critical

• This paper should be one 2–3-pages.  
• The paper topic must correspond with one of the weekly topics and assigned readings, within the first 5 weeks of the quarter. It is up to you which weekly topic/readings to choose. Include all readings/podcasts/videos, etc. that were assigned during the week you choose.  
• Please submit the paper via Canvas by the end of Week 5. 

In this paper you will:

1. Provide a brief synthesis of the reading(s) (about a ½ -1 page) 
2. Critique the reading(s) (about 1 page)
3. Pose a series of discussion questions (at least two) based on the readings with some background as to what made you think of those questions (about a ½ -1 page)
4. Cite all sources (in-text citations and a works cited/references/bibliography page) and submit the paper via Canvas after you have completed it. 

Writing a good critical reflection paper is more demanding than it might appear at first. It is not simply a matter of reading the text, understanding it, and expressing an opinion about it. You must allow yourself enough time to be clear about what each text says and how the texts all relate to one another (if there is more than one reading that week). In other words, this critical reflection paper requires you to synthesize the intellectual work of others—that is, bring it together into an integrated whole. When preparing to write your papers, it is crucial that you allow yourself not just enough time to do the readings but enough to digest what you have read and to put the results together into a unified account.Here are some resources that may help you while you are planning, writing, and editing your paper:

easy to understandinggood grammar

Critical Reading Reflection
Paper Expectations (about

2-3 pages)

Underdeveloped Developing Developed TOTAL

Provides a brief synthesis of the
reading(s), considering the texts
both individually and collectively
(about a ½ – 1 page).

Possible: 25

Actual:

Skillfully critiques the argument,
main point, problem, or issue the
author discusses and how the
author discusses it. Check the
instructions PDF for what to do
and not to do in a critique (about
1 page).

Possible: 40

Actual:

Presents at least two discussion
questions based on the readings,
including some background as to
what made you ask those
questions. What about the
reading(s) made you wonder
about the topic of your question?
(about a ½ – 1 page).

Possible: 10

Actual:

Avoids spelling and grammar
mistakes (please proofread!).
Correctly cites any sources.

yes/no (points will
be deducted if
several mistakes are
present)

TOTAL: 37.5 60 75 Total: 70

Step’by-step guide to critiquing
research. Part 1: quantitative research

Michaei Coughian, Patricia Cronin, Frances Ryan

Abstract
When caring for patients it is essential that nurses are using the
current best practice. To determine what this is, nurses must be able
to read research critically. But for many qualified and student nurses
the terminology used in research can be difficult to understand
thus making critical reading even more daunting. It is imperative
in nursing that care has its foundations in sound research and it is
essential that all nurses have the ability to critically appraise research
to identify what is best practice. This article is a step-by step-approach
to critiquing quantitative research to help nurses demystify the
process and decode the terminology.

Key words: Quantitative research
methodologies

Review process • Research

]or many qualified nurses and nursing students
research is research, and it is often quite difficult
to grasp what others are referring to when they
discuss the limitations and or strengths within

a research study. Research texts and journals refer to
critiquing the literature, critical analysis, reviewing the
literature, evaluation and appraisal of the literature which
are in essence the same thing (Bassett and Bassett, 2003).
Terminology in research can be confusing for the novice
research reader where a term like ‘random’ refers to an
organized manner of selecting items or participants, and the
word ‘significance’ is applied to a degree of chance. Thus
the aim of this article is to take a step-by-step approach to
critiquing research in an attempt to help nurses demystify
the process and decode the terminology.

When caring for patients it is essential that nurses are
using the current best practice. To determine what this is
nurses must be able to read research. The adage ‘All that
glitters is not gold’ is also true in research. Not all research
is of the same quality or of a high standard and therefore
nurses should not simply take research at face value simply
because it has been published (Cullum and Droogan, 1999;
Rolit and Beck, 2006). Critiquing is a systematic method of

Michael Coughlan, Patricia Cronin and Frances Ryan are Lecturers,
School of Nursing and Midwifery, University of Dubhn, Trinity
College, Dublin

Accepted for publication: March 2007

appraising the strengths and limitations of a piece of research
in order to determine its credibility and/or its applicability
to practice (Valente, 2003). Seeking only limitations in a
study is criticism and critiquing and criticism are not the
same (Burns and Grove, 1997). A critique is an impersonal
evaluation of the strengths and limitations of the research
being reviewed and should not be seen as a disparagement
of the researchers ability. Neither should it be regarded as
a jousting match between the researcher and the reviewer.
Burns and Grove (1999) call this an ‘intellectual critique’
in that it is not the creator but the creation that is being
evaluated. The reviewer maintains objectivity throughout
the critique. No personal views are expressed by the
reviewer and the strengths and/or limitations of the study
and the imphcations of these are highlighted with reference
to research texts or journals. It is also important to remember
that research works within the realms of probability where
nothing is absolutely certain. It is therefore important to
refer to the apparent strengths, limitations and findings
of a piece of research (Burns and Grove, 1997). The use
of personal pronouns is also avoided in order that an
appearance of objectivity can be maintained.

Credibility and integrity
There are numerous tools available to help both novice and
advanced reviewers to critique research studies (Tanner,
2003). These tools generally ask questions that can help the
reviewer to determine the degree to which the steps in the
research process were followed. However, some steps are
more important than others and very few tools acknowledge
this. Ryan-Wenger (1992) suggests that questions in a
critiquing tool can be subdivided in those that are useful
for getting a feel for the study being presented which she
calls ‘credibility variables’ and those that are essential for
evaluating the research process called ‘integrity variables’.

Credibility variables concentrate on how believable the
work appears and focus on the researcher’s qualifications and
ability to undertake and accurately present the study. The
answers to these questions are important when critiquing
a piece of research as they can offer the reader an insight
into \vhat to expect in the remainder of the study.
However, the reader should be aware that identified strengths
and limitations within this section will not necessarily
correspond with what will be found in the rest of the work.
Integrity questions, on the other hand, are interested in the
robustness of the research method, seeking to identify how
appropriately and accurately the researcher followed the
steps in the research process. The answers to these questions

658 British Journal of Nursing. 2007. Vol 16, No II

RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES

Table 1. Research questions – guidelines for critiquing a quantitative research study

Elements influencing the beiievabiiity of the research

Elements
Writing styie

Author
Report titie
Abstract

Questions
Is the report well written – concise, grammatically correct, avoid the use of jargon? Is it weil iaid out and
organized?
Do the researcher(s’) quaiifications/position indicate a degree of knowledge in this particuiar field?
Is the title clear, accurate and unambiguous?
Does the abstract offer a clear overview of the study including the research problem, sample,
methodology, finding and recommendations?

Elements influencing the robustness of the research

Elements
Purpose/research
Problem

Logical consistency

Literature review

Theoreticai framework

Aims/objectives/
research question/
hypotheses
Sampie

Ethicai considerations

Operational definitions
Methodology

Data Anaiysis / results

Discussion

References

Questions
Is the purpose of the study/research problem clearly identified?

Does the research report foilow the steps of the research process in a iogical manner? Do these steps
naturally fiow and are the iinks ciear?
is the review Iogicaily organized? Does it offer a balanced critical anaiysis of the iiterature? is the majority
of the literature of recent origin? is it mainly from primary sources and of an empirical nature?
Has a conceptual or theoretical framework been identified? Is the framework adequately described?
is the framework appropriate?
Have alms and objectives, a research question or hypothesis been identified? If so are they clearly
stated? Do they reflect the information presented in the iiterature review?

Has the target popuiation been cieariy identified? How were the sample selected? Was it a probability
or non-probabiiity sampie? is it of adequate size? Are the indusion/exciusion criteria dearly identified?
Were the participants fuiiy informed about the nature of the research? Was the autonomy/
confidentiaiity of the participants guaranteed? Were the participants protected from harm? Was ethicai
permission granted for the study?
Are aii the terms, theories and concepts mentioned in the study dearly defined?
is the research design cieariy identified? Has the data gathering instrument been described? is the
instrument appropriate? How was it deveioped? Were reliabiiity and validity testing undertaken and the
resuits discussed? Was a piiot study undertaken?
What type of data and statisticai analysis was undertaken? Was it appropriate? How many of the sampie
participated? Significance of the findings?
Are the findings iinked back to the iiterature review? if a hypothesis was identified was it supported?
Were the strengths and limitations of the study including generalizability discussed? Was a
recommendation for further research made?
Were ali the books, journais and other media aliuded to in the study accurateiy referenced?

will help to identify the trustworthiness of the study and its
applicability to nursing

practice.

Critiquing the research steps
In critiquing the steps in the research process a number
of questions need to be asked. However, these questions
are seeking more than a simple ‘yes’ or ‘no’ answer. The
questions are posed to stimulate the reviewer to consider
the implications of what the researcher has done. Does the
way a step has been applied appear to add to the strength
of the study or does it appear as a possible limitation to
implementation of the study’s findings? {Table 1).

Eiements influencing beiievabiiity of the study
Writing style
Research reports should be well written, grammatically
correct, concise and well organized.The use of jargon should
be avoided where possible. The style should be such that it
attracts the reader to read on (Polit and Beck, 2006).

Author(s)
The author(s’) qualifications and job title can be a useful
indicator into the researcher(s’) knowledge of the area
under investigation and ability to ask the appropriate
questions (Conkin Dale, 2005). Conversely a research
study should be evaluated on its own merits and not
assumed to be valid and reliable simply based on the
author(s’) qualifications.

Report title
The title should be between 10 and 15 words long and
should clearly identify for the reader the purpose of the
study (Connell Meehan, 1999). Titles that are too long or
too short can be confusing or misleading (Parahoo, 2006).

