be as neatly resolved as Korea had been or
like it had previously concluded in the Philippines.
Despite its superpower status, the United States
would show exactly how fragile its balance of
social and political support was while interfering in
another civil war across the Pacific.
This period will forever be remembered for its
music, counterculture, and protest. With the help
of continued technological innovation, cultural
development was truly unlike any before it. The
1960s exploded the tight norms of the 1950s, and both the style of the Kennedy White House (dubbed
“Camelot”) and the embracing of African American music genres by young people generated a new emphasis
on youth and cool. Music, art, and opinion were once again highlighted, but the mass availability of print at a
low cost, music in the form of records, and the growing obsession with television helped spread these images
and opinions across the Western world at unparalleled speed and volume.
Betty Ford in support of the ERA
(White House Photographic Office, 2010)
The non-violent protest strategies used by Gandhi and others globally in decolonization expanded attention
given to civil rights protests in the United States and the rapid introduction of television and nationally popular
magazines beamed images of atrocities into the American family homes. Since the Nuremberg Trials of Nazi
War Criminals in 1946–1947, the Soviet Union (U.S.S.R.) had mocked the American defense of human rights
by publicizing incidents of violence against African Americans. President John F. Kennedy and his brother
Robert Kennedy believed the allure of communism was greater to people who did not have a stake in the
economic prosperity and freedom of American society and began to lend their support to the growing Civil
Rights Movement.
Consider the following questions when reading this unit:
•
•
•
How much more aware were the draft-age Americans than their older brothers, fathers, and
grandfathers when military service called?
How was this response captured for future generations?
How much did the new visual media intensify the impact of non-violent resistance?
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•
•
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How much did the presence of Malcolm X and others who vowed to fight
back
expandGUIDE
support for the
non-violent movement that came to be headed by Dr. Martin Luther King?
Title
How did the assassinations of the Kennedy brothers and Dr. King shape President Johnson’s
successful passage of the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1968?
The study of periods closer to the present day can increase challenges to encountering the complex past,
challenges like over-simplification and generalization. While citizens can use data to think about issues today,
scholars deploy the exercises and skills taught in previous lessons to recover the historical moment.
A Catholic President
In November 1960, perhaps the first reform of the decade would be somewhat less expected than those that
were to come. The United States, since its founding as British colonies, had always been overwhelmingly
Protestant. It had small often ridiculed or excluded pockets of Catholics. These groups of Catholics were
typically immigrants who posed little economic or political influence.
Since the nation’s founding, one of the fears of the American-born people who sought to become U.S. citizens
was the tyrannical rule of a monarch from half a world away. The forefathers had become legends for their
success against England’s King George III. However, there was another perceived threat for many from
someone who maintained a constant influence throughout the world: the pope.
John Fitzgerald Kennedy (JFK), with his running mate Lyndon B. Johnson (LBJ), rode the Democratic Party
ticket to a win over the Republican candidate and current (at the time) Vice President Richard Milhous Nixon.
This was the first time that visage became a more significant factor than either print or oratory ability in the
selection of a president, thanks to presidential debates that were broadcasted live on television.
JFK was considered charismatic; well bred, from an exclusive family with strong political ties; and was a
war hero, famously captaining PT-109 in numerous campaigns against the Japanese Navy; however, he
was also Catholic. For those who did not support his politics or who held unwavering conservative values,
JFK was ostracized and even attacked for this faith. Smartly pairing with the more conservative and
somewhat controversial Lyndon B. Johnson from Texas, JFK ensured that he was a constant topic of
interest in U.S. politics.
He used his Catholic roots to help relate to a wide range of Americans, many of whom came from the low er
classes and from groups seeking reform. His platform challenged Americans to look past what was
comfortable and embrace those challenges that threatened peace during this Cold War era. “My fellow
Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country” (Kennedy, 1961,
para. 25). His ability to remain cool and collected, especially in comparison to his opponent, Nixon, also made
him attractive to many outlying populations that previously may not have closely connected to either party.
JFK secured the 1960 election with Johnson’s help by stealing Texas and Illinois from the Republicans. He
carried this political momentum to his first acts as chief executive (Corbett et al., 2014).
JFK’s success was perhaps one of the more noted, but it was only the first such success for the reformminded and now largely Democratic population. During his interrupted term in office, his advocacy would be
instrumental to the passing of major changes to benefit reform, education, and science p rograms in the
United States. Included in these changes were his rapid escalation of the U.S. space program and planning of
the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which made public discrimination illegal. This rights bill, signed by Johnson in the
wake of JFK’s assassination on November 22, 1963, was one of Kennedy’s greatest legacies and came as a
shock to many of Johnson’s conservative democrat supporters (Corbett et al., 2014). Johnson, picked to
balance the Democratic ticket, was drastically different in attitude, presence, and background from JFK.
It was Johnson’s conservative values that had ensured the office, but Johnson also understood the America
for which JFK fought. In his own style, which was often closely guarded and aggressive, Johnson quickly took
up his predecessor’s mantle upon ascending to the presidency following JFK’s assassination. He followed the
Civil Rights Act of 1964 with the Economic Opportunity Act and the Community Action Program (CAP), both
of which were programs that promised funds, programs, and positions to benefit the lower economic classes
(Corbett et al., 2014). They were intended to build a stronger foundation and aid the disadvantaged.
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Johnson would be reelected in 1964. Under his proposed Great Society plan, UNIT
with the
overwhelming
x STUDY
GUIDE support
of Chief Justice Earl Warren and the Supreme Court, he would continue this “War
Titleon Poverty” by starting new
programs (e.g., Medicare, Medicaid) and adopting legislation including the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the
Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, and the National Housing Act (Corbett et al., 2014). One thing that is
very important to note is that all of these programs were geared toward ensuring a future for American
citizens, no matter their class, color, age, or gender.
Cuban Crisis
As successful as these stateside programs were, the Cold War continued to cast a negative shadow on the
United States, starting with a carryover issue from the previous Eisenhower Administration. The Bay of Pigs,
an inlet on Cuba’s southwestern coast, would gain worldwide recognition early in 1961 when JFK ordered its
invasion (Corbett et al., 2014). JFK expected to gather local anti-Castro support, the failure of which proved to
be more than just an embarrassment as it set the stage for the hostile relationship that persists today despite
some normalization of Cuban-American relations in 2014.
Bay of Pigs
(Zleitzen, 2006)
The growing threat of a small insurgency led by Fidel Castro, who threatened to open the island’s ports to
soviet nuclear weapons, reopened old wounds with the U.S.S.R. It also put intense pressure on the United
States to abandon its longstanding Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. JFK now had two early losses
to Khrushchev, as the Mercury program (1961) was not fast enough to beat the Soviets in launching the first
man into space (Corbett et al., 2014). The next move would be both physical and psychological, as the
Soviets physically built a wall in Berlin to mark their choice to separate from the West.
JFK believed the only way to ensure safety for the citizens of West Berlin was to keep pressure on the Soviet
capital. To do so, American soldiers and ballistics were strategically located around Europe, most importantly
in Turkey, a close ally with a location essential to ensuring a successful detonation. On October 22, 1962,
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) satellites secured photos of rapid military construction in Cuba, with bases
fit to handle the launch of numerous nuclear missiles. These bases were less than 100 miles off the American
coast. This meant that the Cold War was at the brink of hostility as the Soviets had found a way to penetrate
the U.S. nuclear defense (Corbett et al., 2014).
The U.S. capitol and most populated cities were now in range of a nuclear attack. If a missile was fired at the
U.S. eastern coast, there was not time to guarantee a successful countermeasure. With the Navy ordered to
blockade any suspicious entry into Cuban waters, and the U.S. nuclear weapon arsenal pointed directly at the
Soviet Union, the Cuban Missile Crisis was easily the tensest point in this military stalemate.
These two superpowers, intent on proving their resolve and strength, waited until the two sides found a
common ground. Cuba would be disarmed only if the United States disarmed Turkey. While neither side
“won,” JFK would atone for the Bay of Pigs and emerge a hero, while Khrushchev’s days as leader of the
U.S.S.R. were coming to an end.
Even with the successful resolution in Cuba, tensions continued to escalate. In 1963, Americans were highly
supportive of the South Vietnamese, who, like the South Koreans a decade earlier, were in a tense position,
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sharing a border with a growing communist presence to the north. Officially only
a trading
partner,
the United
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States was a chief arms dealer to the South Asian nation, having already provided
Titlemore than $1 billion in aid
under Eisenhower’s Administration (Corbett et al., 2014).
Unlike Korea, geography was not a sure measure of trust. The Vietcong, a largely Buddhist gras sroots
resistance movement based in South Vietnam, supported the North’s communist ambitions. They feared the
growing dictatorial feel of the Catholic and pro-Western Ngo Dinh Diem’s administration in Saigon. This
grassroots force alone threatened a civil coup, as the South’s Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) did
not have the power to suppress them. Supplies from the North Vietnamese army were secretly pouring in via
hidden jungle paths known as the Ho Chi Minh Trail (after the Northern leader). As the conflict heated up, this
collection of pro-communist forces would grow into the National Liberation Front (NLF), a mixture of Northern
troops and Southern rebels under the direction of Hanoi.
By 1963, Ngo Dinh Diem would be executed by his former military (Corbett et al., 2014). With this abdication
of power, Kennedy increased the U.S. presence, trying to halt the spread of communism in Asia. Despite the
clear advantages of the U.S. military, this was a conflict and environment in which the United States struggled
to gain a foothold. Much like the failure in the Philippines during the Roosevelt Administration, the defensive
advantages of the Asian climate and geography did not support the offensive styles of the United States. This
lack of unity was not unique to the South Pacific, however. Back in the states, there were numerous social
movements that would reflect the changing political climate in America as well.
