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1) Read the

2) find a summary of the research written by a student in the class 2 years ago. 5 sentences ( which has already been highlighted ) in this summary contain inaccurate information.

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1) Read the article

2) On the following pages of this document, find a summary of the research paper written by a student in the class 2 years ago. 5 sentences ( which has already been highlighted ) in this summary contain inaccurate information.

Your task is to

1) compare the contents of the paper and the summary,

2) identify which part of the highlighted information is inaccurate/wrong and correct the inaccuracy. Provide your answer as a numbered list at the end of this answer sheet.
** In your answer, you MUST cite a part of the original paper with APA 7th style that contains the CORRECT information. A failure to do so will result in a deduction of points.

Summary of “Ferguson, B., Graf, E., & Waxman, S. R. (2014). Infants use known verbs to learn novel nouns: Evidence from 15- and 19-month-olds. Cognition, 131, 139-146.”

Fluent English speakers make inferences guided by a verb’s semantic requirements, also called its selectional restrictions. For instance, “He ate the carambola” licences the inference that carambola must be edible. Ferguson, Graf, and Waxman set out to determine if infants less than two years old could label a novel noun as animate or inanimate based on its later use with a known verb. Previous studies have shown that infants violate these selectional restrictions in their own productions but show understanding by 24 months. However, studies on younger infants that could address their categorization of novel nouns based on verb’s linguistic requirements were lacking.

Ferguson, Graf, and Waxman studied 59 infants (30 19-month olds and 29 15-month olds) who had been exposed to a language other than English a maximum of 25% of the time. A list of known words was generated based on a publicly available database of words used in picture books for young children. There were three phases of each trial. The Preview phase consisted of 6 seconds of a pair of objects displayed side-by-side, with no audio. The Dialogue phase showed an abstract screensaver for 9 seconds, during which a native speaker of American English used infant-directed speech to label one of the images. The final Test phase presented the same pair of objects in the same positions for another 6 seconds while the speaker prompted the infant to find the previously mentioned object. Each pair of objects consisted of an animal and an artefact, with randomized left-right positioning. There were two types of trials: familiar and unfamiliar. In the familiar trials, at least 72% of the 15-month old infants supposedly knew the names of the target objects presented. In the unfamiliar trials, unknown objects (rare animals and abstract sculptures) were presented, with nonce names. The verbs used in this study were known by 66% of the 15-month olds. During the trials, infants sat on their caregiver’s lap while the caregiver wore opaque glasses. An eye-tracking system was calibrated to each infant, then infants were exposed to 12 trails. The first six trials were identical familiar trials across all infants. The final six trials were unfamiliar trials. Infants were randomly assigned to the Informative or Neutral condition. The only difference between these conditions occurred during the Dialogue phase. In the Neutral condition, the sentence was expected to bias infants’ case to an animate referent (e.g. The wog is right here) while it was not the case in the Informative condition (e.g. The wog is eating). All labels in the familiar trials were neutral.

Ferguson, Graf, and Waxman predicted that infants would prefer artefacts in general. Familiar trials should prompt infants to match the name with its appropriate image to support the design of the experiment. However, they also predicted that infants would look at the artefact significantly less in the Informative condition than in the Neutral condition of the unfamiliar trials if they were able to utilize the verb’s linguistic information.

In the familiar trials, infants preferred the animal image over the artefact object. When prompted with the animal’s name, both age groups looked at the animal image significantly more than the artefact, though this was less pronounced in the 15-month olds. They also looked at the artefact more than the animal when the former was named. In the unfamiliar trials, 15-month olds did not show any statistically significant difference in preference for the animal image between the Neutral and Informative conditions. However, 19-month olds looked at the animal image significantly more in the Neutral condition than the Informative condition, despite an overall preference for the artefact image. No confounding variables were identified.