Abstract
The abstract should provide a succinct overview of the
research and should include information regarding the
purpose of the study, method, sample size and selection.

Hritislijourn.il of Nursing. 2007. Vol 16. No 11 659

the main findings and conclusions and recommendations
(Conkin Dale, 2005). From the abstract the reader should
be able to determine if the study is of interest and whether
or not to continue reading (Parahoo, 2006).

Eiements influencing robustness
Purpose of the study/research problem
A research problem is often first presented to the reader in
the introduction to the study (Bassett and Bassett, 2003).
Depending on what is to be investigated some authors will
refer to it as the purpose of the study. In either case the
statement should at least broadly indicate to the reader what
is to be studied (Polit and Beck, 2006). Broad problems are
often multi-faceted and will need to become narrower and
more focused before they can be researched. In this the
literature review can play a major role (Parahoo, 2006).

Logical consistency
A research study needs to follow the steps in the process in a
logical manner.There should also be a clear link between the
steps beginning with the purpose of the study and following
through the literature review, the theoretical framework, the
research question, the methodology section, the data analysis,
and the findings (Ryan-Wenger, 1992).

Literature review
The primary purpose of the literature review is to define
or develop the research question while also identifying
an appropriate method of data collection (Burns and
Grove, 1997). It should also help to identify any gaps in
the literature relating to the problem and to suggest how
those gaps might be filled. The literature review should
demonstrate an appropriate depth and breadth of reading
around the topic in question. The majority of studies
included should be of recent origin and ideally less than
five years old. However, there may be exceptions to this,
for example, in areas where there is a lack of research, or a
seminal or all-important piece of work that is still relevant to
current practice. It is important also that the review should
include some historical as well as contemporary material
in order to put the subject being studied into context. The
depth of coverage will depend on the nature of the subject,
for example, for a subject with a vast range of literature then
the review will need to concentrate on a very specific area
(Carnwell, 1997). Another important consideration is the
type and source of hterature presented. Primary empirical
data from the original source is more favourable than a
secondary source or anecdotal information where the
author relies on personal evidence or opinion that is not
founded on research.

A good review usually begins with an introduction which
identifies the key words used to conduct the search and
information about which databases were used. The themes
that emerged from the literature should then be presented
and discussed (Carnwell, 1997). In presenting previous
work it is important that the data is reviewed critically,
highlighting both the strengths and limitations of the study.
It should also be compared and contrasted with the findings
of other studies (Burns and Grove, 1997).

Theoretical framework
Following the identification of the research problem
and the review of the literature the researcher should
present the theoretical framework (Bassett and Bassett,
2003). Theoretical frameworks are a concept that novice
and experienced researchers find confusing. It is initially
important to note that not all research studies use a defined
theoretical framework (Robson, 2002). A theoretical
framework can be a conceptual model that is used as a
guide for the study (Conkin Dale, 2005) or themes from
the literature that are conceptually mapped and used to set
boundaries for the research (Miles and Huberman, 1994).
A sound framework also identifies the various concepts
being studied and the relationship between those concepts
(Burns and Grove, 1997). Such relationships should have
been identified in the literature. The research study should
then build on this theory through empirical observation.
Some theoretical frameworks may include a hypothesis.
Theoretical frameworks tend to be better developed in
experimental and quasi-experimental studies and often
poorly developed or non-existent in descriptive studies
(Burns and Grove, 1999).The theoretical framework should
be clearly identified and explained to the reader.

Aims and objectives/research question/
research hypothesis
The purpose of the aims and objectives of a study, the research
question and the research hypothesis is to form a link between
the initially stated purpose of the study or research problem
and how the study will be undertaken (Burns and Grove,
1999). They should be clearly stated and be congruent with
the data presented in the literature review. The use of these
items is dependent on the type of research being performed.
Some descriptive studies may not identify any of these items
but simply refer to the purpose of the study or the research
problem, others will include either aims and objectives or
research questions (Burns and Grove, 1999). Correlational
designs, study the relationships that exist between two or
more variables and accordingly use either a research question
or hypothesis. Experimental and quasi-experimental studies
should clearly state a hypothesis identifying the variables to
be manipulated, the population that is being studied and the
predicted outcome (Burns and Grove, 1999).

Sample and sample size
The degree to which a sample reflects the population it
was drawn from is known as representativeness and in
quantitative research this is a decisive factor in determining
the adequacy of a study (Polit and Beck, 2006). In order
to select a sample that is likely to be representative and
thus identify findings that are probably generalizable to
the target population a probability sample should be used
(Parahoo, 2006). The size of the sample is also important in
quantitative research as small samples are at risk of being
overly representative of small subgroups within the target
population. For example, if, in a sample of general nurses, it
was noticed that 40% of the respondents were males, then
males would appear to be over represented in the sample,
thereby creating a sampling error. The risk of sampling

660 Britishjournal of Nursing. 2007. Vol 16. No II

RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES

errors decrease as larger sample sizes are used (Burns and
Grove, 1997). In selecting the sample the researcher should
clearly identify who the target population are and what
criteria were used to include or exclude participants. It
should also be evident how the sample was selected and
how many were invited to participate (Russell, 2005).

Ethical considerations
Beauchamp and Childress (2001) identify four fundamental
moral principles: autonomy, non-maleficence, beneficence
and justice. Autonomy infers that an individual has the right
to freely decide to participate in a research study without
fear of coercion and with a full knowledge of what is being
investigated. Non-maleficence imphes an intention of not
harming and preventing harm occurring to participants
both of a physical and psychological nature (Parahoo,
2006). Beneficence is interpreted as the research benefiting
the participant and society as a whole (Beauchamp and
Childress, 2001). Justice is concerned with all participants
being treated as equals and no one group of individuals
receiving preferential treatment because, for example, of
their position in society (Parahoo, 2006). Beauchamp and
Childress (2001) also identify four moral rules that are both
closely connected to each other and with the principle of
autonomy. They are veracity (truthfulness), fidelity (loyalty
and trust), confidentiality and privacy.The latter pair are often
linked and imply that the researcher has a duty to respect the
confidentiality and/or the anonymity of participants and
non-participating subjects.

Ethical committees or institutional review boards have to
give approval before research can be undertaken. Their role
is to determine that ethical principles are being applied and
that the rights of the individual are being adhered to (Burns
and Grove, 1999).

Operational definitions
In a research study the researcher needs to ensure that
the reader understands what is meant by the terms and
concepts that are used in the research. To ensure this any
concepts or terms referred to should be clearly defined
(Parahoo, 2006).

Methodology: research design
Methodology refers to the nuts and bolts of how a
research study is undertaken. There are a number of
important elements that need to be referred to here and
the first of these is the research design. There are several
types of quantitative studies that can be structured under
the headings of true experimental, quasi-experimental
and non-experimental designs (Robson, 2002) {Table 2).
Although it is outside the remit of this article, within each
of these categories there are a range of designs that will
impact on how the data collection and data analysis phases
of the study are undertaken. However, Robson (2002)
states these designs are similar in many respects as most
are concerned with patterns of group behaviour, averages,
tendencies and properties.

Methodology: data collection
The next element to consider after the research design
is the data collection method. In a quantitative study any
number of strategies can be adopted when collecting data
and these can include interviews, questionnaires, attitude
scales or observational tools. Questionnaires are the most
commonly used data gathering instruments and consist
mainly of closed questions with a choice of fixed answers.
Postal questionnaires are administered via the mail and have
the value of perceived anonymity. Questionnaires can also be
administered in face-to-face interviews or in some instances
over the telephone (Polit and Beck, 2006).

Methodology: instrument design
After identifying the appropriate data gathering method
the next step that needs to be considered is the design
of the instrument. Researchers have the choice of using
a previously designed instrument or developing one for
the study and this choice should be clearly declared for
the reader. Designing an instrument is a protracted and
sometimes difficult process (Burns and Grove, 1997) but the
overall aim is that the final questions will be clearly linked
to the research questions and will elicit accurate information
and will help achieve the goals of the research.This, however,
needs to be demonstrated by the researcher.

Table 2. Research designs

Design

Experimental

Qucisl-experimental

Non-experimental,
e.g. descriptive and
Includes: cross-sectional.
correlationai.
comparative.
iongitudinal studies

Sample

2 or more groups

One or more groups

One or more groups

Sample
allocation

Random

Random

Not applicable

Features

• Groups get
different treatments

• One variable has not
been manipuiated or
controlled (usually
because it cannot be)

• Discover new meaning
• Describe what already

exists
• Measure the relationship

between two or more
variables

Outcome

• Cause and effiect relationship

• Cause and effect relationship
but iess powerful than
experimental

• Possible hypothesis for
future research

• Tentative explanations

Britishjournal of Nursing. 2007. Vol 16. No 11 661

If a previously designed instrument is selected the researcher
should clearly establish that chosen instrument is the most
appropriate.This is achieved by outlining how the instrument
has measured the concepts under study. Previously designed
instruments are often in the form of standardized tests
or scales that have been developed for the purpose of
measuring a range of views, perceptions, attitudes, opinions
or even abilities. There are a multitude of tests and scales
available, therefore the researcher is expected to provide the
appropriate evidence in relation to the validity and reliability
of the instrument (Polit and Beck, 2006).

Methodology: validity and reliability
One of the most important features of any instrument is
that it measures the concept being studied in an unwavering
and consistent way. These are addressed under the broad
headings of validity and reliability respectively. In general,
validity is described as the ability of the instrument to
measure what it is supposed to measure and reliability the
instrument’s ability to consistently and accurately measure
the concept under study (Wood et al, 2006). For the most
part, if a well established ‘off the shelf instrument has been
used and not adapted in any way, the validity and reliability
will have been determined already and the researcher
should outline what this is. However, if the instrument
has been adapted in any way or is being used for a new
population then previous validity and reliability will not
apply. In these circumstances the researcher should indicate
how the reliability and validity of the adapted instrument
was established (Polit and Beck, 2006).