Civil Rights Activism
Though the efforts of JFK and Johnson addressed the need for greater civil rights activism, the enforcement
of these freedoms would still require the dedication and action of the common people, a challenge that the
nation’s youth took upon themselves. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) would emerge
even before Kennedy’s election in 1960 with the goal of nonviolent protests against segregation laws and
practices (Corbett et al., 2014).
The students who took part in these protests acted on the speeches of public figures such as Martin Luther
King, Jr. (MLK) and in the same spirit as Rosa Parks. U.S. history had proven that laws were only significant if
enforced, and enforcement was only guaranteed when the appropriate pressures were felt. The leaders of
this grassroots reform knew that in order to get the necessary enforcement, they had to make the actions of
segregationists national news but not at the expense of their own cause, thus beginning the era of nonviolent
protests: a sit-in at a Woolworth’s in Greensboro, North Carolina, in February 1960; a bus trip starting in
Washington, DC, and traveling into hostile locations in Alabama and Mississippi in May 1961; and a protest at
the Lincoln Memorial in August 1963 (Corbett et al., 2014). These were among the most widely reported
forms of protest but only a small part of the action that was taken.
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Supporters of SNCC,
and
similar groups,
UNIT
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the Congress of Racial
Title Equality (CORE), faced
violence, terrorism, threats, humiliation, and little
support from local authority. However, word got
out, as did pictures and videos. Soon, the entire
world saw the horrors of segregation. It became
clear that a legal system that was supposed to
have been forcefully removed almost 85 years
earlier was still a part of daily life for thousands of
African Americans. Off-camera, things could get
even worse, including the jailing of organizers,
such as Fannie Lou Hamer, and assassinations of
major leaders, including Medgar Evers in 1963
and MLK in 1968 (Corbett et al., 2014).
Rosa Parks with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
(United States Information Office, 1955)
By 1964, this youth movement was openly nongender- and non-color-specific and was growing;
however, it exerted very little national influence.
As the violence escalated by those promoting
segregation, so did the action by those demanding
its removal. March 1965 would be the setting for
perhaps the most famous example of this
demand—a march in Alabama from Selma to
Montgomery as a symbol of unity and public
resolve. By the end of what would be dubbed
Bloody Sunday, the National Guard would be
called by Johnson himself to protect the protesters
(Corbett et al., 2014).
Though many events in the latter 1960s would
take place in the southeastern states, violent
segregation would also become common in the growing urban cities. Major riots occurred in Detroit;
Washington, DC; and even Los Angeles. It was this unrest that would introduce another major voice: that of
Malcolm X (also known as Malcolm Little).
Like MLK, Malcolm X emphasized a need to act, but unlike the nonviolent, public nature of MLK’s message,
Malcolm X advocated the idea of “Black Power.” He was famously quoted as saying, “by any means
necessary,” which many supporters took to heart. This mantra, which had a wide meaning from beauty to
success, would also inspire some distinctly violent reactions and associations, including members of SNCC,
CORE, and a new group aimed at combatting white aggression directly: the Black Panther Party.
Though Malcolm X’s message was one deeply rooted in religious beliefs, like MLK, his more aggressive
stance would gain criticism and concern in places where even MLK had found support, including the U.S.
government. In 1964, a public dispute with his religious mentors would lead him to begin to spread a more
inclusive message of hope. Upon his return, he began to spread a more hopeful message geared toward all
people. Despite this change in message, Malcolm X would be murdered in public on February 21, 1965. It is
unknown if his slaying was due to his previously aggressive teachings or to his sudden change in beliefs
(Corbett et al., 2014).
Johnson had seen enough. In August 1965, the Voting Rights Act was signed, which ensured protection for
those who chose to vote. In 1967, Affirmative Action became a reality. By 1972, more th an 1,000 elected
African American leaders served in public offices throughout the nation, and hiring practices led to greater
opportunity for African American applicants (Corbett et al., 2014).
The dream of many advocates, including MLK, was becoming a reality. Sadly, many of those same figures
would not live to see the dream fulfilled. On April 4, 1968, MLK was murdered on the balcony of Lorraine
Motel in Memphis, Tennessee, news of which caused a nationwide period of grief and reaction, ranging from
private vigils to riots (Corbett et al., 2014).
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The Civil Rights Act of 1968 would be among Johnson’s last actions in office (Corbett
et al., 2014).
It ensured
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equal chance for housing opportunity, equal jury selection, and federal action Title
if the states refus ed
enforcement. The initiative that had begun with JFK was seen through to the end under Johnson. Its influence
was so powerful that this period became known as the Second Reconstruction.
Women’s Rights and Feminism
Another major reform movement would reemerge during this era: feminism. Like African Americans, women
had been fighting for equality since the earliest years of the United States. Women had gained some
successes, including a fiercely won suffrage battle, but they were still far from equal to m en in the eyes of the
law. This inequality affected employment, social, and economic opportunities.
By the latter half of the 20th century, many of the reasons given to women for this disparity were no longer
applicable. Single-parent households were on the rise, educational opportunities were competitive between
the two genders, and acceptable behaviors had evolved. The President’s Commission on the Status of
Women (PCSW), a JFK initiative, even provided evidence of the differences that held women back. Women
did gain ground due to several of the JFK and Johnson programs generally associated with Civil Rights, most
notably Affirmative Action and Housing Rights. But unlike men, there was a less enthusiastic response to
claims by women. There were even instances of jeering and teasing women’s advocates and their claims in
the media and government.
Though the two sides would occasionally waver on their aggressiveness and tactics, sometimes to the point
where there was minimal difference, two distinct sides would emerge in the late 1960s. The first would adopt
the spirit of trailblazers such as Susan B. Anthony and Carrie Catt, becoming a new generation of outspoken
women. These included Betty Friedan and Pauli Murray, who would grow and use statistics to iden tify and
address their lower-class status on a public level (Corbett et al., 2014). They were called the National
Organization for Women (NOW).
In the same fashion, but in a much more liberal approach, other women, including Aileen Hernandez, would
begin a more aggressive campaign, which was dubbed as women’s liberation. It was geared toward the total
equality of women, including full inclusion of those institutions that men had developed over the nation’s
history.
Just as African American men had found success by causing news, women would also use this method.
Tactics included public protest of beauty pageants and frank discussion of subjects such as rape, abortion,
and other topics that were long thought to be taboo by the public. Ms. magazine, founded by Gloria Steinem,
would even emerge on newsstands to put these concerns into print and spread the reform effort in its
circulation. The magazine title was a play on an independent title for women, one not dictated by their age or
marital status. It was intended to be a feminine version of “Mr.”
In addition, there would be several high-profile wins toward equality at both the state and federal levels.
These included Education Amendment Title IX in 1972, fair/equal credit in 1974, stronger equality in
relation to military service in 1976, and guaranteed employer-supported maternity leave days in 1978 (Corbett
et al., 2014).
As equality efforts became more apparent, there was an unexpected turn: support for these institutions was
not divided along gender lines. Many women refused to advocate for either NOW or women’s liberation. They
felt that their issues were not represented by either, including how some minorities and creeds had
overwhelming numbers in poverty or the lowest economic classes. These women saw the importance of
addressing class differences as the first step toward the opportunity for all genders to evolve.
In 1972, the Equal Rights Amendment was passed but still had to gain ratification to become law. The
Nineteenth Amendment, which rendered gender discrimination in voting illegal, was only ratified by the
narrowest of margins and was seen by some as a measure of how far women had come in 50 years. What
was not expected was the opposition: anti-ERA women. The next year, Roe v. Wade, however, complicated
the matter with its highly controversial decision that legalized abortion in all states. This essentially d ivided
women along religious and political lines. In 1982, 10 years after passing through the House and Senate, the
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ERA bill was officially taken out of circulation when it could not obtain the required
-fourths
majority (38
UNITthree
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states) needed for ratification, topping out at 35 (Corbett et al., 2014).
Title
African Americans and women were the most numerous and loudest reformers of this period, but they were
not the only groups who took advantage of this reform atmosphere. Among the other voices were Native
Americans, Latinos, homosexuals, and even the counterculture. The American Indian Movement (AIM) was a
direct reference to the successful outcomes of the African American moves toward equality. Wanting to lay
claim to lands taken away from their previous generations, American Indians took the opportunity to make
their own national news with the takeover of Alcatraz Island off the coast of San Francisco for 19 months,
starting in 1969 (Corbett et al., 2014). They claimed right of “first discovery.”
In addition to the history of forceful removal, tribal lands disproportionately accounted for the level of poverty stricken communities in the United States. In addition to the takeover of the prison, other aggressive tactics
included occupation of the offensively named Bureau of Indian Affairs and an occupation of the infamous
Wounded Knee site. This last turned violent when demands that previous territorial treaties be honored, and
this led to a near 3-month standoff with U.S. Marshals. Though none of these public actions were
overwhelmingly effective, there were some reparations and protections given due to the public displays.
The Latino population, alternatively known as Hispanic Americans in the 1960s, was already growing into one
of the largest and most vocal populations in America. Similar to what was seen in previous generations of
European migrants, however, this population was also one of the more commonly oppressed. Likely in
response to those who entered the United States illegally, citizens of Latino descent had to endure the same
negativity and dangers.
Like Native Americans, this population was also disproportionately poor compared to other Americans. It was
at this time that the Chicano movement would rise and draw attention to the horrific situations faced by
Mexican American farm workers in California, many of whom were veterans, including their leader Cesar
Chavez. With Dolores Huerta, another noted advocate, these two reformers were instrumental in the
establishment of the first major union for such workers, the United Farm Workers (Corbett et al., 2014). Fellow
activists would later found the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.