19-month-olds were able to identify novel nouns based on their knowledge of the used verbs. However,15-month olds were shown to use this knowledge of selectional restrictions only for the nouns used in the familiar trials. They did not use the same knowledge for the novel nouns introduced in the unfamiliar trials in the experiment. These findings help identify infants’ comprehension of the selectional restrictions of their first verbs. During this active period of development, infants begin to use their knowledge of verbs to increase their knowledge of nouns.

There are two possible (not necessarily mutually exclusive) explanations for the difference between 15-month olds and 19-month olds seen in this study. First, infants may have different representations of familiar verbs at these ages; perhaps 15-month olds have not yet incorporated selectional information in their representations of verbs. Future research would have to specify what types of information are in infants’ verb representations and identify how these representations change between 15 and 19 months of age. Alternatively, the limitations that 15-month olds display may not be in their representation of the verbs but rather their ability to process the sentences and objects in time to display their understanding. They may struggle to encode a novel noun while accessing their knowledge of the verb; there is a processing lag even in the 19-month olds. The processing burden would have to be specified more clearly and reduced to test this possibility.

Cognition 131 (2014) 139–146

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Cognition

j o u r n a l h o m e p a g e : w w w . e l s e v i e r . c o m / l o c a t e / C O G N I T

Brief article

Infants use known verbs to learn novel nouns: Evidence
from 15- and 19-month-olds

0010-0277/$ – see front matter

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2013.12.014

⇑ Corresponding author. Address: Psychology Department, Northwest-
ern University, 2029 Sheridan Rd., Evanston, IL 60208, USA. Tel.: +1 (847)
467 0727.

E-mail addresses: brock@u.northwestern.edu (B. Ferguson), eileengra-
f@uchicago.edu (E. Graf), s-waxman@northwestern.edu (S.R. Waxman).

Brock Ferguson a,⇑, Eileen Graf b, Sandra R. Waxman a
a Northwestern University, Department of Psychology, USA
b University of Chicago Medicine, Department of Surgery, Division of Otolaryngology, USA

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history:
Received 28 May 2013
Revised 23 December 2013
Accepted 27 December 2013

Keywords:
Language development
Word learning
Infants
Nouns
Verbs
Selectional restrictions

Fluent speakers’ representations of verbs include semantic knowledge about the nouns
that can serve as their arguments. These ‘‘selectional restrictions’’ of a verb can in principle
be recruited to learn the meaning of a novel noun. For example, the sentence He ate the car-
ambola licenses the inference that carambola refers to something edible. We ask whether
15- and 19-month-old infants can recruit their nascent verb lexicon to identify the refer-
ents of novel nouns that appear as the verbs’ subjects. We compared infants’ interpretation
of a novel noun (e.g., the dax) in two conditions: one in which dax is presented as the sub-
ject of animate-selecting construction (e.g., The dax is crying), and the other in which dax is
the subject of an animacy-neutral construction (e.g., The dax is right here). Results indicate
that by 19 months, infants use their representations of known verbs to inform the meaning
of a novel noun that appears as its argument.

1. Introduction

Upon hearing the sentence He ate the carambola, fluent
speakers of English would infer that carambola refers to
something edible. And upon hearing the sentence He ate
his piano, they would assume either that the sentence is
nonsense or that an unconventional eating metaphor has
been invoked. These inferences are guided by the verb eat-
ing’s ‘‘selectional restrictions’’ – the semantic requirements
that this verb places on its arguments (Chomsky, 1965;
Jackendoff, 1990; Katz & Fodor, 1963; Pinker, 1989; Resnik,
1996). In this paper, we ask whether infants can use their
knowledge of verbs’ selectional restrictions to inform the
meaning of a novel noun that appears as its argument.