To establish if the chosen instrument is clear and
unambiguous and to ensure that the proposed study has
been conceptually well planned a mini-version of the main
study, referred to as a pilot study, should be undertaken before
the main study. Samples used in the pilot study are generally
omitted from the main study. Following the pilot study the
researcher may adjust definitions, alter the research question,
address changes to the measuring instrument or even alter
the sampling strategy.

Having described the research design, the researcher should
outline in clear, logical steps the process by which the data
was collected. All steps should be fully described and easy to
follow (Russell, 2005).

Analysis and results
Data analysis in quantitative research studies is often seen
as a daunting process. Much of this is associated with
apparently complex language and the notion of statistical
tests. The researcher should clearly identify what statistical
tests were undertaken, why these tests were used and
what •were the results. A rule of thumb is that studies that
are descriptive in design only use descriptive statistics,
correlational studies, quasi-experimental and experimental
studies use inferential statistics. The latter is subdivided
into tests to measure relationships and differences between
variables (Clegg, 1990).

Inferential statistical tests are used to identify if a
relationship or difference between variables is statistically
significant. Statistical significance helps the researcher to

rule out one important threat to validity and that is that the
result could be due to chance rather than to real differences
in the population. Quantitative studies usually identify the
lowest level of significance as PsO.O5 (P = probability)
(Clegg, 1990).

To enhance readability researchers frequently present
their findings and data analysis section under the headings
of the research questions (Russell, 2005). This can help the
reviewer determine if the results that are presented clearly
answer the research questions. Tables, charts and graphs may
be used to summarize the results and should be accurate,
clearly identified and enhance the presentation of results
(Russell, 2005).

The percentage of the sample who participated in
the study is an important element in considering the
generalizability of the results. At least fifty percent of the
sample is needed to participate if a response bias is to be
avoided (Polit and Beck, 2006).

Discussion/conclusion/recommendations
The discussion of the findings should Oow logically from the
data and should be related back to the literature review thus
placing the study in context (Russell, 2002). If the hypothesis
was deemed to have been supported by the findings,
the researcher should develop this in the discussion. If a
theoretical or conceptual framework was used in the study
then the relationship with the findings should be explored.
Any interpretations or inferences drawn should be clearly
identified as such and consistent with the results.

The significance of the findings should be stated but
these should be considered within the overall strengths
and limitations of the study (Polit and Beck, 2006). In this
section some consideration should be given to whether
or not the findings of the study were generalizable, also
referred to as external validity. Not all studies make a claim
to generalizability but the researcher should have undertaken
an assessment of the key factors in the design, sampling and
analysis of the study to support any such claim.

Finally the researcher should have explored the clinical
significance and relevance of the study. Applying findings
in practice should be suggested with caution and will
obviously depend on the nature and purpose of the study.
In addition, the researcher should make relevant and
meaningful suggestions for future research in the area
(Connell Meehan, 1999).

References
The research study should conclude with an accurate list
of all the books; journal articles, reports and other media
that were referred to in the work (Polit and Beck, 2006).
The referenced material is also a useful source of further
information on the subject being studied.

Conciusions
The process of critiquing involves an in-depth examination
of each stage of the research process. It is not a criticism but
rather an impersonal scrutiny of a piece of work using a
balanced and objective approach, the purpose of which is to
highlight both strengths and weaknesses, in order to identify

662 Uritish Journal of Nursinii. 2007. Vol 16. No II

RESEARCH METHODOLOGIES

whether a piece of research is trustworthy and unbiased. As

nursing practice is becoming increasingly more evidenced

based, it is important that care has its foundations in sound

research. It is therefore important that all nurses have the

ability to critically appraise research in order to identify what

is best practice. HH

Russell C (2005) Evaluating quantitative researcli reports. Nephrol Nurs J
32(1): 61-4

Ryan-Wenger N (1992) Guidelines for critique of a research report. Heart
Lung 21(4): 394-401

Tanner J (2003) Reading and critiquing research. BrJ Perioper Nurs 13(4):
162-4

Valente S (2003) Research dissemination and utilization: Improving care at
the bedside.J Nurs Care Quality 18(2): 114-21

Wood MJ, Ross-Kerr JC, Brink PJ (2006) Basic Steps in Planning Nursing
Research: From Question to Proposal 6th edn. Jones and Bartlett, Sudbury

Bassett C, B.issett J (2003) Reading and critiquing research. BrJ Perioper
NriK 13(4): 162-4

Beauchamp T, Childress J (2001) Principles of Biomedical Ethics. 5th edn.
O.xford University Press, Oxford

Burns N, Grove S (1997) The Practice of Nursing Research: Conduct, Critique
and Utilization. 3rd edn.WB Saunders Company, Philadelphia

Burns N, Grove S (1999) Understanding Nursing Research. 2nd edn. WB
Saunders Company. Philadelphia

Carnell R (1997) Critiquing research. Nurs Pract 8(12): 16-21
Clegg F (1990) Simple Statistics: A Course Book for the Social Sciences. 2nd edn.

Cambridge University Press. Cambridge
Conkin DaleJ (2005) Critiquing research for use in practice.J Pediatr Health

Care 19: 183-6
Connell Meehan T (1999) The research critique. In:Treacy P, Hyde A, eds.

Nursing Research and Design. UCD Press, Dublin: 57-74
Cullum N. Droogan J (1999) Using research and the role of systematic

reviews of the literature. In: Mulhall A. Le May A. eds. Nursing Research:
Dissemination and Implementation. Churchill Livingstone, Edinburgh:
109-23-

Miles M, Huberman A (1994) Qualitative Data Analysis. 2nd edn. Sage,
Thousand Oaks. Ca

Parahoo K (2006) Nursing Research: Principles, Process and Issties. 2nd edn.
Palgrave Macmillan. Houndmills Basingstoke

Polit D. Beck C (2006) Essentials of Nursing Care: Methods, Appraisal and
Utilization. 6th edn. Lippincott Williams and Wilkins, Philadelphia

Robson C (2002) Reat World Research. 2nd edn. Blackwell Publishing,
O.xford

KEY POINTS

I Many qualified and student nurses have difficulty

understanding the concepts and terminology associated

with research and research critique.

IThe ability to critically read research is essential if the

profession is to achieve and maintain its goal to be

evidenced based.

IA critique of a piece of research is not a criticism of

the wori<, but an impersonai review to highlight the

strengths and iimitations of the study.

I It is important that all nurses have the ability to criticaiiy

appraise research In order to identify what is best

practice.

Critiquing Nursing Research

2nd edition

Critiquing
Nursing Research

2nd edition

ISBN-W; 1- 85642-316-6; lSBN-13; 978-1-85642-316-8; 234 x 156 mm; p/back; 224 pages;
publicatior) November 2006; £25.99

By John R Cutdiffe and Martin Ward

This 2nd edition of Critiquing Nursing Research retains the features which made the original
a ‘best seller’ whilst incorporating new material in order to expand the book’s applicability. In
addition to reviewing and subsequently updating the material of the original text, the authors
have added two further examples of approaches to crtitique along with examples and an
additonal chapter on how to critique research as part of the work of preparing a dissertation.
The fundamentals of the book however remain the same. It focuses specifically on critiquing
nursing research; the increasing requirement for nurses to become conversant with research,
understand its link with the use of evidence to underpin practice; and the movement towards
becoming an evidence-based discipline.

As nurse education around the world increasingly moves towards an all-graduate discipline, it
is vital for nurses to have the ability to critique research in order to benefit practice. This book
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Uritishjoiirnnl of Nursinji;. 2OO7.V0I 16. No 11 663

Poverty and Social Class

Week 2

Definitions
Poverty:
Common definition: The state of being extremely poor
Sociological definition: Lacking the material and social resources an individual requires to live a healthy life
Social class:
Common definition: A division of society based on social and economic status (mainly income, wealth, education, and occupation)
Sociological definition: A collection of individuals sharing similar social and economic (i.e., socioeconomic) circumstances

Official Poverty Measurement
The Poverty Line (1963)
Minimal diet multiplied by 3
Has not changed since
Problems
Does not account for cost of living
Other expenses aside from food
Does not account for noncash income
Adjusted for inflation annually, and is based on the number of people in a family
Many families who are near poverty, but not below the official line, still have significant trouble making ends meet

Extent of Poverty
According to the official measure, as of 2020, 11.4% of the population (37.2 million people), lived in official poverty
Supplemental poverty measure created to take additional expenses, noncash income, and geography into account
This newer measure indicates there are more people living in poverty in the US than originally calculated with the 1963 measure

Group Activity
Estimate what a family of four (two parents, two young children) in Clark County would have to pay annually for food, clothing, shelter, energy, and other necessities of life.
What figure do you end up with?
How does this sum of money compare with the official 2022 poverty line of $26,500 in annual income, for a family of four?