Gay and Lesbian Community: A New Voice
A third new voice would come from yet another population that had been long oppressed and, in general, was
the victim of misunderstanding and irrational fear by the larger population. For many generations, individuals
who identified as being gay or lesbian kept their orientations secret or else they risked severe acts of
intolerance. Unlike some of these other groups, there was no common ancestry that typecast this population.
Instead, its membership included all races, genders, and creeds, which provided both opportunities and
challenges. As these identities had
not gained universal acceptance in
any region, it was common to remain
very secretive and even live lives
contrary to their true identities to
avoid violence, incarceration, and
loss of property or even family.
Even with the high rate of reforms in
the 1960s, this was one of the slower
progressions. The first true victories
came in the 1970s with the first
antidiscrimination laws, openly gay
elected political candidates, and a
reversal of common myths, such as
the idea that same-sex orientation
Gay rights protest in 1964
was a disease or a perversion
(Leffler, 1964)
(Corbett et al., 2014). This
movement, which would gain national strength in the latter 1970s, would still have to face some of its greatest
struggles on the local level, much like African Americans had in the southeast and urban communities.
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The Counterculture
UNIT x STUDY GUIDE
Title
The counterculture, too, is a bit different from the other groups discussed because it, unlike any of the others,
was a movement of choice. Prominently supported by whites of student age, this movemen t was one of action
against the expectations of the time. Members’ rebellion ranged from hair and clothing styles, to music,
poetry, and activism alongside many of these other activists as a united voice against discrimination. The first
major organization of this group, the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), had strong West Coast
support. They publicly stated their disregard for the ideals of generations past and their intent to create a
united future.
To spread this message, there were numerous waves of musical innovation, including rock and psychedelic
genres; new written mediums, such as Beat poetry; and a carefree attitude, such as the sexual revolution,
rebelling against more established, moral-based institutions. As well-intentioned as this was, not all
expressions of the counterculture would remain on this path.
Protests would begin to emerge against established institutions’ hiring policies, the U.S. military, and
infractions deemed contrary to the First Amendment. Soon these supporters were visible and unafraid to
publicly challenge the “norm,” and these experiments would spread into dangerous vices such as drug use
and violence. As this generation aged, many remained dedicated to the cause, which helped to evolve the
status quo.
What would become perhaps the most significant challenge to, and rallying cry of, the counterculture was the
continued conflict in Vietnam. These same lower-income and lower-status teens, African Americans, Native
Americans, and Latin Americans would disproportionately be the ones to fight this war; most of them were
either trying to better their situation through service or were drafted.
The Vietnam Conflict
November 22, 1963, would produce another devastating
blow. On his way to deliver a message of dedication to
the anti-communist agenda, John Fitzgerald Kennedy
was shot in downtown Dallas, Texas (Corbett et al.,
2014). He was killed instantly, and it produced a ripple
effect across the globe. One of the most dynamic figures
in American history and a champion of reform was gone
in an instant. His legacy, while already storied, was
years from expected completion. Johnson, the much
more private and aggressive-tempered Southern
conservative, would have to pick up not only the reforms
mentioned earlier but was now the Commander in Chief
in a losing war.
America was committed to halting the communist threat,
perhaps still fearing the result of non-action following the
Johnson being sworn in on Air Force One after
Great War. JFK had overseen the introduction of new
JFK’s assassination, with Jacqueline Kennedy by styles of warfare, including a biological tactic of
his side
spreading the destructive herbicide Agent Orange on
(Stoughton, 1963)
apparent Vietcong camps, and Johnson would pick up
where he had left off, sending additional troops across
the Pacific. However, this was not a war like anything the United States had seen before; there were no
fronts, cities, industrial capitals, or clear targets. Johnson, all the while, had his own private doubts. While
quick action would secure some public “victories,” such as the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which allowed
Johnson to use military force in Vietnam without Congressional approval, the war would only continue to grow
in size and concern.
Organized bombings, significant increases in troop levels, and more aggressive strategies only dug the
United States deeper into the conflict. While this was going on, a new feeling of American imperialism was
spreading. Once again, as was seen during the Theodore Roosevelt Administration, the United States
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insinuated itself into the business of Latin America and former protectorate territories,
such asGUIDE
Panama and
UNIT x STUDY
the Dominican Republic. The result would be ever-growing anti-American sentiment
Title and economic losses.
January 1968 would produce a turning point, but it would not be in the United States’ favor. The Tet Offensive
would see the pro-communist forces take the offensive in a calculated, simultaneous attack on all American
bases (Corbett et al., 2014). The outcome, though more destructive for the attacking forces, put the truth,
hidden from the American public, into plain view; America was not “winning” the war. Johnson lost
considerable support and would publicly admit it was time to begin peace talks, which were anything but
productive, and then announced that he would not seek reelection.
By 1968, in the wake of the escalating military conflict, liberal spending, and the concern over the evergrowing reform culture, there was a call for change back home. Those who had once backed JFK were
vocally chastising Johnson’s ramping up of the conflict, which led to significant public displays from a wide
array of voices. The counterculture continued to grow, leading to its most famous event, a music festival held
in 1969 in Woodstock, New York, which would capture the attention of the world, with messages advocating
peace that resonated before and after protest anthems and expletive-laden orations (Corbett et al., 2014).
Also in the wake of the Tet fallout, the media also took shots at the continued violence. Most mainstrea m
magazines, sports figures, and even significant public figures would ask to end the violence and the threat of
biological and nuclear threats, and to look for peaceful resolutions. Though there would remain a significant
pro-war sentiment (nicknamed “hawks”) in some parts of the nation, many families (nicknamed “doves”)
feared for their sons, brothers, and fathers, which, for the first time, meant that there was a large number of
draft-age Americans who either fled the country or refused to follow the draft law.
There was a plea for a return to conservatism in 1968, which was an election year. From that climate
emerged a familiar face: former Vice President Richard Milhous Nixon. Nixon promised “an honorable end” to
the fighting and was elected to the executive office by appealing directly to the conservative base that had
elected Eisenhower, the “forgotten Americans—the non-shouters, the non-demonstrators” (Richard Nixon
Foundation, 2011).
Nixon would prove to be an embodiment of favorable speech and questionable action, however, since he
started with the continuation of some of the more successful reform era programs such as Pell grants and
Social Security. He also made strides in diplomacy (or, more appropriately, détente) with the communist
powers of the U.S.S.R. and China. Concerning Vietnam, Nixon would promise quick resolution, but the U.S.
forces would remain in the country until 1972. Nixon, with Henry Kissinger, his national security advisor,
would not pull out of the war just to leave the country open for communist takeover; they wanted to help
develop a significant military force in Vietnam, gradually pull U.S. troops out, and secretly liberate neighboring
Cambodia. However, all of these plans ultimately backfired when they were leaked to the American people,
who were reminded of the catastrophe that was the 1968 Tet Offensive, which caused heavy American
military losses and sunk public support for the war. At this same time, other international events, including the
Six-Day War between Israel and its neighbors, would lead to increased domestic outcry in the coming years
(Corbett et al., 2014).
For Nixon, it seemed that for every step forward, there was an equal or worse step back. One example of this
was advocating for the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) but then facing an unprecedented energy
crisis and veto of the Clean Water Act of 1972 (Corbett et al., 2014). Multiple cases of negative press, both
international and domestic, also plagued his administration, including the Yom Kippur Wa r; a failure to enforce
civil rights; negative action toward feminism; and the most notorious moment of his waning political career, his
impeachment and resignation after the Watergate scandal, which will be discussed further in the next unit.
The failure to quickly remove U.S. troops from Vietnam, too, had a similar effect, prompting numerous public
outcries for an end to the war, including a 100,000-person protest in Washington, DC, and a fatal shooting at
Kent State University. Public support and military morale continued to drop as new evidence of the true nature
of the war continued to emerge in the early 1970s. Finally, on January 27, 1973, a peace treaty was signed in
Paris (Corbett et al., 2014). As the civil war immediately started again, U.S. representatives desperately
dispersed, some reportedly under gunfire by the once-friendly South Vietnamese who felt betrayed. The
Americans, also feeling betrayed by their government, grew to recognize this as pointless and a waste. It was
a black eye for the American people who felt betrayed by their government.
HIS 1302, American History II
10
Making it even worse, many of those who did return from fighting in Vietnam did
notxget
the heroes’
UNIT
STUDY
GUIDEreception
they had earned from either the American people or their government. They were
Titleoften treat ed like outcasts,
finding it difficult to find work and discovering medical support was unreliable at best. The experience led to
violent acts, as many were suffering from traumatic mental experiences such as post-traumatic stress
disorder (PTSD).
The Vietnam Conflict has remained in the American lexicon as “an unwinnable war,” but that perspective is
not due only to the grueling military experience. This was an era of extremes. On the home front, the people
found they could not trust the leaders they put in charge and that the laws they supported and had abided by
were twisted and used to hide reality. At the same time, massive reforms caused conflict, between those for
and against. Conservatives saw the nation they thought they knew in the 1950s crumble u nder the loudly
visible counterculture and various civil rights movements. And while the liberals did gain some ground in their
fights for equality, it was still difficult to secure enforcement of the rights they were promised as those who
were losing their power, often on the local level, pushed back against the change.
Going into the next unit, pay close attention to shifting attitudes, including how technology would radically
redefine public understanding of policy and action. Even after Vietnam, the Cold War was still a very real
threat. Also, out of the trials surrounding the Six-Day War, a new threat, like none other before it, would once
again require the U.S. people to evolve and stand together in the face of imminent danger.