Although infants occasionally violate selectional
restrictions in their spontaneous productions (Bowerman,
1978, 1982), they nonetheless appreciate the selectional

restrictions of at least some verbs by their second birthday
(Friedrich & Friederici, 2005; Naigles, Hoff, & Vear, 2009;
Valian, Prasada, & Scarpa, 2006). For example, when 26-
and 30-month-olds are presented with two images (e.g.,
a cookie and a book), they are faster to fixate on the cookie
when they hear a sentence such as Eat the cookie than Take
the cookie (Fernald, Zangl, Portillo, & Marchman, 2008;
Mani & Huettig, 2012). By this age, they can also use
known verbs to identify the referents of otherwise ambig-
uous pronouns (e.g., Which one can you drive?) and can
rapidly acquire the selectional restrictions of a novel verb
from the contexts in which it occurs (Yuan, Fisher,
Kandhadai, & Fernald, 2011). Together, these accomplish-
ments reveal that infants successfully use the selectional
restrictions of known verbs in sentence processing.

What is less clear is whether infants can use a known
verb’s selectional restrictions to hone in on the meaning
of a novel noun that appears as its argument. Only one
study has addressed this directly, and its results are
promising. Goodman, McDonough, and Brown (2008)
introduced infants to a novel noun alongside a known verb
(e.g., Mommy feeds the ferret). Next, they presented infants

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1016/j.cognition.2013.12.014&domain=pdf

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2013.12.014

mailto:brock@u.northwestern.edu

mailto:eileengraf@uchicago.edu

mailto:s-waxman@northwestern.edu

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cognition.2013.12.014

http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/00100277

http://www.elsevier.com/locate/COGNIT

140 B. Ferguson et al. / Cognition 131 (2014) 139–146

with images of four objects (e.g., one animal and three
artefacts) and said, for example, Show me the ferret. Infants
at 24 and 30 months successfully recruited the verbs’
selectional restrictions, selecting the animate object as
the referent of the novel noun. Despite some methodolog-
ical limitations (e.g., using familiar English words, present-
ing an ‘‘oddball’’ animate target amongst 3 inanimate
distractors), these data suggest that 2-year-olds may in-
deed use the selectional restrictions of a known verb to in-
fer the meaning of a novel noun.

In the present study, we ask whether a known verb can
inform infants of the animacy status of its subject. To ad-
dress this, we compare infants’ interpretation of a novel
noun (e.g., dax) in an Informative condition, where dax
was presented as the subject of an animate-selecting verb
(e.g., The dax is crying) to their interpretation in a Neutral
condition, where dax was presented in an animacy-neutral
construction (e.g., The dax is right here). We designed a new
eyetracking paradigm that permits us to advance previous
work in several ways. First, it permits us to consider the
capacities of younger infants (15- and 19-month-olds)
who, by all estimates, have only a modest stock of verbs.
Second, it permits us to ask whether infants’ linguistic rep-
resentations of these verbs are robust enough to guide
their selection of a referent for a novel noun that appears
later as its argument. Inspired by recent designs (e.g.,
Arunachalam & Waxman, 2010; Yuan & Fisher, 2009), we
introduce known verbs in the absence of any candidate ref-
erents for the novel noun. Third, we control for infants’
existing word knowledge by presenting nonce words, and
minimize demand characteristics by offering only two can-
didate referents at test (cf., Goodman et al., 2008).

2. Methods

2.1. Participants

Fifty-nine infants were included in the final sample, 30
19-month-olds (M = 19.62 months, ranging 18.0–21.85; 16
F) and 29 15-month-olds (M = 15.60 months, ranging
14.20–17.82; 12 F). They were recruited from the greater
Evanston, IL area and acquiring English as their first lan-
guage, with no more than 25% exposure to another lan-
guage. Caregivers completed the MacArthur Short Form
Vocabulary Checklist: Level II (Form A) (Fenson et al.,
1993) as well as a supplementary checklist that asked
which of the familiar verbs used in this design were known
by their infant (see Table 1). Another 24 participants were
excluded and replaced due to fussiness (14), technical

Table 1
Participant summary.

Vocabulary Look

Fam

MCDI Known verbs Mea

15 months 6.69 4.3 4.18
19 months 17.5 4.9 4.51

Note: MCDI represents the mean number of words (out of a total 89) that caregive
number of verbs (out of the 6 included in this experiment) that caregivers of infa

failure (8), or experimenter error (2). One 15-month-old
(Informative condition) who was initially included in the
analysis did not contribute data in any trials (due to track-
loss); he was therefore excluded but not replaced.