Racial and Ethnic Differences in Poverty
Most poor people in the United States are which race or ethnicity?
Black/African American
Latino
Native American
Asian
White

According to 2018 Census Data
25.4 percent of Native Americans live in poverty
20.8 percent of Black individuals
17.6 percent of Hispanic individuals of any race
10.1 percent of non-Hispanic whites
10.1 percent of Asians
There is a disproportionality of poverty across racial and ethnic categories, compared to the white population

Source: Poverty USA

Gender and Age
Women are more likely than men to be poor
12.9% of females, and 10.6% of males in the US live in poverty
“The feminization of poverty”
16.2% of children under 18 live in poverty
39% of Black/African-American children in 2010, 26% in 2019
35% of Latino children in 2010, 21% in 2019
Among Asian children: 14.4% in 2010, 7% in 2019
Among white children: 12.3% in 2010, 8% in 2019
The US poverty rate among children is the highest of all wealthy democracies in the world
9.7% of older adults live in poverty (this rises to 14.1% using the supplemental poverty measure)
Source: Pew Research Center

Labor Force Participation
The belief that poor people lack motivation and are lazy is a myth
Most poor people are either working, unemployed but looking for work, or cannot work because of their age and/or health
Total number of people living in poverty 37,247,000
Number of poor people under age 18 11,607,000
Number of poor people ages 65 & older 5,000,000
Number of poor people ages 18-64 20,640,000
Number of poor people ages 18-64 who were:  
Working full- or part-time 7,593,000
Unemployed but looking for work 1,382,880
Disabled 3,643,000
In the armed forces 103,200
Able-bodied but not in the labor force 6,790,560

Theoretical Explanations
Theoretical Perspective Major assumptions
Functionalism Stratification is necessary to induce people with special intelligence, knowledge, and skills to enter the most important occupations. For this reason, stratification is necessary and inevitable.
Conflict theory Stratification results from lack of opportunity and from discrimination and prejudice against the poor, women, and people of color/ It is neither necessary nor inevitable.
Symbolic interactionism Stratification affects people’s beliefs, lifestyles, daily interaction, and conceptions of themselves.

Individual Vs. Structural Explanations
Explanation Major assumptions
Individualistic Poverty results from the fact that poor people lack the motivation to work and have certain beliefs and values that contribute to their poverty.
Structural Poverty results from problems in society that lead to a lack of opportunity and a lack of jobs.

Consequences of Poverty
Poor children are more likely to grow up to be poor themselves
Poor children and families are more likely to have health problems, many of which they cannot afford to treat
Poor children are more likely to commit street crime
Poor children, and adults, and more likely to have lower levels of formal education

How might we go about reducing Poverty in the US?
Think-Pair-Share

Gender Inequality & Sexuality

Week 3

1

Understanding Sex and Gender
Traditional definition of sex: “the anatomical and other biological differences between females and males that are determined at the moment of conception and develop in the womb and throughout childhood and adolescence”
This textbook definition gets some things wrong…
Gender: “the social and cultural differences a society assigns to people based on their (biological) sex”
2
Definitions from Social Problems: Continuity & Change (2010)

Understanding Sex and Gender
Femininity: cultural expectations of girls and women
Masculinity: cultural expectations of boys and men
Biology, culture, and gender
Evolutionary psychology; testosterone and aggression; sex difference in children’s behavior
Anthropological evidence against biological determination
Gender roles differ by culture
Gender socialization: “the process whereby individuals learn the culture of their society” usually based on their perceived gender

3
Definitions from Social Problems: Continuity & Change (2010)

Feminism and Sexism
Feminism: the idea that women and men should have equal opportunities in all aspects of life life
Intersectional feminism takes it a step further
Sexism: belief in gender roles that match traditional stereotypes and belief that there is an inherent inequality between sexes
Patriarchy: male domination which is one of the root causes of women’s oppression
Decline in sexism?
4
Source: Kiser, Angelina I.T. 2015. “Workplace and leadership perceptions between men and women.” Gender in Management, 30(8):598 – 612.
Wave 3: 1994 – 1999, Wave 4: 1999 – 2004, Wave 5: 2005 – 2008, Wave 6: 2010 – 2012
Definitions from Social Problems: Continuity & Change (2010)

Dimensions of Gender Inequality
Gender inequality in income and the workplace
Increasing numbers of women in the labor force
Income/wage gap
Sexual harassment: non-consensual sexual advances, demands for sexual favors, or using physical sexual body language and behavior for the promise/denial of employment or promotion, or that interferes with an individual’s life at work/school, creating an environment that is intimidating or hostile
5
Definitions from Social Problems: Continuity & Change (2010)

Violence Against Women
Rape and sexual assault
Extent
UCR: 139,815 reported rapes in 2019
NCVS: 459,310 rapes and sexual assaults in 2019
Barkan study (2012): 1/3 of US women will experience a rape or sexual assault at least once in their lives
Randall and Haskell study (1995): 2/3 of women experienced at least one rape or sexual assault; “it is more common than not for a woman to have an experience of sexual assault during their lifetime.”
13% of all students (grad and undergrad) experience rape or sexual assault (RAINN 2020)
26.4% of females and 6.8% of males, among undergraduates
Causes
Cultural explanations: (1) myth that women enjoy being raped; (2) belief that women are asking for it or deserve in because of how they dress or behave; (3) men who have a lot of sex are admired, and women are seen as a prize to be conquered – rape culture
Structural explanations: power differences – in places where women are more unequal, rape rates are higher
6

Masculinity
Toxic masculinity hurts people of all sexes and genders
Examples?
Traditional standards of masculinity can lead to emotional problems, learning disabilities, and attention deficit disorders
Suicide among young men can often be linked to the impossible standards of masculinity
7

Reducing Gender Inequality
Policies and programs
Reduce socialization into traditional gender roles
End stereotypes in the media
Increase public consciousness surrounding the reasons for, extent of, and consequences of rape and sexual assault
Increase enforcement of gender-based discrimination in the workplace
Increase funding for rape-crisis centers and other services
Increase govt. funding for childcare that enables parents (especially mothers) to work outside the home
Develop mentorship programs to increase women’s participation in traditionally male occupations and in political positions
Reducing & ending rape and sexual assault
Reorganize society, change beliefs, and empower women
Better funded rape-crisis centers, especially for women of color
8

Understanding Sexual Orientation
Sexual orientation: partner preference in sexual relationships
Gender identity: “the personal conception of oneself as female, male, both, or neither”
LGBTQIA+ population
History of sexual orientation: homosexuality has existed since ancient times and in many societies was/is common and/or accepted as normal
Reasons for sexual orientation
Biological factors: (1) genetic and biological roots; (2) brain anatomy; (3) hormonal balance in the womb
Social and cultural factors: positive and negative messages
9
Definitions from Social Problems: Continuity & Change (2010)

10

Public Attitudes
Heterosexism: “negative views about, and discriminatory practices toward, LGBT individuals and their sexual behavior”
Public opinion
Drastic changes
Still divided
Source: Pew Research Center
11
Definitions from Social Problems: Continuity & Change (2010)

Inequality Based on Sexual Orientation
Bullying: LGBT teens are often targets of taunting, bullying, physical assault, and other abuse
32% of LGBTQ students report being bullied at school and 26.6% report being cyberbullied
17.1% of straight students report being bullied; 14.1% experienced cyberbullying.
LGBTQ students are more likely to skip school (13.5% vs 7.5%), receive poor grades, drop out of school, experience mental health problems, engage in risky behavior, and disciplined for similar misconduct that straight students are not disciplined for
Same-sex marriage: marriage allows for several rights between spouses that non-married partners do not have
E.g., visitation rights in a hospital, health insurance coverage, inheritance without estate taxes, etc.
Heterosexual privilege
12

Improving the Lives of the LGBTQIA+ Community
How might you help to reduce inequality based on sexual orientation and gender identity at your school or in your community?
13

Sexual Behavior

An Overview of Heterosexuality
The sexual revolution
Women became freer to have sex without the fear of pregnancy because of new birth control methods
1960s counterculture – sex before marriage more popular & less demonized
Overall, despite setbacks (such as HIV and AIDS), more people now have sex before marriage & views about different types of sexual behaviors are less conservative
Current views on sexual behavior?
Photo Source: Still from Bob & Carol & Ted & Alice

Trends in Sexual Behaviors
Source: Ueda, Peter, Catherine H. Mercer, Cyrus Ghaznavi, and Debby Herbenick. 2020. “Trends in Frequency of Sexual Activity and Number of Sexual Partners Among Adults Aged 18 to 44 Years in the US, 2000-2018.” JAMA Network Open 3(6).

17
Trends in Sexual Behaviors

Source: Ueda, Peter, Catherine H. Mercer, Cyrus Ghaznavi, and Debby Herbenick. 2020. “Trends in Frequency of Sexual Activity and Number of Sexual Partners Among Adults Aged 18 to 44 Years in the US, 2000-2018.” JAMA Network Open 3(6).

Trends in Sexual Behaviors
18
Source: Ueda, Peter, Catherine H. Mercer, Cyrus Ghaznavi, and Debby Herbenick. 2020. “Trends in Frequency of Sexual Activity and Number of Sexual Partners Among Adults Aged 18 to 44 Years in the US, 2000-2018.” JAMA Network Open 3(6).

Trends in Sexual Behaviors
19
Source: Ueda, Peter, Catherine H. Mercer, Cyrus Ghaznavi, and Debby Herbenick. 2020. “Trends in Frequency of Sexual Activity and Number of Sexual Partners Among Adults Aged 18 to 44 Years in the US, 2000-2018.” JAMA Network Open 3(6).

Discussion
Does it surprise you to learn that women and men are equally sexually active today? Why or why not?
Why has the frequency of sexual activity declined in more recent years?

Teenage Sex and Pregnancy
Stats on teens
In 2019, approx. 38.4% of high schoolers reported having ever had sex
This is lower than 1988, the year with the highest rate of teen sex (between 50 & 60%)
Teen birthrate has declined since 1990s
Problems associated with teen pregnancy and birth
Most teen pregnancies are unplanned; about 18% of teen girls become mothers
Many pregnant teens drop out of school
Physical and emotional stressors
Burden of childcare
Healthcare expenses are higher than incurred by older women; children of teen mothers are at risk for many behavioral and developmental problems
Reducing teen pregnancy and helping teen mothers
Abstinence only sex education is proven not to work
Harm reduction sex education is more successful, according to research
Better support systems and healthcare for teen mothers would lower risks of poverty, emotional issues, etc.