References
Corbett, P. S., Janssen, V., Lund, J. M., Pfannestiel, T., Waskiewicz, S., & Vickery, P. (2014). U.S. history.
OpenStax. https://openstax.org/books/us-history/pages/1-introduction
Kennedy, J. F. (1961, January 20). “Ask not what your country can do for you” [Inaugural address].
UShistory.org. http://www.ushistory.org/documents/ask-not.htm
Leffler, W. K. (1964, July 12). Civil rights parade at the 1964 RNC [Photograph]. Wikimedia Commons.
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Civil_rights_parade_at_the_1964_RNC.jpg
Richard Nixon Foundation. (2011, November 30). Richard Nixon accepts the 1968 republican presidential
nomination [Video]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Km1Ylrjog74
Stoughton, C. W. (1963, November 22). LBJ taking the oath of office [Photograph]. Wikimedia Commons.
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:LBJ_taking_the_oath_of_office.jpg
United States Information Agency. (1955). Rosa Parks [Photograph]. Wikimedia Commons.
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Rosaparks.jpg
White House Photographic Office. (1975, February 26). Betty Ford ERA support [Photograph]. Wikimedia
Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:BettyFordERASupport.jpg
Zleitzen. (2006, October 10). Bay of Pigs [Image]. Wikimedia Commons.
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:BayofPigs.jpg
Suggested Unit Resources
In order to access the following resources, click the links below.
The transcripts for these videos can be found by clicking the “Transcript” tab to the right of the video in the
Films on Demand database.
These films as a whole offer glimpses of those conflicting views, even cultures, among the American
populace. Students can choose the specific sections that most interest them, but those listed below offer a
window to the variation in attitudes within the United States.
HIS 1302, American History II
11
California Newsreel (Producer). (1990). Counter culture movement (Segment UNIT
17 of x36)
[Video].
In Berkeley in
STUDY
GUIDE
the sixties. Films on Demand.
Title
https://libraryresources.columbiasouthern.edu/login?auth=CAS&url=https://fod.infobase.com/PortalPl
aylists.aspx?wID=273866&xtid=57864&loid=271589
ABC News (Producer). (1999). Vietnam: American’s longest war (Segment 10 of 13) [Video]. In Confronting
communism: And the walls came tumbling down. Films on Demand.
https://libraryresources.columbiasouthern.edu/login?auth=CAS&url=https://fod.infobase.com/PortalPl
aylists.aspx?wID=273866&xtid=10301&loid=17503
Making connections between the past and present is the work of the citizen rather than of the historian.
Students who do want to think about ongoing impacts of the war on American politics and society might find
the series below interesting.
NewsHour Productions (Producer). (2000). The legacy of war: Vietnam [Video]. Films on Demand.
https://libraryresources.columbiasouthern.edu/login?auth=CAS&url=https://fod.infobase.com/PortalPl
aylists.aspx?wID=273866&xtid=37583
HIS 1302, American History II
12
Unit VII Themes and Advice
Hello Everyone, At week VII, we are almost there! Please be in touch if you
are worried about finishing the course on time and note the advice on the Unit
VII Essay below.
Last week, we learned about hot and cold warfare, such a fundamental structure of
the 1950’s through 1990’s that we continue to see its mark this week.
This week, we look at the rising influence of Communist China and the Cuban
Missile Crisis, the expansion of nuclear powers and attempts to stop proliferation.
We see the rise of western economies, and the influence of consumerism, leisure,
and media. The Sixties exploded the tight norms of the Fifties, and both the style of
the Kennedy White House (dubbed “Camelot”) and the embracing of African
American music genres by young people generated a new emphasis on youth and
cool. Since the Nuremberg Trials of Nazi War Criminals in 1946-47, the USSR
had mocked the American supposed defense of human rights by publicizing
incidents of violence against African Americans. President John F. Kennedy and
his brother, Robert Kennedy understood the allure of communism was greater to
people who did not have a stake in the economic prosperity and freedom of
American society and began to lend their support to the growing civil rights
movement. The non-violent protest strategies used by Gandhi and others in
decolonization globally expanded attention given to civil rights protests in the U.S.
and the rapid introduction of television and nationally popular magazines beamed
images of atrocities into the American family homes. How much did strategies like
non-violent resistance contribute to the movement’s success? How much did the
new visual media intensify the impact? Lastly, how much did the presence of
Malcolm X and others who vowed to fight back expand support for the non-violent
movement that came to be headed by Dr. Martin Luther King? What was the role
of the assassinations of the Kennedy brothers and Dr. King in Johnson’s success in
passing the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1968?
How much did increasing economic challenges and the expansion of the Vietnam
War diminish its impact?
Our writing assignment deploys all of the critical thinking skills and source
knowledge we’ve set out to acquire so far. As the quotations below demonstrate,
how a “primary source” speech is delivered and written can greatly influence and
reveal a period.
The Unit VII Essay asks you to consider how the reactions to the Vietnam War and
the Civil Rights Movement at home also shaped the range of American attitudes to
the nation’s role in the world. Please “test” your thesis statement at the end of your
thesis paragraph to make sure that it offers a discerning answer to this question.
If we are wrong, the Supreme Court of this nation is wrong. If we are
wrong, God Almighty is wrong!….When the history books are written in the
future, somebody will have to say there lived a race of people, a black
people…who had the moral courage to stand up for their rights. And
thereby they injected a new meaning in the veins of history and of
civilization.
– Martin Luther King Jr. (Clayborne et al., 2011, p. 447)
And if it is right for America to draft us, and teach us how to be violent in
defense of her, then it is right for you and me to do whatever is necessary
to defend our own people
right here in this country.
– Malcolm X. Speech, Nov. 1963, New York City
(from http://www.malcolmx.com/about/quotes.html)
How are the above speeches contrasting in some way the means and
goals of the Civil Rights Movement? How does each reveal a certain view
of the role of the United States in the world? This is the kind of analysis,
asking these kinds of questions, that we hope you will integrate into your
essay. Please watch for announcements on the workshop on how to
perform rhetorical analysis of quotations to use them as evidence in your
papers.
Note the contrast of two protests in 1970. Your research would be about
how these protests also reveal a range of opinion about the right role of the
US globally. Of course, you will use speeches instead of images in this
assignment.
Above: Protest by Vietnam Veterans Against the War (c. 1970).
Below: Pro-War demonstrators at the Washington Monument (1970). Tom
Norpell.
Clayborne, C., Lapsansky-Werner, E. M., and Nash &G. B. (2011) The
Struggle for freedom: A history of African Americans. Second Edition
(combined volume) Pearson: pp. 412-459.
Figure 29.1 In Aaron Shikler’s official portrait of John Fitzgerald Kennedy (1970), the
president stands with arms folded, apparently deep in thought. The portrait was painted
seven years after Kennedy’s death, at the request of his widow, Jacqueline Kennedy
Onassis. It depicts the president with his head down, because Shikler did not wish to
paint the dead man’s eyes.
Chapter Outline
29.1 The Kennedy Promise
29.2 Lyndon Johnson and the Great Society
29.3 The Civil Rights Movement Marches On
29.4 Challenging the Status Quo
The 1960s was a decade of hope, change, and war that witnessed an important shift in
American culture. Citizens from all walks of life sought to expand the meaning of the
American promise. Their efforts helped unravel the national consensus and laid bare a
far more fragmented society. As a result, men and women from all ethnic groups
attempted to reform American society to make it more equitable. The United States also
began to take unprecedented steps to exert what it believed to be a positive influence
on the world. At the same time, the country’s role in Vietnam revealed the limits of
military power and the contradictions of U.S. foreign policy. The posthumous portrait of
John F. Kennedy (Figure 29.1) captures this mix of the era’s promise and defeat. His
election encouraged many to work for a better future, for both the middle class and the
marginalized. Kennedy’s running mate, Lyndon B. Johnson, also envisioned a country
characterized by the social and economic freedoms established during the New Deal
years. Kennedy’s assassination in 1963, and the assassinations five years later of
Martin Luther King, Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy, made it dramatically clear that not all
Americans shared this vision of a more inclusive democracy.
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
•
•
Assess Kennedy’s Cold War strategy
Describe Kennedy’s contribution to the civil rights movement
Figure 29.2
In the 1950s, President Dwight D. Eisenhower presided over a United States that prized
conformity over change. Although change naturally occurred, as it does in every era, it
was slow and greeted warily. By the 1960s, however, the pace of change had
quickened and its scope broadened, as restive and energetic waves of World War II
veterans and baby boomers of both sexes and all ethnicities began to make their
influence felt politically, economically, and culturally. No one symbolized the hopes and
energies of the new decade more than John Fitzgerald Kennedy, the nation’s new,
young, and seemingly healthful, president. Kennedy had emphasized the country’s
aspirations and challenges as a “new frontier” when accepting his party’s nomination at
the Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles, California.
THE NEW FRONTIER
The son of Joseph P. Kennedy, a wealthy Boston business owner and former ambassador to
Great Britain, John F. Kennedy graduated from Harvard University and went on to serve in the
U.S. House of Representatives in 1946. Even though he was young and inexperienced, his
reputation as a war hero who had saved the crew of his PT boat after it was destroyed by the
Japanese helped him to win election over more seasoned candidates, as did his father’s fortune.
In 1952, he was elected to the U.S. Senate for the first of two terms. For many, including Arthur
M. Schlesinger, Jr., a historian and member of Kennedy’s administration, Kennedy represented a
bright, shining future in which the United States would lead the way in solving the most daunting
problems facing the world.