2.2. Apparatus

A Tobii T60XL corneal-reflection eyetracker was used
for stimulus presentation and data collection. The eyetrac-
ker has a sampling rate of 60 Hz, and a display size of
57.3 � 45 cm.

2.3. Materials (Fig. 1)

2.3.1. Visual stimuli
Each trial consisted of three phases: Preview, Dialogue

and Test. In the Preview phase (6s), infants saw images
of two objects (one animal, one artefact) presented side-
by-side on the screen. In the Dialogue phase (9s), an ab-
stract screensaver was displayed on the screen. In the Test
phase (6s), the two images from the preview phase reap-
peared in the same left–right positions on the screen.

2.3.2. Auditory stimuli
Two native speakers of American English – one female

and one male – produced the linguistic materials using
child-directed speech.

2.3.3. Stimulus selection
We used vocabulary norms (Dale & Fenson, 1996) as a

guide in selecting both the visual and linguistic materials.
For the familiar trials, we selected target objects whose
names are understood by at least 72% of 15-month-olds
(nouns: bird, bottle, cow, dog, horse, spoon). For the unfamil-
iar trials, we selected objects whose names infants would
not know (abstract sculptured artefacts and exotic ani-
mals). Finally, we introduced novel names for these objects
in sentences containing familiar verbs that are understood
by 66% of 15-month-olds (cry, dance, drink, eat, look, sleep).

2.4. Procedure (Fig. 1)

After completing the vocabulary checklists, caregivers
accompanied their infants to a testing room. Infants were
seated on the caregivers’ lap approximately 60 cm from
the monitor. Caregivers, who wore opaque glasses to pre-
vent them from viewing the images on the screen, were in-
structed not to speak or point during the experiment. After
a standard five-point eyetracking calibration routine, the

ing times (s)

iliar trials Unfamiliar trials

n (SD) Min. Mean (SD) Min.

(1.39) 1.39 3.24 (1.78) –
(1.17) 2.18 4.23 (1.46) 1.31

rs judged that their infants produced. Known Verbs represents the average
nts in the Informative condition judged that their infants comprehended.

B. Ferguson et al. / Cognition 131 (2014) 139–146 141

experiment began. Each infant participated in 12 trials: 6
familiar followed by 6 unfamiliar trials. For the unfamiliar
trials, infants were randomly assigned to either the Infor-
mative or Neutral condition (between-subjects).

2.5. Familiar trials

The familiar trials were identical for all infants. First, in
the Preview phase, infants saw an image of a familiar ani-
mal and artefact presented side-by-side (L/R position was
counterbalanced across trials). After a 1s preview, they
heard, ‘‘Oh wow! Look here!’’ Next, in the Dialogue phase,
the objects disappeared; infants saw an abstract screensav-
er while listening to a dialogue in which the speakers men-
tioned one of the images by name (either the animal or the
artefact) using neutral syntax (e.g., The dog/bottle is right
here; see Appendix A for example scripts). Finally, in the
Test phase, the familiar images from the Preview phase
re-appeared in their original location; infants were
prompted to find the object that had been mentioned pre-
viously in the dialogue (e.g., Where is the dog/bottle)? The
onset of the target noun occurred 500 ms into this phase.

2.6. Unfamiliar trials

The structure of the unfamiliar trials was identical to
that of the familiar trials, with two exceptions: (1) the
two objects were unfamiliar, and (2) the nouns introduced
during dialogue and test were nonce words. Infants in both
the Informative and Neutral conditions saw the same unfa-
miliar images and heard the same linguistic materials dur-
ing the Preview and Test phases. The only difference was in
the linguistic information presented in the Dialogue phase
(see Appendix A for example scripts). In the Informative
condition, infants heard a novel noun in the subject posi-
tion of a known verb that selected for an animate agent
(e.g., The dax is crying); in the Neutral condition, infants
heard the same noun in a sentence that did not select for
either an animate or inanimate referent (e.g., The dax is
right here). Notice that the only difference between the
conditions was in the linguistic information provided dur-
ing the Dialogue phase, and that during this phase, no can-
didate referents for the novel noun were available.