Discussion
How would you restructure sex education in the US, especially considering that while teen pregnancy has declined, it is still an issue?

Abortion
History of abortion
Abortion has been widely practiced since the beginning of recorded history
The US, along with many other countries banned abortion in the 19th century, “to protect pregnant women from unskilled abortionists” – but this backfired
The US legalized abortion across all states in 1973 (Roe v. Wade)
Access to abortion is still limited
Regional differences in abortion rates
Rate of Legal Abortions per 1,000 Women Aged 15-44 Years by State of Occurrence, 2018
Source: Kaiser Family Foundation

24

Information Source

25
Information Source

Views on abortion in the US
The majority of the public generally agrees that abortion should be legal
However, some types of abortion garner much disagreement
Source: Pew Research Center

Religion & Abortion
Why are some religions or religious sects in favor of abortion, while others are strictly against it?
Why do religious followers sometimes go against their religion’s teachings and instead, support abortion (e.g., see the stats for Catholics in this graph)?
27
Source: Pew Research Center

Sex Work
The history of sex work in the US
Common since ancient times, globally
Poor women entered sex work to receive income
Many US cities had legal brothels into the early 1900s, until mainly religious groups spoke out against them
Because sex work is illegal in the US, the government does not compile statistics on sex workers, thus we don’t know how many sex workers exist
Experiences of streetwalkers
Many sex workers who work the streets are exploited, abused, used for access to drugs, are raped, and robbed, among much else. Some sex workers willingly enter the profession, while others are trafficked or forced into the industry

Sex Work
How would feminist theory and intersectionality contribute to the understanding of sex work?
Critical race theory?

Think – Pair – Share
Should sex work become legal and regulated? Why or why not?

Pornography
Difficult to define
Popularity
Revenues about $13 billion annually as of 2010
About 40% of Americans visit pornographic websites at least monthly
Violence against women
Some types of pornography promote rape and violence; however, rape rates have not risen in states that have made their laws more lenient
Not all people who work in the porn industry do so willingly

Discussion
Should all types of pornography (except child pornography) be legal for people 18 and older? Why or why not?

Race, Ethnicity, and Immigration

Week 4

Some Historical Reminders
Christopher Columbus and Indigenous populations
Slavery in the United States
Mob violence in the 19th and 20th centuries
Victims: African American, Black, Irish, Italian, Eastern European, Mexican, and Asian communities
Nazi occupation in Europe
Inequalities building up over time

The Meaning of Race and Ethnicity
Biological concept of race
Society groups people based on shared physical characteristics
Scientists who developed racial categories used physical differences as criteria
However, there are more physical differences within a race or ethnicity than between races and ethnicities
Race is a social construct, not a biological fact
It has no objective reality; people decide what it is
However, because people perceive race as something real, there are real social consequences
Ethnicity: “shared social, cultural, and historical experiences stemming from common national or regional backgrounds”
The good and bad consequences of ethnic heritages
Provides sense of belonging and identity
Prejudice and discrimination against ethnic groups other than our own

Colorblindness
Another form of racism
Ignoring historical violence, racism, and discrimination as well as today’s racial and ethnic inequalities
Through “colorblindness” white people can ignore racism, and justify their privileged status
Since race and ethnicity significantly impacts life chances and opportunities, color unfortunately matters, and thus we cannot ignore it

Prejudice
Prejudice: “a set of negative attitudes, beliefs, and judgments about whole categories of people, and about individual members of those categories, because of their perceived race and/or ethnicity”
Racism: “The belief that certain racial or ethnic groups are inferior to one’s own” (based on power structures; reverse racism does not exist)
Stereotypes: “simplified, mistaken generalizations about people because of their race and/or ethnicity”
Definitions from Social Problems: Continuity & Change (2010)

Prejudice (continued)
Social-psychological theories of prejudice
Authoritarian personality
Frustration theory (i.e. scapegoat theory)
Sociological theories of prejudice
Social learning theory
Mass media
Group threat theory and ethnic competition theory
Correlates of Prejudice
White women and men are equally prejudiced; respond more as whites than as women or men
Lower education levels are associated with more racial prejudice
Southern residence is also a strong indicator of more prejudice

Discrimination
Individual vs. Institutional Discrimination
Individual: discrimination practiced in individuals’ daily lives, usually because they are prejudiced
Examples?
Institutional: discrimination that pervades practices of whole institutions (e.g., housing, health care, law enforcement, employment, education, etc.)
Affects larges numbers of people
Institutions can discriminate even if they do not intend to
Examples: health care, mortgages and residential segregation, employment

Think – Pair – Share
How would Conflict Theory explain the existence of racial prejudice and discrimination?
What about Functionalism?
Intersectionality?

Dimensions of Racial and Ethnic Inequality
Manifestations of racial and ethnic inequality
The increasing wealth gap
Higher levels of stress among people of color
White Privilege
White people benefit from being white, whether they realize it or not
Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; Data from the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF)

Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; Data from the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF)

Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; Data from the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF)

Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; Data from the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF)

Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; Data from the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF)

Source: Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; Data from the 2019 Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF)

Source: The Brookings Institution; Data from the 2015 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP)

Source: Center for American Progress

Source: Center for American Progress

Source: Center for American Progress

Explaining Racial and Ethnic Inequality
Cultural explanations
The myth of biological inferiority and cultural deficiencies
Structural explanations
The system is at fault – structural problems including institutional and individual discrimination, lack of opportunity, absence of jobs and adequate wages, segregation, school funding
People who are already at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder have a much more difficult time climbing up

Implicit Bias
Go to implicit.Harvard.edu
You don’t have to register. You can just choose your language/nation and continue as a guest.
If you consent to the disclaimer, click “I wish to proceed” at the bottom of the disclaimer.
Choose one of the tests that have to do with race, ethnicity, nationality, or skin color/tone.
After completing one of the tests, view your results. We will discuss the tests and results if you wish to share.

Immigration
Key Terms
Pluralism: “salad bowl”
Mixture of different cultures, but each retains its own identity
Assimilation: minority group gives up its own identity by taking on characteristics of the dominant culture
Amalgamation: “melting pot”
Minority group and majority group combine to form a new group
Expulsion: dominant group forcing subordinate group to leave a certain area or whole country
Genocide: deliberate annihilation of a targeted (usually subordinate) group
Definitions from Social Problems: Continuity & Change (2010)

Asian American Immigration
First Asian immigrants to come to US were Chinese
Mid-19th century, primarily men
Gold rush, transcontinental railroad, mining, agriculture
Underpaid, overworked
Japanese immigration began in 1880s around the time of the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882
Hawaii’s sugar industry; California
Japanese government negotiated with US to ensure well being of their immigrants
Most recent large-scale Asian immigration came from Korea and Vietnam
2nd half of 20th century
Korean immigration has been fairly gradual
Vietnamese immigration primarily post-1975 after fall of Saigon (Ho Chi Minh); political refugees

China
Japan
South Korea
Vietnam

Hispanic Americans and Latinx Populations
Wide range of backgrounds and nationalities
Mexican Americans form largest Hispanic subgroup and oldest
Started early 1900s in response to need for agricultural labor
This obviously does not take into account that large portions of the US were owned by Mexico at one time
Cuban Americans are second-largest Hispanic subgroup
Main wave to US after Castro came to power in 1959; reached peak in 1980 (Mariel boatlift)

Arab American Immigration
While Asian Americans and Hispanic Americans are designated because of their region or country of origin, Arab Americans are designated by Arabia, a country that has not existed for centuries
Arab Americans represent all religious practices, not just Islam
Arab region comprises what colonialism has termed the “Middle East” and parts of northern Africa; more accurate, decolonial name for the region is SWANA (Southwest Asian and North African)
First Arab immigrants came to the US in the late 19th and early 20th centuries
Predominantly Syrian, Lebanese, and Jordanian Christians; represent almost half of the Arab population in the US today
Arab immigrants from 1965 onward have been more likely to be Muslim and more highly educated, escaping political unrest

White Ethnic American Population
Around 76% of US adult population currently identify themselves as white alone (no other race or ethnicity) as of 2019
White ethnic Europeans formed large immigration waves from early 19th to mid 20th century
First major wave was mostly German and Irish starting in the 1820s
Political unrest in Germany, famine in Ireland
Southern and Eastern Europeans immigrated in larger numbers starting in the late 19th, early 20th centuries – Italy, Russia, Poland, Bulgaria, and Austria-Hungary started arriving at same time
Left home countries because of political unrest, land shortages, and crop failures
Eastern European wave also included Jewish people escaping anti-Jewish uprisings starting at this time

Research on Immigration and Crime
“Increases in the foreign-born population share are associated with reductions in the homicide rate, a process observed most clearly in the South region of the US. This reduction is largely the result of spillover, the indirect effect of growth in the immigrant population in one county on homicide rates in other counties” (Ruther 2014:S1).
“[R]esults show that the increased size of the foreign-born population reduces lethal violence over time. Specifically, we find that neighborhoods with a larger share of immigrants have fewer total, non-Latino White, and Latino homicide victims. More broadly, our findings suggest that social disorganization in heavily immigrant cities might be largely a function of economic deprivation rather than forms of “neighborhood” or “system” stability” (Martinez et al. 2010:798)
Martinez, Jr., Ramiro, Jacob I. Stowell, and Matthew T. Lee. 2010. “Immigration and Crime in an Era of Transformation: A longitudinal analysis of homicides in San Diego neighborhoods, 1980 – 2000.” Criminology 48(3):797 – 829.
Ruther, Matt. 2014. “The effect of growth in foreign born population share on county homicide rates: A spatial panel approach.” Papers in Regional Science 93(1):S1 – S24. DOI:10.1111/pirs.12045