Kennedy’s popular reputation as a great politician undoubtedly owes much to the style and
attitude he personified. He and his wife Jacqueline conveyed a sense of optimism and
youthfulness. “Jackie” was an elegant first lady who wore designer dresses, served French food
in the White House, and invited classical musicians to entertain at state functions. “Jack”
Kennedy, or JFK, went sailing off the coast of his family’s Cape Cod estate and socialized with
celebrities (Figure 29.3). Few knew that behind Kennedy’s healthful and sporty image was a
gravely ill man whose wartime injuries caused him daily agony.
Figure 29.3 John F. Kennedy and first lady Jacqueline, shown here in the White House in 1962
(a) and watching the America’s Cup race that same year (b), brought youth, glamour, and
optimism to Washington, DC, and the nation.
Nowhere was Kennedy’s style more evident than in the first televised presidential debate held on
September 23, 1960, between him and his Republican opponent Vice President Richard M.
Nixon. Seventy million viewers watched the debate on television; millions more heard it on the
radio. Radio listeners judged Nixon the winner, whereas those who watched the debate on
television believed the more telegenic Kennedy made the better showing.
CLICK AND EXPLORE
View television footage of the first Kennedy-Nixon debate at the JFK Presidential Library and
Museum.
Kennedy did not appeal to all voters, however. Many feared that because he was Roman
Catholic, his decisions would be influenced by the Pope. Even traditional Democratic supporters,
like the head of the United Auto Workers, Walter Reuther, feared that a Catholic candidate
would lose the support of Protestants. Many southern Democrats also disliked Kennedy because
of his liberal position on civil rights. To shore up support for Kennedy in the South, Lyndon B.
Johnson, the Protestant Texan who was Senate majority leader, was added to the Democratic
ticket as the vice presidential candidate. In the end, Kennedy won the election by the closest
margin since 1888, defeating Nixon with only 0.01 percent more of the record sixty-seven
million votes cast. His victory in the Electoral College was greater: 303 electoral votes to
Nixon’s 219. Kennedy’s win made him both the youngest man elected to the presidency and the
first U.S. president born in the twentieth century.
Kennedy dedicated his inaugural address to the theme of a new future for the United States. “Ask
not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country,” he challenged his
fellow Americans. His lofty goals ranged from fighting poverty to winning the space race against
the Soviet Union with a moon landing. He assembled an administration of energetic people
assured of their ability to shape the future. Dean Rusk was named secretary of state. Robert
McNamara, the former president of Ford Motor Company, became secretary of defense.
Kennedy appointed his younger brother Robert as attorney general, much to the chagrin of many
who viewed the appointment as a blatant example of nepotism.
Kennedy’s domestic reform plans remained hampered, however, by his narrow victory and lack
of support from members of his own party, especially southern Democrats. As a result, he
remained hesitant to propose new civil rights legislation. His achievements came primarily in
poverty relief and care for the disabled. Unemployment benefits were expanded, the food stamps
program was piloted, and the school lunch program was extended to more students. In October
1963, the passage of the Mental Retardation Facilities and Community Mental Health Centers
Construction Act increased support for public mental health services.
KENNEDY THE COLD WARRIOR
Kennedy focused most of his energies on foreign policy, an arena in which he had been
interested since his college years and in which, like all presidents, he was less constrained by the
dictates of Congress. Kennedy, who had promised in his inaugural address to protect the interests
of the “free world,” engaged in Cold War politics on a variety of fronts. For example, in response
to the lead that the Soviets had taken in the space race when Yuri Gagarin became the first
human to successfully orbit the earth, Kennedy urged Congress to not only put a man into space
(Figure 29.4) but also land an American on the moon, a goal finally accomplished in 1969. This
investment advanced a variety of military technologies, especially the nation’s long-range
missile capability, resulting in numerous profitable spin-offs for the aviation and communication
industries. It also funded a growing middle class of government workers, engineers, and defense
contractors in states ranging from California to Texas to Florida—a region that would come to be
known as the Sun Belt—becoming a symbol of American technological superiority. At the same
time, however, the use of massive federal resources for space technologies did not change the
economic outlook for low-income communities and underprivileged regions.
Figure 29.4 On May 5, 1961, Alan Shepard became the first American to travel into space, as
millions across the country watched the television coverage of his Mercury-Redstone mission,
including Vice President Johnson, President Kennedy, and Jacqueline Kennedy in the White
House. (credit: National Archives and Records Administration)
To counter Soviet influence in the developing world, Kennedy supported a variety of measures.
One of these was the Alliance for Progress, which collaborated with the governments of Latin
American countries to promote economic growth and social stability in nations whose
populations might find themselves drawn to communism. Kennedy also established the Agency
for International Development to oversee the distribution of foreign aid, and he founded
the Peace Corps, which recruited idealistic young people to undertake humanitarian projects in
Asia, Africa, and Latin America. He hoped that by augmenting the food supply and improving
healthcare and education, the U.S. government could encourage developing nations to align
themselves with the United States and reject Soviet or Chinese overtures. The first group of
Peace Corps volunteers departed for the four corners of the globe in 1961, serving as an
instrument of “soft power” in the Cold War.
Kennedy’s various aid projects, like the Peace Corps, fit closely with his
administration’s flexible response, which Robert McNamara advocated as a better alternative to
the all-or-nothing defensive strategy of mutually assured destruction favored during
Eisenhower’s presidency. The plan was to develop different strategies, tactics, and even military
capabilities to respond more appropriately to small or medium-sized insurgencies, and political
or diplomatic crises. One component of flexible response was the Green Berets, a U.S. Army
Special Forces unit trained in counterinsurgency—the military suppression of rebel and
nationalist groups in foreign nations. Much of the Kennedy administration’s new approach to
defense, however, remained focused on the ability and willingness of the United States to wage
both conventional and nuclear warfare, and Kennedy continued to call for increases in the
American nuclear arsenal.
Cuba
Kennedy’s multifaceted approach to national defense is exemplified by his careful handling of
the Communist government of Fidel Castro in Cuba. In January 1959, following the overthrow
of the corrupt and dictatorial regime of Fulgencio Batista, Castro assumed leadership of the new
Cuban government. The progressive reforms he began indicated that he favored Communism,
and his pro-Soviet foreign policy frightened the Eisenhower administration, which asked the
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to find a way to remove him from power. Rather than have
the U.S. military invade the small island nation, less than one hundred miles from Florida, and
risk the world’s criticism, the CIA instead trained a small force of Cuban exiles for the job. After
landing at the Bay of Pigs on the Cuban coast, these insurgents, the CIA believed, would inspire
their countrymen to rise up and topple Castro’s regime. The United States also promised air
support for the invasion.
Kennedy agreed to support the previous administration’s plans, and on April 17, 1961,
approximately fourteen hundred Cuban exiles stormed ashore at the designated spot. However,
Kennedy feared domestic criticism and worried about Soviet retaliation elsewhere in the world,
such as Berlin. He cancelled the anticipated air support, which enabled the Cuban army to easily
defeat the insurgents. The hoped-for uprising of the Cuban people also failed to occur. The
surviving members of the exile army were taken into custody.
The Bay of Pigs invasion was a major foreign policy disaster for President Kennedy. The event
highlighted how difficult it would be for the United States to act against the Castro
administration. The following year, the Soviet Union sent troops and technicians to Cuba to
strengthen its new ally against further U.S. military plots. Then, on October 14, U.S. spy planes
took aerial photographs that confirmed the presence of long-range ballistic missile sites in Cuba.
The United States was now within easy reach of Soviet nuclear warheads (Figure 29.5).
Figure 29.5 This low-level U.S. Navy photograph of San Cristobal, Cuba, clearly shows one of
the sites built to launch intermediate-range missiles at the United States (a). As the date
indicates, it was taken on the last day of the Cuban Missile Crisis. Following the crisis, Kennedy
met with the reconnaissance pilots who flew the Cuban missions (b). credit a: modification of
work by National Archives and Records Administration; credit b: modification of work by
Central Intelligence Agency)
On October 22, Kennedy demanded that Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev remove the missiles.
He also ordered a naval quarantine placed around Cuba to prevent Soviet ships from
approaching. Despite his use of the word “quarantine” instead of “blockade,” for a blockade was
considered an act of war, a potential war with the Soviet Union was nevertheless on the
president’s mind. As U.S. ships headed for Cuba, the army was told to prepare for war, and
Kennedy appeared on national television to declare his intention to defend the Western
Hemisphere from Soviet aggression.
The world held its breath awaiting the Soviet reply. Realizing how serious the United States was,
Khrushchev sought a peaceful solution to the crisis, overruling those in his government who
urged a harder stance. Behind the scenes, Robert Kennedy and Soviet ambassador Anatoly
Dobrynin worked toward a compromise that would allow both superpowers to back down
without either side’s seeming intimidated by the other. On October 26, Khrushchev agreed to
remove the Russian missiles in exchange for Kennedy’s promise not to invade Cuba. On October
27, Kennedy’s agreement was made public, and the crisis ended. Not made public, but
nevertheless part of the agreement, was Kennedy’s promise to remove U.S. warheads from
Turkey, as close to Soviet targets as the Cuban missiles had been to American ones.
The showdown between the United States and the Soviet Union over Cuba’s missiles had put the
world on the brink of a nuclear war. Both sides already had long-range bombers with nuclear
weapons airborne or ready for launch, and were only hours away from the first strike. In the long
run, this nearly catastrophic example of nuclear brinksmanship ended up making the world safer.
A telephone “hot line” was installed, linking Washington and Moscow to avert future crises, and
in 1963, Kennedy and Khrushchev signed the Limited Test Ban Treaty, prohibiting tests of
nuclear weapons in Earth’s atmosphere.