3. Analysis

3.1. Data preparation

We focused our analysis on the window beginning at
the onset of the target word at test and lasting through
the end of the trial (5.5s total). For each trial, an 811px
by 713px area of interest (AOI) was defined around each
of the object images. Gazes outside these areas were ex-
cluded from analysis, as were trials in which an infant’s to-
tal looking time was significantly lower (2+ SD) than their
age group’s mean. Infants in both age groups contributed
an average of at least 5.5 trials in both familiar and unfa-
miliar trials.

We calculated, for each trial of each infant, the propor-
tion of looking time devoted to the animal [looking to

animal/(looking to animal + artefact)] throughout the anal-
ysis window. This yielded up to 12 data points for each in-
fant (6 familiar, 6 unfamiliar trials). These proportions
were arcsine-root transformed and served as our depen-
dent measure.

3.2. Model fitting

To assess the contribution of age and condition to in-
fants’ performance, we compared maximal-likelihood lin-
ear mixed-effects models with and without each factor
using �2 log-likelihood ratio tests (Baayen, Davidson, &
Bates, 2008). Factors were deviation-coded prior to model
fitting. Trials’ and participants’ estimated intercepts were
entered as random effects. Traditional ANOVAs yielded
the same results.

3.3. Timecourse

To assess the timecourse of infants’ attention to the ani-
mal and artefact images, data were aggregated by condi-
tion into a series of 250 ms bins. These were compared
sequentially using ANOVAs to identify any stable time per-
iod during which infants’ looking in the two conditions
diverged.

3.4. Predictions

We predicted that infants would overall prefer to look
at animals over artefacts (Childers & Echols, 2004; Fernald
et al., 2008; LoBue, Pickard, Sherman, Axford, & DeLoache,
2013), but that this preference would be moderated by
the linguistic information presented in the dialogues. On
familiar trials, we reasoned that if the design is suffi-
ciently sensitive, infants’ looking patterns should be
guided by the known target word: they should devote
more attention to the animal when prompted with its
name than with the name of the artefact. Infants’ perfor-
mance on these trials provides a proof of the design. On
unfamiliar trials, we reasoned that if infants can recruit
known verbs to identify the referent of a novel noun, then
infants in the Informative condition should devote more
attention to the novel animal than should those in the
Neutral condition.

4. Results

As predicted, on familiar trials, infants’ overall prefer-
ence for the animal (M19-months = .60, M15-months = .63) was
moderated by the target words they heard (see Fig. 2). At
19 months, infants looked significantly more towards the
animal when prompted with its name (M = .79, SD = .11)
than with the name of the artefact (M = .42, SD = .16),
b = .45, SE = .04, v2(1) = 20.11, p < .001. The same was true at 15 months (animal named: M = .77, SD = .11; artefact named: M = .49; SD = .18), b = .33, SE = .07, v2(1) = 10.38, p = .001, although this effect was less pronounced than at 19 months, bAge⁄Target = .12, SE = .06, v

2(1) = 4.28, p = .04.
An analysis of the timecourse (see Fig. 3) revealed that at
both ages, infants rapidly directed their visual attention

Fig. 1. A schematic of the experimental design, illustrating the visual and auditory streams of information presented during each phase (Preview, Dialogue,
Test) on Familiar and Unfamiliar trials.

Fig. 2. Infants’ performance on familiar trials. Both age groups oriented their looking based on the known word heard during the dialogue and test phases.

142 B. Ferguson et al. / Cognition 131 (2014) 139–146

to the named target; attention to the animal and artefact
diverged by 500 ms after the onset of the target word.