Graph Source: New York Times; Original publication & data source: Journal of Ethnicity and Criminal Justice

Let’s think about theory again
How would the major sociological theories explain why some US citizens are so quick to blame immigrants (especially undocumented immigrants), for crime, even though the data shows that crime overall is decreasing AND areas with large increases in immigrants, in particular, have seen large decreases in violent crime?
Group 1: Functionalism
Group 2: Symbolic Interactionism
Group 3: Conflict Theory
Group 4: Intersectionality
Group 5: Critical Race Theory

40 contexts.org

by
sarah halpern-meekin

relational
resourc

es

social
poverty

&

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1177%2F1536504220920195&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2020-05-27

41S P R I N G 2 0 2 0 c o n t e x t s

When we treat relationships merely as a mechanism

through which financial resources can flow, we are not accu-

rately capturing how relationships matter to people in the real

world. Of course, loans, referrals, and a spot on the couch are

valuable, but so is knowing that someone is there for you no

matter what. We must use a more multidimensional approach

in assessing people’s resources. Part of this entails engaging

with the risks of social poverty—lacking an adequate number of

high-quality, trustworthy relationships to meet one’s socioemo-

tional needs. Relationships, in their meaning to people, effect

on people, and motivation for people, have inherent value, not

just a “use value.”

Mark, 21, and Ashley, 20, were among the 62 young adults I

recruited from an Oklahoma City-area program for new parents.

I interviewed them for the first time right around their child’s

birth, and the strength of their relational needs came through

forcefully, even in the presence of their deep financial needs.

Ashley said of Mark, “I don’t think of him as just a fiancé. I think

of him as a best friend, and he is. He’s my best friend. If I didn’t

have him, I’d probably be the loneliest person on the earth right

now.” One of the changes Mark was looking to see in his life

was to, “at least be able to have some type of stability or being

nearing stability.” While one might assume Mark means financial

stability since he and Ashley were struggling financially—getting

by on his $1,000 a month in fast food wages as they welcomed

their daughter—Mark had other concerns. He continued, “Not

the case of financial, ’cause with the way kids are nowadays,

we’re not going to be financially stable for years now. And I

know that. But just get to the case where we’re not trying to rip

each other’s heads off … Just family stability.” Ashley and Mark

wanted to secure their relational resources, not just their financial

ones. As I interviewed these 62 parents—both individually and

together as a couple—multiple times over the course of a year

(for a total of 192 interviews), the importance of escaping or

avoiding social poverty emerged time and again.

What is social poverty?

Social poverty entails social isolation that is more than

momentary, and that cannot be addressed through one’s current

relational resources. As an analogy, feeling hungry is different

than being food insecure, just as feeling lonely is different than

being in social poverty. Like social poverty, hunger is a subjec-

tive feeling—we all have different caloric needs and different

levels of tolerance for being hungry (before we get “hangry”).

Most of us feel hungry or lonely from time to time, some more

Who you know matters, sociologists have shown time and again.

Need a loan? Need a job referral? Need a place to crash in a housing

crunch? A wealth of research has established how social capital

shapes individual outcomes and patterns of social stratification.

Yet, for all of the attention shown to wealth and poverty—that can

come from social ties (or the lack thereof)—researchers often fail to

appreciate the ways in which relationships themselves are a resource.

Contexts, Vol. 19, Issue 2, p. 40-45. ISSN 1536-5042. © American Sociological Association.
http://contexts.sagepub.com. 10.1177/1536504220920195.

42 contexts.org

often than others. However, what sets these feelings apart from

being food insecure or socially poor is whether or not the person

experiencing these feelings can access the resources necessary

to address these issues. Further, when food insecurity or social

poverty are not pressing concerns, we eat and socialize nonethe-

less; that is, our pursuit of these resources is not an activity we

undertake solely as a purposeful effort to avoid impending hard-

ship. While individuals’ experiences of being hungry or lonely are

not social problems that need to be addressed through policies

and programs, being food insecure or socially poor may be. That

social poverty is a subjective experience makes its consequences

for physical and mental health no less real—unaddressed social

isolation can raise the risks of morbidity and mortality. However,

this is not the lens through which sociologists often view social

relations.

Social capital literature conceives of social ties in terms of

their use-value — e.g., job leads, loans. This treats relationships

as a form of currency, as opposed to them being inherently of

value to people due to their relational needs. While relationships

certainly can serve as a form of social capital, the social poverty

lens requires us to view relationships in a different way than is

traditionally done in the social capital field. As an example of

the contrast between the social poverty and social capital lenses,

consider Ivan Light’s focus on “mutual metamorphosis,” in which

he argues that social capital is made up of those social ties that

can turn into other forms of capital (financial, cultural, etc.).

In focusing instead on people’s risk of social poverty, we see

the ways in which they value and are motivated by their social

needs for trusted connections, understanding, compassion, and

companionship, none of which need to convert into other forms

of capital to be deeply consequential.

While the utility of the existing research on social isolation

is limited by the less-than-nuanced way in which this construct

is often measured (e.g., number of friends or frequency of social

interactions), it is still instructive in motivating the importance of

social poverty. Health researchers have shown that social isolation

is associated with having a weaker immune system, a higher rate

of mental health struggles, and increased mortality rates—on par

with the consequences of smoking. These associations between

social isolation and health hold over and above one’s individual

and neighborhood poverty status.

While most research on social isolation focuses on these

experiences among older adults, social isolation may be just as

common earlier in the life course, among young adults. Given

the myriad of changes to roles and daily activities they face,

struggling to meet social needs during this stage of life should,

perhaps, be expected. For example, as young people transition

their primary relational foci from parents to friends to romantic

partners, these transforming relationships may be strained.

Research on the demographics of social isolation also tells us

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An expecting couple sits down to rest on a park bench.

43S P R I N G 2 0 2 0 c o n t e x t s

that this experience is more common among those with limited

financial resources. Scholars have documented the structural

factors that shape social isolation and erode the development of

trust among those with low incomes; these factors then increase

their risk of social poverty. It is important to note, however, that

financial and social poverty are not synonymous. In fact, some

evidence indicates that the social ties through which financial

resources flow can be sources of stress, rather than relational

resources, for low-income parents. There are also suggestions

of deep loneliness and isolation among elites, such as celebrities

and the super-rich, as fears of one’s wealth and status corrupting

others’ intentions may undermine trust. One form of deprivation

may increase the likelihood of the other, but they need not co-

occur. As I discuss below, we can develop policies and programs

in ways that attend to both needs simultaneously.

empirical evidence of social poverty
Kristina and Lance, both 20, were preparing to welcome

their first child when we met, but their relationship was on the

rocks. Fundamentally, they did not trust one another, and this

mistrust stemmed in part from them transitioning to parenthood

on different schedules from one another. At the sight of the posi-

tive pregnancy test, Kristina began to see herself as a mother,

and so she withdrew from her friends and their partying, which

she didn’t see as appropriate for a parent. She said of Lance, “It’s

not about him anymore, it’s not about me anymore, it’s about

the baby and our family. I see that. I’m perfectly fine with that.

I’m perfectly fine with not hanging out with anybody… The only

person I go see is my mom. I don’t hang out with my friends …”

But Lance didn’t feel like a father until his

newborn son was placed in his arms for the

first time, and so he spent Kristina’s preg-

nancy out with friends, behaving in ways

she didn’t see as fitting a “family man.”

They emerged from this period with

their relationship semi-intact. While they

had not regained their footing as a couple,

each so enjoyed the other as a parent and

wanted to give their son the stable family

life they both missed out on as children, that they ended our

year of interviews still together. Kristina’s risk of social poverty

rose during her pregnancy, as she purposely separated from her

friends, leaving her that much more reliant on her relationship

with Lance to meet her socioemotional needs. Lance, for his

part, would be hard pressed to balance his role as a parent with

his relationships with his friends—whose ways of socializing

conflict with what our culture—and his girlfriend—demand of

a responsible father.

There are several reasons why tackling so many transitions

at once—to adulthood, parenthood, and partnership—would

raise the risk of social poverty. First, people may disconnect them-

selves from friends whose young adult lifestyles clash with the

way they want to live as parents. One father explained, “I stay

away from my friends.” This means they have less social support

at a time when perhaps more is needed, as they face the stresses

of new parenthood. Second, when it comes to partnership, it

can be hard to develop trust in a relationship when so much

of who you are and what you’re doing is up in the air. Should

Lance be a responsible father or a carefree kid during Kristina’s

pregnancy? How can you trust someone, or even yourself, to

act with your needs and desires in mind when those needs and

desires are changing and might not even be clear to you yet?

In transitioning to parenthood at a young age and on different

time frames from one another, Kristina and Lance face a real

risk of experiencing social poverty as their relationship with one

another may fail to serve as a steadfast social resource.

Another set of factors that repeatedly emerged in the life

stories of those I met was how their earlier experiences, espe-

cially in childhood, set the stage for their current experiences

Parents help their little one up a large flight of stairs.

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Another set of factors that repeatedly emerged
in the life stories of those I met was how their
earlier experiences, especially in childhood, set
the stage for their current experiences with
social poverty.