Vietnam
Cuba was not the only arena in which the United States sought to contain the advance of
Communism. In Indochina, nationalist independence movements, most notably Vietnam’s Viet
Minh under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh, had strong Communist sympathies. President Harry
S. Truman had no love for France’s colonial regime in Southeast Asia but did not want to risk
the loyalty of its Western European ally against the Soviet Union. In 1950, the Truman
administration sent a small military advisory group to Vietnam and provided financial aid to help
France defeat the Viet Minh.
In 1954, Vietnamese forces finally defeated the French, and the country was temporarily divided
at the seventeenth parallel. Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Minh controlled the North. In the South,
the last Vietnamese emperor and ally to France, Bao Dai, named the French-educated, antiCommunist Ngo Dinh Diem as his prime minister. But Diem refused to abide by the Geneva
Accords, the treaty ending the conflict that called for countrywide national elections in 1956,
with the victor to rule a reunified nation. After a fraudulent election in the South in 1955, he
ousted Bao Dai and proclaimed himself president of the Republic of Vietnam. He cancelled the
1956 elections in the South and began to round up Communists and supporters of Ho Chi Minh.
Realizing that Diem would never agree to the reunification of the country under Ho Chi Minh’s
leadership, the North Vietnamese began efforts to overthrow the government of the South by
encouraging insurgents to attack South Vietnamese officials. By 1960, North Vietnam had also
created the National Liberation Front (NLF) to resist Diem and carry out an insurgency in the
South. The United States, fearing the spread of Communism under Ho Chi Minh, supported
Diem, assuming he would create a democratic, pro-Western government in South Vietnam.
However, Diem’s oppressive and corrupt government made him a very unpopular ruler,
particularly with farmers, students, and Buddhists, and many in the South actively assisted the
NLF and North Vietnam in trying to overthrow his government.
When Kennedy took office, Diem’s government was faltering. Continuing the policies of the
Eisenhower administration, Kennedy supplied Diem with money and military advisors to prop
up his government (Figure 29.6). By November 1963, there were sixteen thousand U.S. troops in
Vietnam, training members of that country’s special forces and flying air missions that dumped
defoliant chemicals on the countryside to expose North Vietnamese and NLF forces and supply
routes. A few weeks before Kennedy’s own death, Diem and his brother Nhu were assassinated
by South Vietnamese military officers after U.S. officials had indicated their support for a new
regime.
Figure 29.6 Following the French retreat from Indochina, the United States stepped in to prevent
what it believed was a building Communist threat in the region. Under President Kennedy’s
leadership, the United States sent thousands of military advisors to Vietnam. (credit: Abbie
Rowe)
TENTATIVE STEPS TOWARD CIVIL RIGHTS
Cold War concerns, which guided U.S. policy in Cuba and Vietnam, also motivated the Kennedy
administration’s steps toward racial equality. Realizing that legal segregation and widespread
discrimination hurt the country’s chances of gaining allies in Africa, Asia, and Latin America,
the federal government increased efforts to secure the civil rights of African Americans in the
1960s. During his presidential campaign, Kennedy had intimated his support for civil rights, and
his efforts to secure the release of civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr., who was arrested
following a demonstration, won him the African American vote. Lacking widespread backing in
Congress, however, and anxious not to offend White southerners, Kennedy was cautious in
assisting African Americans in their fight for full citizenship rights.
His strongest focus was on securing the voting rights of African Americans. Kennedy feared the
loss of support from southern White Democrats and the impact a struggle over civil rights could
have on his foreign policy agenda as well as on his reelection in 1964. But he thought voter
registration drives far preferable to the boycotts, sit-ins, and integration marches that had
generated such intense global media coverage in previous years. Encouraged by Congress’s
passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1960, which permitted federal courts to appoint referees to
guarantee that qualified persons would be registered to vote, Kennedy focused on the passage of
a constitutional amendment outlawing poll taxes, a tactic that southern states used to
disenfranchise African American voters. Originally proposed by President Truman’s Committee
on Civil Rights, the idea had been largely forgotten during Eisenhower’s time in office.
Kennedy, however, revived it and convinced Spessard Holland, a conservative Florida senator, to
introduce the proposed amendment in Congress. It passed both houses of Congress and was sent
to the states for ratification in September 1962.
Kennedy also reacted to the demands of the civil rights movement for equality in education. For
example, when African American student James Meredith, encouraged by Kennedy’s speeches,
attempted to enroll at the segregated University of Mississippi in 1962, riots broke out on
campus (Figure 29.7). The president responded by sending the U.S. Army and National Guard to
Oxford, Mississippi, to support the U.S. Marshals that his brother Robert, the attorney general,
had dispatched.
Figure 29.7 Escorted by a U.S. marshal and the assistant attorney general for civil rights, James
Meredith (center) enters the University of Mississippi over the riotous protests of White
southerners. Meredith later attempted a “March against Fear” in 1966 to protest the inability of
southern African Americans to vote. His walk ended when a passing motorist shot and wounded
him. (credit: Library of Congress)
Following similar violence at the University of Alabama when two African American students,
Vivian Malone and James Hood, attempted to enroll in 1963, Kennedy responded with a bill that
would give the federal government greater power to enforce school desegregation, prohibit
segregation in public accommodations, and outlaw discrimination in employment. Kennedy
would not live to see his bill enacted; it would become law during Lyndon Johnson’s
administration as the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
TRAGEDY IN DALLAS
Although his stance on civil rights had won him support in the African American community and
his steely performance during the Cuban Missile Crisis had led his overall popularity to surge,
Kennedy understood that he had to solidify his base in the South to secure his reelection. On
November 21, 1963, he accompanied Lyndon Johnson to Texas to rally his supporters. The next
day, shots rang out as Kennedy’s motorcade made its way through the streets of Dallas.
Seriously injured, Kennedy was rushed to Parkland Hospital and pronounced dead.
The gunfire that killed Kennedy appeared to come from the upper stories of the Texas School
Book Depository building; later that day, Lee Harvey Oswald, an employee at the depository and
a trained sniper, was arrested (Figure 29.8). Two days later, while being transferred from Dallas
police headquarters to the county jail, Oswald was shot and killed by Jack Ruby, a local
nightclub owner who claimed he acted to avenge the president.
Figure 29.8 Lee Harvey Oswald (center) was arrested at the Texas Theatre in Dallas a few hours
after shooting President Kennedy.
Almost immediately, rumors began to circulate regarding the Kennedy assassination, and
conspiracy theorists, pointing to the unlikely coincidence of Oswald’s murder a few days after
Kennedy’s, began to propose alternate theories about the events. To quiet the rumors and allay
fears that the government was hiding evidence, Lyndon Johnson, Kennedy’s successor,
appointed a fact-finding commission headed by Earl Warren, chief justice of the U.S. Supreme
Court, to examine all the evidence and render a verdict. The Warren Commission concluded that
Lee Harvey Oswald had acted alone and there had been no conspiracy. The commission’s ruling
failed to satisfy many, and multiple theories have sprung up over time. No credible evidence has
ever been uncovered, however, to prove either that someone other than Oswald murdered
Kennedy or that Oswald acted with co-conspirators.
Learning Objectives
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
•
•
•
Describe the major accomplishments of Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society
Identify the legal advances made in the area of civil rights
Explain how Lyndon Johnson deepened the American commitment in Vietnam
On November 27, 1963, a few days after taking the oath of office, President Johnson
addressed a joint session of Congress and vowed to accomplish the goals that John F.
Kennedy had set and to expand the role of the federal government in securing
economic opportunity and civil rights for all. Johnson brought to his presidency a vision
of a Great Society in which everyone could share in the opportunities for a better life
that the United States offered, and in which the words “liberty and justice for all” would
have real meaning.
THE GREAT SOCIETY
In May 1964, in a speech at the University of Michigan, Lyndon Johnson described in detail his
vision of the Great Society he planned to create (Figure 29.9). When the Eighty-Ninth Congress
convened the following January, he and his supporters began their effort to turn the promise into
reality. By combatting racial discrimination and attempting to eliminate poverty, the reforms of
the Johnson administration changed the nation.
Figure 29.9 In a speech at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor on May 22, 1964 (a),
President Johnson announced some of his goals for the Great Society. These included rebuilding
cities, preserving the natural environment, and improving education. Johnson signed the
Elementary and Secondary Education Act in his hometown of Johnson City, Texas, alongside his
childhood schoolteacher, Kate Deadrich Loney (b). (credit a: modification of work by Cecil
Stoughton)
One of the chief pieces of legislation that Congress passed in 1965 was the Elementary and
Secondary Education Act (Figure 29.9). Johnson, a former teacher, realized that a lack of
education was the primary cause of poverty and other social problems. Educational reform was
thus an important pillar of the society he hoped to build. This act provided increased federal
funding to both elementary and secondary schools, allocating more than $1 billion for the
purchase of books and library materials, and the creation of educational programs for
disadvantaged children. The Higher Education Act, signed into law the same year, provided
scholarships and low-interest loans for the poor, increased federal funding for colleges and
universities, and created a corps of teachers to serve schools in impoverished areas.
Education was not the only area toward which Johnson directed his attention. Consumer
protection laws were also passed that improved the safety of meat and poultry, placed warning
labels on cigarette packages, required “truth in lending” by creditors, and set safety standards for
motor vehicles. Funds were provided to improve public transportation and to fund high-speed
mass transit. To protect the environment, the Johnson administration created laws protecting air
and water quality, regulating the disposal of solid waste, preserving wilderness areas, and
protecting endangered species. All of these laws fit within Johnson’s plan to make the United
States a better place to live. Perhaps influenced by Kennedy’s commitment to the arts, Johnson
also signed legislation creating the National Endowment for the Arts and the National
Endowment for the Humanities, which provided funding for artists and scholars. The Public
Broadcasting Act of 1967 authorized the creation of the private, not-for-profit Corporation for
Public Broadcasting, which helped launch the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) and National
Public Radio (NPR) in 1970.