On unfamiliar trials, infants also revealed an overall
preference for the animal (M19-months = .60, M15-months
= .55). However, only at 19 months was their looking mod-
erated by condition, bAge⁄Condition = .14, SE = .07, v

2(1) =
3.74, p = .05. As can be seen in Fig. 4, 19-month-olds looked
significantly more towards the animal in the Informative
(M = .64, SD = .12) than the Neutral condition (M = .56,
SD = .08), b = .10, SE = .05, v2(1) = 4.23, p = .04. At 15 months,
infants performed comparably in the Informative
(M = .53, SD = .18) and Neutral (M = .57, SD = .07) condi-
tions (b = �.04, SE = .06, v2(1) = .52, p = .48). An analysis
of the timecourse data (Fig. 5) revealed that at 19 (but

not 15) months, infants systematically, but slowly,
deployed their attention differently in the Informative
and Neutral conditions. Notice that although this diver-
gence occurred later on unfamiliar than familiar test trials,
the results nonetheless reveal that 19-month-olds success-
fully recruit their representations of familiar verbs to iden-
tify the referent of novel nouns that occurs later as their
arguments.

In a series of subsequent analyses, we asked whether
performance at either age could be predicted by either in-
fants’ total productive vocabulary or their comprehension
of the particular verbs we introduced (measured by
parental report). There was no evidence that this was the
case.

Fig. 3. Timecourse of familiar trials for 15-month-olds (A) and 19-month-olds (B). Both age groups’ looking rapidly diverged depending on whether the
animal or artefact was named. This divergence occurred from 500 to 4250 ms for the 15-month-olds (p < .04 all bins) and from 500 to 5500 ms for the 19- month-olds (p < .02 all bins).

Fig. 4. Infants’ performance on unfamiliar trials. Performance differed by age; 19-month-olds showed a significant effect of condition (Informative versus
Neutral) while 15-month-olds showed no such difference.

B. Ferguson et al. / Cognition 131 (2014) 139–146 143

Fig. 5. Timecourse of unfamiliar trials for 15-month-olds (A) and 19-month-olds (B). Although at 15 months, performance in the two conditions appears to
diverge, it does so only slightly and only within a single bin (3750–4000 ms; p = .05); its brevity and its direction (opposite to the predictions) suggest that
this is spurious. At 19 months, looking diverged consistently by condition from 3250 to 4000 ms post-word onset (p < .02 all bins).

144 B. Ferguson et al. / Cognition 131 (2014) 139–146

5. Discussion

By 19 months, infants successfully recruit their modest
verb knowledge to identify the referents of novel nouns
that appear as their subjects. Remarkably, 19-month-old
infants’ representation of the verb itself – without any cues
from the visual scene – is sufficiently robust to be recruited
downstream to guide their identification of a referent of a
novel noun. This capacity is not yet evident in younger
infants. Although 15-month-olds understood most of the
verbs we introduced and successfully identified the refer-
ents of familiar nouns in this paradigm, they did not use
known verbs to identify referents of novel nouns.

This work offers insight into developmental processes
underlying the acquisition of verb meaning that have re-
mained hidden in more traditional comprehension and
production measures. Analyses of comprehension and
production revealed a developmental décalage: Although
infants comprehend at least some verbs by 10 months
(Bergelson & Swingley, 2013), they do not produce these
until much later (Goldin-Meadow, Seligman, & Gelman,
1976; Naigles et al., 2009; Tomasello, 1992). This décalage,
often attributed to the different demands underlying

comprehension and production, has left open fundamental
questions concerning the representational status of
infants’ early verbs (e.g., Fisher, 2002; Forbes & Poulin-
Dubois, 1997; Gentner, 1978; Maguire, Hirsh-Pasek, &
Golinkoff, 2006; Naigles, 2002; Tomasello, 1992). The
current paradigm sheds light on these questions by
documenting infants’ advances in recruiting their modest
stock of verbs to learn new nouns during this very active
developmental period.