44 contexts.org

with social poverty. Jessica, 19, was expecting her first child with

her high school boyfriend Will, 22, and the two were raising his

toddler together as well. She explained how difficult it was for

her to trust anyone, including Will, after what she saw growing

up. “That’s why it’s hard for me to have relationships, anyways,

because with my dad, …he has never been there, and my step-

dad, he is just not a father figure at all. And losing my grandpa,

it was just like, there’s nothing left.” She saw herself as having

been born into mistrust, “My dad cheated on my mom when

she was pregnant with me. I know I wasn’t there for it, but the

stress that she felt I felt.” Jessica’s dad walked out on the family

when she was young, and then lost himself to drugs. A few

years later, she had to watch history repeat as her stepfather

walked out on her little brother and sister, just as her dad had

on her. Not two weeks later, her beloved grandfather died.

Jessica’s mother was wrapped up in her failing relationship and

caring for her other children. Jessica didn’t trust her friends all

that much, after several had pursued Will in high school. This

was why her grandfather’s death left her feeling “there’s nothing

left,” a statement of her social poverty.

Will was Jessica’s main support in life, and she wanted to

trust him, to feel that their relationship was a steady relational

resource in her life, but after everything she had seen, she said,

it was hard to be vulnerable in the way trust required. “The past

males in my life, figures that were supposed to be good, weren’t.

So the trust issues are always going to be there. But I’m working

on it. … I’m still stuck on the past.” Like Jessica, many of the

young parents I met struggled to construct the family lives they

desired for themselves and their children.

Due to their experiences growing up, they

felt it was more difficult to trust, commu-

nicate, and build a life with their partners

today. Their risk of social poverty, there-

fore, came, in part, from current challenges

created by their previous experiences as

children and in their earlier romantic relationships.

In explicating the concept of social poverty, the focus is

not on describing personal failings among those experiencing

it. Rather, we can see the ways in which life course events, the

cultural norms around social roles, and interpersonal dynamics,

among other factors, can come together to raise the risk of social

poverty. As such, addressing the risks and consequences of social

poverty is not just about “fixing” individuals but rather building

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A father holds his daughter tight.

Due to their experiences growing up, they felt
it was more difficult to trust, communicate, and
build a life with their partners today.

45S P R I N G 2 0 2 0 c o n t e x t s

social structures that facilitate the growth and strengthening of

high-quality relationships.

policy responses to social poverty
While the problem of social poverty is more subjective and

slippery than our official federal financial poverty measure, it is

nevertheless amenable to policy solutions. Here I focus on two

guidelines for developing policy informed by the social poverty

framework.

Design programs and communities to promote human
dignity and connection.

We see the power of this approach across fields. Education

researchers have found that at-risk youth are less likely to drop

out of school when they receive emotional and instrumental

support from trusted adults. Healthcare researchers found

that family caregivers of Alzheimer’s patients, who are often

overwhelmed by their caregiving responsibilities, experienced

an easier adjustment to their role when involved in a program

that offered social support. While healthcare provision is often

focused on the health needs of the patient, this research indi-

cates how important the social needs of caregivers—essential

to the wellbeing of patients—are to the equation. Likewise, in

setting up senior living facilities, options for young people to live

alongside older residents can be mutually beneficial; these help

to meet the financial needs of university students, for example,

and facilitate intergenerational relationships, addressing the

relational needs of both groups. Local development plans can

be done in ways that facilitate opportunities for social interaction

and connection, such as around accessible public infrastructure,

like walkable neighborhoods, community gardens, and libraries.

Deliver social services in a way that builds relationships.
Again, across fields we see the gains of delivering services in

a way that anticipates both people’s financial and social needs.

Victor Chen’s research in comparing the services offered to fac-

tory workers following mass layoffs in the United States versus

Canada illustrates this point. While the layoffs were difficult for

all involved, the social poverty Chen saw among the American

workers was distinct. He highlighted the role of the Canadian

“action centers,” which were set up in response to the layoff

and staffed by former factory workers. These centers not only

helped laid-off workers to navigate and secure financial and

educational resources but also provided a site for fellowship,

allowing them to process and experience their job loss collec-

tively, rather than alone.

Relatedly, Mario Small has shown the power of community

institutions, such as child care centers, to connect parents to

local resources, with knowledge often flowing through infor-

mal relationships among parents and staff in the center. These

relationships can be purposefully nurtured with, for example,

regular opportunities to get to know one another, such as at

cookouts. By facilitating relationship building, social service

organizations may become more effective in achieving their

missions while also addressing social poverty among their cli-

entele. This requires that services be delivered in ways that are

not stigmatizing for participants. By recognizing and accurately

modeling social poverty, social scientists can provide the research

base to facilitate work by policymakers and program developers

in alleviating social deprivation.

recommended reading
Cacioppo, John T., and Cacioppo, Stephanie. 2014. Social rela-
tionships and health: The toxic effects of perceived social isola-
tion. Social and Personality Psychology Compass 8: 58–72.

Halpern-Meekin, Sarah. 2019. Social poverty: Low-income par-
ents and the struggle for family and community ties. New York:
New York University Press.

Holt-Lunstad, Julianne, Smith, Timothy B., Baker, Mark, Harris,
Tyler, and Stephenson, David. 2015. Loneliness and social isola-
tion as risk factors for mortality: A meta-analytic review. Perspec-
tives on Psychological Science 10: 227–237.

Seefeldt, Kristin. 2016. Abandoned families: Social isolation in
the twenty-first century. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.

Small, Mario L. 2006. Neighborhood institutions as resource
brokers: Childcare centers, interorganizational ties, and resource
access among the poor. Social Problems 53: 274–292.

Sarah Halpern-Meekin is Associate Professor in Human Development & Family

Studies in the School of Human Ecology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. She

studies instability in family relationships and finances and the role of government

policy in addressing these experiences.

80 contexts.org

intersex and the social construction of sex
by georgiann davis and sharon preves

b
back page

Contexts, Vol. 16, No. 1, p. 80. ISSN 1536-5042, electronic ISSN 1537-60521. © 2017 American
Sociological Association. http://contexts.sagepub.com. DOI 10.1177/1536504217696082.

“What is it?” It’s the first question most new parents field, and

it’s safe to assume no one wonders if the child is human. Instead,

the question usually refers to the child’s sex, and it reveals the

fundamental social importance of anatomical sex. Its bluntness

also indicates that, without a neatly assigned sex, a child might

not fully be a person. Granted a physical sex label—female or

male—the newborn is immediately and forever “gendered”

through social interactions. Sociocultural scholars have explored

the social construction of gender as a performative, fluid, and

non-universal category for decades, but the notion that physical

sex is also socially constructed has acquired far less exploration.

Some babies are born intersex. Their bodies aren’t clearly

female or male. While there is no reliable estimate of intersex

people in the population, a commonly reported statistic is that

intersex genital variation occurs about once in every 1,500 to

2,000 American births.

While we tend to rely on genital appearance at birth (more

directly, the presence or absence of a phallus) as the basis of

our sex assignment, what constitutes the essential sign of sex

has varied over the years. Genital appearance, sex hormones,

sex chromosomes, and the brain have each been used to sex

categorize bodies at different points in time. Sex hasn’t always

been a simple binary divide, either: pathologist Theodore Klebs,

for instance, first classified anatomical sex into five categories

in 1876, using the presence of gonads (ovaries, testes, or a mix

of ovarian and testicular tissue) as his guide, and biologist and

gender scholar Anne Fausto-Sterling further described these divi-

sions in her influential 1993 piece, “The Five Sexes.”

More recently, hormonal levels have been used to categorize

sex, as is the case in sex testing conducted by the International

Olympic Committee (IOC) and the International Association

of Athletics Federations (IAAF). In 2009, South African runner

Caster Semenya won the 800-meter race at the Berlin World

Championships in Athletics. The media and several of Seme-

nya’s competitors seized on her appearance and performance

to pose stigmatizing questions about whether she was eligible

to compete as a female. Semenya was temporarily banned from

competition. In a purported effort to prevent another such fiasco,

in 2012, the IOC and IAAF issued sex-testing policies centered

on hyperandrogenism (a medical term describing ,in females,

higher than “normal” levels of androgen, including testosterone,

and often associated with intersex traits). The groups claimed

the guidelines were not about sex testing women athletes, but

about ensuring fairness in elite athletic competitions. After years

of scrutiny, Semenya (who has never self-identified as hyperan-

drogenic or intersex) was reinstated. She won silver at the 2012

Olympic Games. In the summer of 2015, the sex-testing policies

were suspended after Dutee Chand, an Indian 100-meter sprinter,

successfully appealed to the Court of Arbitration for Sport. Chand

didn’t advance to the semi-finals in the 2016 Olympic Games, but

Semenya won gold in the 800-meter race. Immediately following

her win, the IAAF made a statement that they would consider

the possibility of reinstating hyperadrogenism testing.

That one’s eligibility to compete as a female athlete is debat-

able and that the physical criteria used to judge femaleness have

changed over time are evidence that the categorization of sex is

a social, variable process.

Sex is far more diverse than we acknowledge when we ask

whether a baby is male or female. It cannot be neatly defined by

our genitalia, hormone levels, reproductive structures, or brain

structure. And as people with intersex traits make exceptionally

clear, even chromosomes are a poor guide. People with complete

androgen insensitivity syndrome, for instance, have XY chromo-

somes (typically associated with males) but an outward female

appearance, including breasts and a vagina and minimal, if any,

ability to develop male secondary sex characteristics, such as

prominent facial hair.

Perhaps, then, we ought to ask parents “Who is it?” rather

than “What is it?” when we meet a child. That way, the focus

might rest more holistically on the newborn as a human being,

rather than the predetermined product of a historically variable

and socially constructed sex and gender system. Maybe then we

can get to the root of why, as a society, we are so quick to cat-

egorize babies as “females” or “males” ascribed with “feminine”

or “masculine” personalities. Doing so would require wrestling

with, and perhaps unraveling, our widely held beliefs that both

sex and gender are binary, neatly correlated phenomena. Simply

changing the focus of the conversation seems a good place to

start acknowledging the diversity of sex development.