In 1965, the Johnson administration also encouraged Congress to pass the Immigration and
Nationality Act, which essentially overturned legislation from the 1920s that had favored
immigrants from western and northern Europe over those from eastern and southern Europe. The
law lifted severe restrictions on immigration from Asia and gave preference to immigrants with
family ties in the United States and immigrants with desirable skills. Although the measure
seemed less significant than many of the other legislative victories of the Johnson administration
at the time, it opened the door for a new era in immigration and made possible the formation of
Asian and Latin American immigrant communities in the following decades.
While these laws touched on important aspects of the Great Society, the centerpiece of Johnson’s
plan was the eradication of poverty in the United States. The war on poverty, as he termed it,
was fought on many fronts. The 1965 Housing and Urban Development Act offered grants to
improve city housing and subsidized rents for the poor. The Model Cities program likewise
provided money for urban development projects and the building of public housing.
The Economic Opportunity Act (EOA) of 1964 established and funded a variety of programs to
assist the poor in finding jobs. The Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), first administered by
President Kennedy’s brother-in-law Sargent Shriver, coordinated programs such as the Jobs
Corps and the Neighborhood Youth Corps, which provided job training programs and work
experience for the disadvantaged. Volunteers in Service to America recruited people to offer
educational programs and other community services in poor areas, just as the Peace Corps did
abroad. The Community Action Program, also under the OEO, funded local Community Action
Agencies, organizations created and managed by residents of disadvantaged communities to
improve their own lives and those of their neighbors. The Head Start program, intended to
prepare low-income children for elementary school, was also under the OEO until it was
transferred to Department of Health, Education, and Welfare in 1969.
The EOA fought rural poverty by providing low-interest loans to those wishing to improve their
farms or start businesses (Figure 29.10). EOA funds were also used to provide housing and
education for migrant farm workers. Other legislation created jobs in Appalachia, one of the
poorest regions in the United States, and brought programs to Indian reservations. One of EOA’s
successes was the Rough Rock Demonstration School on the Navajo Reservation that, while
respecting Navajo traditions and culture, also trained people for careers and jobs outside the
reservation.
Figure 29.10 President Johnson visits a poor family in Appalachia in 1964. Government
initiatives designed to combat poverty helped rural communities like this one by providing lowinterest loans and housing. (credit: Cecil Stoughton)
The Johnson administration, realizing the nation’s elderly were among its poorest and most
disadvantaged citizens, passed the Social Security Act of 1965. The most profound change made
by this act was the creation of Medicare, a program to pay the medical expenses of those over
sixty-five. Although opposed by the American Medical Association, which feared the creation of
a national healthcare system, the new program was supported by most citizens because it would
benefit all social classes, not just the poor. The act and subsequent amendments to it also
provided coverage for self-employed people in certain occupations and expanded the number of
disabled who qualified for benefits. The following year, the Medicaid program allotted federal
funds to pay for medical care for the poor.
JOHNSON’S COMMITMENT TO CIVIL RIGHTS
The eradication of poverty was matched in importance by the Great Society’s advancement of
civil rights. Indeed, the condition of the poor could not be alleviated if racial discrimination
limited their access to jobs, education, and housing. Realizing this, Johnson drove the longawaited civil rights act, proposed by Kennedy in June 1963 in the wake of riots at the University
of Alabama, through Congress. Under Kennedy’s leadership, the bill had passed the House of
Representatives but was stalled in the Senate by a filibuster. Johnson, a master politician,
marshaled his considerable personal influence and memories of his fallen predecessor to break
the filibuster. The Civil Rights Act of 1964, the most far-reaching civil rights act yet passed by
Congress, banned discrimination in public accommodations, sought to aid schools in efforts to
desegregate, and prohibited federal funding of programs that permitted racial segregation.
Further, it barred discrimination in employment on the basis of race, color, national origin,
religion, or gender, and established an Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.
Protecting African Americans’ right to vote was as important as ending racial inequality in the
United States. In January 1964, the Twenty-Fourth Amendment, prohibiting the imposition of
poll taxes on voters, was finally ratified. Poverty would no longer serve as an obstacle to voting.
Other impediments remained, however. Attempts to register southern African American voters
encountered White resistance, and protests against this interference often met with violence. On
March 7, 1965, a planned protest march from Selma, Alabama, to the state capitol in
Montgomery, turned into “Bloody Sunday” when marchers crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge
encountered a cordon of state police, wielding batons and tear gas (Figure 29.11). Images of
White brutality appeared on television screens throughout the nation and in newspapers around
the world.
Figure 29.11 African American marchers in Selma, Alabama, were attacked by state police
officers in 1965, and the resulting “Bloody Sunday” helped create support for the civil rights
movement among northern White people. (credit: Library of Congress)
Deeply disturbed by the violence in Alabama and the refusal of Governor George Wallace to
address it, Johnson introduced a bill in Congress that would remove obstacles for African
American voters and lend federal support to their cause. His proposal, the Voting Rights Act of
1965, prohibited states and local governments from passing laws that discriminated against
voters on the basis of race (Figure 29.12). Literacy tests and other barriers to voting that had kept
ethnic minorities from the polls were thus outlawed. Following the passage of the act, a quarter
of a million African Americans registered to vote, and by 1967, the majority of African
Americans had done so. Johnson’s final piece of civil rights legislation was the Civil Rights Act
of 1968, which prohibited discrimination in housing on the basis of race, color, national origin,
or religion.
Figure 29.12 The Voting Rights Act (a) was signed into law on August 6, 1965, in the presence
of major figures of the civil rights movement, including Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King, Jr.
(b).
INCREASED COMMITMENT IN VIETNAM
Building the Great Society had been Lyndon Johnson’s biggest priority, and he effectively used
his decades of experience in building legislative majorities in a style that ranged from diplomacy
to quid pro quo deals to bullying. In the summer of 1964, he deployed these political skills to
secure congressional approval for a new strategy in Vietnam—with fateful consequences.
President Johnson had never been the cold warrior Kennedy was, but believed that the credibility
of the nation and his office depended on maintaining a foreign policy of containment. When, on
August 2, the U.S. destroyer USS Maddox conducted an arguably provocative intelligencegathering mission in the gulf of Tonkin, it reported an attack by North Vietnamese torpedo boats.
Two days later, the Maddox was supposedly struck again, and a second ship, the
USS Turner Joy, reported that it also had been fired upon. The North Vietnamese denied the
second attack, and Johnson himself doubted the reliability of the crews’ report. The National
Security Agency has since revealed that the August 4 attacks did not occur. Relying on
information available at the time, however, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara reported to
Congress that U.S. ships had been fired upon in international waters while conducting routine
operations. On August 7, with only two dissenting votes, Congress passed the Gulf of Tonkin
Resolution, and on August 10, the president signed the resolution into law. The resolution gave
President Johnson the authority to use military force in Vietnam without asking Congress for a
declaration of war. It dramatically increased the power of the U.S. president and transformed the
American role in Vietnam from advisor to combatant.
In 1965, large-scale U.S. bombing of North Vietnam began. The intent of the campaign, which
lasted three years under various names, was to force the North to end its support for the
insurgency in the South. More than 200,000 U.S. military personnel, including combat troops,
were sent to South Vietnam. At first, most of the American public supported the president’s
actions in Vietnam. Support began to ebb, however, as more troops were deployed. Frustrated by
losses suffered by the South’s Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN), General William
Westmoreland called for the United States to take more responsibility for fighting the war. By
April 1966, more Americans were being killed in battle than ARVN troops. Johnson, however,
maintained that the war could be won if the United States stayed the course, and in November
1967, Westmoreland proclaimed the end was in sight.
CLICK AND EXPLORE
To hear one soldier’s story about his time in Vietnam, listen to Sergeant Charles G. Richardson’s
recollections of his experience on the ground and his reflections on his military service.
Westmoreland’s predictions were called into question, however, when in January 1968, the
North Vietnamese launched their most aggressive assault on the South, deploying close to
eighty-five thousand troops. During the Tet Offensive, as these attacks were known, nearly one
hundred cities in the South were attacked, including the capital of Saigon (Figure 29.13). In
heavy fighting, U.S. and South Vietnamese forces recaptured all the points taken by the enemy.
Figure 29.13 During the 1968 Tet Offensive, North Vietnamese and South Communist rebel
armies known as Viet Cong attacked South Vietnamese and U.S. targets throughout Vietnam (a),
with Saigon as the focus (b). Tet, the lunar New Year, was an important holiday in Vietnam and
temporary ceasefires usually took place at this time. (credit a: modification of work by Central
Intelligence Agency)
Although North Vietnamese forces suffered far more casualties than the roughly forty-one
hundred U.S. soldiers killed, public opinion in the United States, fueled by graphic images
provided in unprecedented media coverage, turned against the war. Disastrous surprise attacks
like the Tet Offensive persuaded many that the war would not be over soon and raised doubts
about whether Johnson’s administration was telling the truth about the real state of affairs. In
May 1968, with over 400,000 U.S. soldiers in Vietnam, Johnson began peace talks with the
North.
It was too late to save Johnson himself, however. Many of the most outspoken critics of the war
were Democratic politicians whose opposition began to erode unity within the party. Minnesota
senator Eugene McCarthy, who had called for an end to the war and the withdrawal of troops
from Vietnam, received nearly as many votes in the New Hampshire presidential primary as
Johnson did, even though he had been expected to fare very poorly. McCarthy’s success in New
Hampshire encouraged Robert Kennedy to announce his candidacy as well. Johnson, suffering
health problems and realizing his actions in Vietnam had hurt his public standing, announced
that he would not seek reelection and withdrew from the 1968 presidential race.