Armed with this new evidence, how can we best ac-
count for the developmental difference between 15- and
19-month-olds? We consider two broad possibilities. First,
this may reflect differences in infants’ representations of
familiar verbs like kiss and drink. Although 15-month-olds
may successfully recognize candidate referents of these
verbs, perhaps their representations do not yet include
selectional information (e.g., that the subject of a given
verb must be animate). This interpretation is consistent
with evidence that only by 19 months do infants begin to
integrate selectional restrictions in sentence comprehen-
sion (Friedrich & Friederici, 2005), and that, within this
same developmental period, infants begin to extend
known verbs to scenes involving new participants in both

B. Ferguson et al. / Cognition 131 (2014) 139–146 145

production (Naigles et al., 2009; Tomasello, 1992) and
comprehension (Forbes & Poulin-Dubois, 1997; Meints,
Plunkett, & Harris, 2008). A key question for future work
will be to specify more precisely what information is in-
cluded in infants’ earliest verb representations and to iden-
tify how this information is enriched between their earliest
moments of verb recognition and their first demonstra-
tions of flexibility in verb production.

A second possibility, and one that is not mutually exclu-
sive to the first, is that 15-month-olds’ limitation is not in
their representations of the familiar verbs per se, but in
their processing capacities. Our task is cognitively
demanding: Infants must access their representations of
familiar verbs quickly and at the same time as they encode
a novel word form. Recall that on familiar trials, infants at
both ages rapidly oriented towards the referents of the
familiar nouns (<500 ms), but that on unfamiliar trials, even 19-month-olds showed a processing lag: Although 19-month-olds in the Informative condition did eventually orient more toward the referent of the novel noun than in- fants in the Neutral condition, this took much longer (at 3250 ms) than on the familiar trials. It is therefore plausi- ble that 15-month-olds had robust representations of the verbs we introduced, and that their representations in- cluded selectional information, but that they were unable to access these representations with sufficient speed. This interpretation is consistent with evidence that, as infants approach their second birthday, their speed and efficiency in both sentence processing and word comprehension in- creases (Fernald et al., 2008; Lew-Williams & Fernald, 2007). A goal for future work will be to specify more pre- cisely the processing burden imposed and to ascertain whether reducing this burden (e.g., by familiarizing infants with the known verbs prior to the task) might permit younger infants to succeed.

For infants, identifying the meaning of new word is a chal-
lenge. Here, we have documented that infants recruit what
they do know about language to meet this challenge. A goal
for future work will be to specify the nature of their linguistic
representations and processes that underlie this ability.

Acknowledgments

This research was supported by a Social Sciences and
Humanities Research Council of Canada Doctoral Fellow-
ship awarded to B.F. and a National Science Foundation
grant (BCS-1023300) to S.R.W. We thank Casey Lew-Wil-
liams for his comments on an earlier version of the manu-
script, as well as Kristin Lewis, Mesum Mathison, and
Jermaine Dictado for their assistance collecting data.

Appendix A.

Familiar Trial – Example script
Woman: The bottle is right here.
Man: Really? The bottle is right here?
W: Yes! Let’s find the bottle!
(Other neutral predicates: so close, so wet, so little,
nearby, very clean)

Unfamiliar Trial (Informative) – Example script
Woman: The blick is crying.
Man: Really? The blick is crying?
W: Yes! Let’s find the blick!

Unfamiliar Trial (Neutral) – Example script
Woman: The biff is right here.
Man: Really? The biff is right here?
W: Yes! Let’s find the biff!

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Infants use known verbs to learn novel nouns: Evidence from 15- and 19-month-olds

1 Introduction
2 Methods
2.1 Participants
2.2 Apparatus
2.3 Materials (Fig. 1)
2.3.1 Visual stimuli
2.3.2 Auditory stimuli
2.3.3 Stimulus selection
2.4 Procedure (Fig. 1)
2.5 Familiar trials
2.6 Unfamiliar trials
3 Analysis
3.1 Data preparation
3.2 Model fitting
3.3 Timecourse
3.4 Predictions
4 Results
5 Discussion
Acknowledgments
Appendix A.
References

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