THE END OF THE GREAT SOCIETY
Perhaps the greatest casualty of the nation’s war in Vietnam was the Great Society. As the war
escalated, the money spent to fund it also increased, leaving less to pay for the many social
programs Johnson had created to lift Americans out of poverty. Johnson knew he could not
achieve his Great Society while spending money to wage the war. He was unwilling to withdraw
from Vietnam, however, for fear that the world would perceive this action as evidence of
American failure and doubt the ability of the United States to carry out its responsibilities as a
superpower.
Vietnam doomed the Great Society in other ways as well. Dreams of racial harmony suffered, as
many African Americans, angered by the failure of Johnson’s programs to alleviate severe
poverty in the inner cities, rioted in frustration. Their anger was heightened by the fact that a
disproportionate number of African Americans were fighting and dying in Vietnam. Nearly twothirds of eligible African Americans were drafted, whereas draft deferments for college,
exemptions for skilled workers in the military industrial complex, and officer training programs
allowed White middle-class youth to either avoid the draft or volunteer for a military branch of
their choice. As a result, less than one-third of White men were drafted.
Although the Great Society failed to eliminate suffering or increase civil rights to the extent that
Johnson wished, it made a significant difference in people’s lives. By the end of Johnson’s
administration, the percentage of people living below the poverty line had been cut nearly in
half. While more people of color than White people continued to live in poverty, the percentage
of poor African Americans had decreased dramatically. The creation of Medicare and Medicaid
as well as the expansion of Social Security benefits and welfare payments improved the lives of
many, while increased federal funding for education enabled more people to attend college than
ever before. Conservative critics argued that, by expanding the responsibilities of the federal
government to care for the poor, Johnson had hurt both taxpayers and the poor themselves. Aid
to the poor, many maintained, would not only fail to solve the problem of poverty but would also
encourage people to become dependent on government “handouts” and lose their desire and
ability to care for themselves—an argument that many found intuitively compelling but which
lacked conclusive evidence. These same critics also accused Johnson of saddling the United
States with a large debt as a result of the deficit spending (funded by borrowing) in which he had
engaged.
Learning Objectives
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
•
•
•
Explain the strategies of the African American civil rights movement in the 1960s
Discuss the rise and philosophy of Black Power
Identify achievements of the Mexican American civil rights movement in the
1960s
During the 1960s, the federal government, encouraged by both genuine concern for the
dispossessed and the realities of the Cold War, had increased its efforts to protect civil
rights and ensure equal economic and educational opportunities for all. However, most
of the credit for progress toward racial equality in the Unites States lies with grassroots
activists. Indeed, it was campaigns and demonstrations by ordinary people that spurred
the federal government to action. Although the African American civil rights movement
was the most prominent of the crusades for racial justice, other ethnic minorities also
worked to seize their piece of the American dream during the promising years of the
1960s. Many were influenced by the African American cause and often used similar
tactics.
CHANGE FROM THE BOTTOM UP
For many people inspired by the victories of Brown v. Board of Education and the Montgomery
Bus Boycott, the glacial pace of progress in the segregated South was frustrating if not
intolerable. In some places, such as Greensboro, North Carolina, local NAACP chapters had
been influenced by White people who provided financing for the organization. This aid, together
with the belief that more forceful efforts at reform would only increase White resistance, had
persuaded some African American organizations to pursue a “politics of moderation” instead of
attempting to radically alter the status quo. Martin Luther King Jr.’s inspirational appeal for
peaceful change in the city of Greensboro in 1958, however, planted the seed for a more
assertive civil rights movement.
On February 1, 1960, four sophomores at the North Carolina Agricultural & Technical College
in Greensboro—Ezell Blair, Jr., Joseph McNeil, David Richmond, and Franklin McCain—
entered the local Woolworth’s and sat at the lunch counter. The lunch counter was segregated,
and they were refused service as they knew they would be. They had specifically chosen
Woolworth’s, because it was a national chain and was thus believed to be especially vulnerable
to negative publicity. Over the next few days, more protesters joined the four sophomores.
Hostile White people responded with threats and taunted the students by pouring sugar and
ketchup on their heads. The successful six-month-long Greensboro sit-in initiated the student
phase of the African American civil rights movement and, within two months, the sit-in
movement had spread to fifty-four cities in nine states (Figure 29.14).
Figure 29.14 Businesses such as this one were among those that became targets of activists
protesting segregation. Segregated businesses could be found throughout the United States; this
one was located in Ohio. (credit: Library of Congress)
In the words of grassroots civil rights activist Ella Baker, the students at Woolworth’s wanted
more than a hamburger; the movement they helped launch was about empowerment. Baker had
grown up listening to her grandmother’s stories about life as an enslaved person, and had
dedicated her life to racial justice. One of her main roles in both the NAACP and King’s
Southern Christian Leadership Conference (of which she was the first staff member) had been
developing local branches and combining the efforts of diverse groups across states and
ideologies. Her talent for organization and education laid the groundwork for city and state
initiatives across the country, which proved critical in later efforts such as voting drives. Baker
pushed for a “participatory Democracy” that built on the grassroots campaigns of active citizens
instead of deferring to the leadership of educated elites and experts. As a result of her actions, in
April 1960, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) formed to carry the battle
forward. Within a year, more than one hundred cities had desegregated at least some public
accommodations in response to student-led demonstrations. The sit-ins inspired other forms of
nonviolent protest intended to desegregate public spaces. “Sleep-ins” occupied motel lobbies,
“read-ins” filled public libraries, and churches became the sites of “pray-ins.”
Students also took part in the 1961 “freedom rides” sponsored by the Congress of Racial
Equality (CORE) and SNCC. The intent of the African American and White volunteers who
undertook these bus rides south was to test enforcement of a U.S. Supreme Court decision
prohibiting segregation on interstate transportation and to protest segregated waiting rooms in
southern terminals. Departing Washington, DC, on May 4, the volunteers headed south on buses
that challenged the seating order of Jim Crow segregation. White riders would stay in the back,
African-Americans would sit in the front, and on other occasions, riders of different races would
share the same bench seat. The Freedom Riders encountered little difficulty until they reached
Rock Hill, South Carolina, where a mob severely beat John Lewis, a freedom rider who later
became chairman of SNCC (Figure 29.15). The danger increased as the riders continued through
Georgia into Alabama, where one of the two buses was firebombed outside the town of
Anniston. The second group continued to Birmingham, where the riders were attacked by the Ku
Klux Klan as they attempted to disembark at the city bus station. The remaining volunteers
continued to Mississippi, where they were arrested when they attempted to desegregate the
waiting rooms in the Jackson bus terminal.
Figure 29.15 Civil rights activists Bayard Rustin, Andrew Young, Rep. William Fitts Ryan,
James Farmer, and John Lewis (l to r) in a newspaper photograph from 1965.
FREE BY ’63 (OR ’64 OR ’65)
The grassroots efforts of people like the Freedom Riders to change discriminatory laws and
longstanding racist traditions grew more widely known in the mid-1960s. The approaching
centennial of Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation spawned the slogan “Free by ’63”
among civil rights activists. As African Americans increased their calls for full rights for all
Americans, many civil rights groups changed their tactics to reflect this new urgency.
In Cambridge, Maryland, hospital and school segregation led to severe health issues and limited
educational advancement. The area’s only two factories had declared that they would not hire
Black people, and housing limitations led to horrible living situations. To bring about change,
local activists Gloria Richardson and Inez Grubb launched the only affiliate of the SNCC that
was not led by students, the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee (CNAC). They began
protests against local businesses that refused to hire Black workers, and conducted sit-ins at
restaurants and other venues that would not serve Black people. Mobs of White people disrupted
these protests, often with violence, and the conditions escalated to the point where both groups
regularly carried firearms. As riots ensued and martial law was declared, the U.S. Attorney
General, Robert Kennedy, negotiated what became known as the Treaty of Cambridge, which
would have guaranteed complete desegregation of schools, as well as provisions for public
housing. After Kennedy’s intervention, the local government began to pull back from the
arrangement. While some of her colleagues considered a softer stance, Richardson warned
against complacency: “A first-class citizen does not beg for freedom. A first-class citizen does
not plead to the white power structure to give him something that the whites have no power to
give or take away. Human rights are human rights, not white rights.”
Perhaps the most famous of the civil rights-era demonstrations was the March on Washington for
Jobs and Freedom, held in August 1963, on the one hundredth anniversary of Abraham Lincoln’s
Emancipation Proclamation. Its purpose was to pressure President Kennedy to act on his
promises regarding civil rights. The date was the eighth anniversary of the brutal racist murder of
fourteen-year-old Emmett Till in Money, Mississippi. As the crowd gathered outside the Lincoln
Memorial and spilled across the National Mall (Figure 29.16), Martin Luther King, Jr. delivered
his most famous speech. In “I Have a Dream,” King called for an end to racial injustice in the
United States and envisioned a harmonious, integrated society. The speech marked the high point
of the civil rights movement and established the legitimacy of its goals. However, it did not
prevent White terrorism in the South, nor did it permanently sustain the tactics of nonviolent
civil disobedience.
Figure 29.16 During the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom (a), a huge crowd gathered
on the National Mall (b) to hear the speakers. Although thousands attended, many of the march’s
organizers had hoped that enough people would come to Washington to shut down the city.
Other gatherings of civil rights activists ended tragically, and some demonstrations were
intended to provoke a hostile response from White people and thus reveal the inhumanity of the
Jim Crow laws and their …