Georgiann Davis is in the sociology department at the University of Nevada, Las

Vegas. She is the author of Contesting Intersex: The Dubious Diagnosis. Sharon

Preves is in the sociology department at Hamline University. She is the author of

Intersex and Identity: the Contested Self.

http://doi.org/10.1177/1536504217696082

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1177%2F1536504217696082&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2017-03-22

78 contexts.org

But junior year came, and with it the core courses of Macro

Sociology, Micro Sociology, and, of course, The Logic of Soci-

ological Inquiry—the fancy term for Research Methods at my

school.

I entered the class with my mind set on researching child-

ren in some way. Between babysitting and working at sum-

mer camps, I’ve spent years working with children and

watching their interactions with each other in many settings.

After taking a Sociology of Gender course my sophomore year,

I became interested in gender socialization, or the process of

learning our cultural definitions of masculinity and femininity

and the normal behaviors attached to those meanings. I

became particularly interested in how this

concept affects children and their inter-

actions with each other.

In Soc of Gender, we read an excerpt

from Barrie Thorne’s book Gender Play

that described how children learn and

teach each other about gender. Through-

out the reading, which Thorne published more than 15 years

ago, I reflected on my own experiences with kids and how this

process still applies to kids today. Taking my research methods

course one year later finally gave me the opportunity to exam-

ine first hand how children “do” gender in the 21st century.

A local public playground was the best and most accessible

place for me to watch kids in action in a fairly unstructured

environment. I also conducted a one-hour observation at the

community building where the town-run after school program

is held so I could see children in a more structured environ-

ment where specific activities were usually taking place.

I observed many different behaviors at the playground.

Some clearly resembled what we typically think of as feminine,

such as the nurturing and quiet activities expected of girls. This

theme of stereotypically feminine behavior recurred as I

watched the girls in their peer groups, with one group of three

girls building a home for fairies and another building a nest

for their stuffed duck toy. These acts of making homes or nests

for imaginary beings are very much feminine behaviors: quiet,

creative play that included the nurturing and even domestic

qualities expected of young girls. In addition to these younger

girls, there was a group of older girls quietly doing their home-

work at the picnic table.

The boys’ behaviors were a little less clear. At the play-

ground, they were much louder. When I first got there, an older

boy next to me yelled loudly along with other boys who were

just running around and yelling to each other. A few boys said

they were doing “challenges,” which seems to be in accord

with the adventurous and competitive behaviors stereotypical

of boys. During my observation in the community building, I

noticed the boys here were also much louder than the girls.

Although only three girls were in the room I observed at

first, I did notice some differences between their activities and

the boys’. In all, the boys were more active and loud than the

girls. Some boys dragged each other around on a chair, and oth-

ers just ran around and were generally more active. It’s hard

to compare to girls in this scenario because after a short while

only one remained, but this loud and “disruptive” behavior

among boys was a pattern I found at both sites where I con-

ducted my observations.

These behaviors were easy to categorize, but other behav-

iors and activities weren’t. For example, two girls were involved

in a variety of activities, including playing on the monkey bars.

This behavior seemed more gender-neutral than building fairy

homes and duck nests. Another situation involved a group of

three boys and two girls taking part in a running competition.

These kids made a “track” around the playground and said

wchildrenandgenderby emily yearwoodwhat i LEARNED

Taking a research methods course gave me the
opportunity to examine first hand how children
“do” gender in the 21st century.

Takingaresearchmethodscoursewasnotonmytop10listof things

to do. Although reading the findings of other researchers always

interested me, the idea of conducting my own research scared and

intimidated me.

79summer 2009 contexts

they were going to run around it.

This shows another example of two girls taking part in play

that doesn’t seem to have any stereotypical feminine qualities.

There were no signs of “boys versus girls” play like chasing or

contests, as was common among the children Barrie Thorne

observed. Instead, it was everyone for themselves. In the past,

competition and sports were equated more with masculine

behavior. But, with the changing times and the inclusion of more

females in sports, perhaps these previously

“masculine” behaviors have found their

way to a more “gender-neutral” place.

Back inside the community center, I

looked at other such things as clothing and

the crafts kids were making. I noticed that

one girl drew flowers whereas the boys

tended to draw lines, shapes, and turkeys (but no flowers). As

far as clothing goes, three girls were wearing something pink,

but none of the boys were. On the playground, 13 of the 15

girls there wore pink, but no boys did.

Although my research focused on the children and how they

acted out their gender, I came to see the larger social forces

at play here. It’s the parents who dress their little girls in pink

and pierce their ears before they’re even able to speak. It’s the

media that show girls playing with baby dolls and boys with

G.I. Joes. And it’s society as a whole that emphasizes this gen-

dered America.

As kids grow up, these attitudes and roles are so engrained

through socialization that gendered behavior is the norm. Once

the children enter school, the behavior expected from boys

and girls continues to be based on gender, and peers are quick

to socialize those who were previously “unaware.” When a

child acts outside the lines of their gender, their peers will prob-

ably point out the strange behavior, whether it’s a boy playing

with “girl” toys, or a girl acting like a “tomboy.” As many

young boys will say, one of the most hurtful things that can

be said about a boy is that he’s “acting like a girl.”

Sociological research has shown this gendered behavior,

pushed on children at a young age, has many consequences,

including a negative impact on future relationships and the

future roles the children will play. The role of the young girl as

a nurturing care-taker to stuffed toys directly relates to the tra-

ditional role of women as home-makers and men as bread win-

ners. This narrow vision of the role of women in society is

constricting to children today, despite the great advancements

of the feminist movement. The societal vision of men as tough

and insensitive has negative consequences on their emotional

and mental health, as well as on their relationships with oth-

ers. These consequences of “doing gender” touch just briefly

upon a deeply researched area of sociology that is in itself an

extremely interesting subject.

Acting out your gender is such a part of American culture

it’s nearly impossible to recognize unless you’re made aware

of it. This intimidating research process turned out to be one

of the most beneficial and educating experiences I’ve had—it

opened my eyes to the many ways children learn and teach

others how to act their gender.

After spending years working with children, introducing

sociology into my world view has allowed me to notice things

I’ve never seen before. I recognize the impact of outside forces,

like the media, popular culture, parents, and peers, on chil-

dren and their development, and how children and adults, in

many ways, are a product of our society. I’ve come to under-

stand that children’s “choices” to wear pink or play with G.I.

Joes may be less a choice and more the result of the clear and

constant messages they receive from those outside forces about

what it means to be a boy or girl in our society. This research

project, together with my course in gender, gave me the oppor-

tunity to experience first-hand what Barrie Thorne writes about,

and see for myself how children “do” gender.

recommended resources
Barrie Thorne. Gender Play: Boys and Girls in School (Rutgers Uni-
versity Press, 1993).

Candace West and Don H. Zimmerman. “Doing gender,” Gender
& Society (1987) 1: 125–151.

Emily Yearwood is a junior at the University of Maine. She wrote a version of

this essay for her Logic of Social Inquiry class in Fall 2008, which was taught by

Amy Blackstone.

After spending years working with children, intro-
ducing sociology into my world view has allowed
me to notice things I’ve never seen before.

We encourage instructors to nominate first-person essays like this
one by sending their students’ work of no more than 1,200 words,
contact information, and a note about the class and assignment
to editor@contexts.org.

Contexts, Vol. 8, No. 3, p. 78–79. ISSN 1536-5042, electronic ISSN 1537-6052. © 2009 American Sociological Association.
All rights reserved. For permission to photocopy or reproduce see http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintinfo.asp.
DOI: 10.1525/ctx.2009.8.3.78.

28 contexts.org

In her bid as a 2020

Democratic candidate

for President, U.S. Senator

Elizabeth Warren found

herself on the defensive

when President Donald J. Trump

repeatedly called her “Pocahontas.”

For years, Warren had claimed indigenous

ancestry. In an attempt to address the nagging

controversy about her claim, Warren took a

DNA ancestry test. The results showed a small

but detectable amount of Native American

DNA, possibly an indigenous ancestor six to ten

generations removed. Warren had long claimed

that she was part Tsalagi (Cherokee) and Lenape

(Delaware) based on family stories she heard

growing up.

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indigenous
identity,

being,
and
belonging

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1177%2F1536504220950398&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2020-09-18

29S U M M E R 2 0 2 0 c o n t e x t sContexts, Vol. 19, Issue 3, p. 28-33. ISSN 1536-5042. © American Sociological Association.
http://contexts.sagepub.com. 10.1177/1536504220950398.

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By 2019, more than 26 million Americans
had taken an at-home DNA-ancestry test.
Should interest in identity, family history, and
genealogy continue, by 2021, the most prolific
purveyors of such testing will have collected
and stored the genetic data of more than 100
million people—according to DNA test kit
vendors and market analysts.

A screenshot from an AncestryDNA commercial featuring
“Kim” who “discovered” her Native American ancestry.

However, in turning to DNA testing to silence her critics, she

reinforced one of the most insidious ways Americans think about

race as an innate and immutable biological fact.

In the past ten years, DNA-ancestry test kits have become

all the rage. Coinciding with the adoption of direct to consumer

genetic testing is the budding popularization of family history

and identity politics—a curious collision of interests, to be

sure. The two phenomena—increasing technological advance-

ments vis-a-vis genetic testing and the dynamics of determining

identity—are indeed linked. By spitting into a plastic tube or

swabbing the inside of a cheek, companies such as Ancestry

and 23andMe promise their consumers insight into the deepest

reaches of their ancestry. Simultaneously, the strongest appeal

by these producers of consumer genetic testing is their promise

to tell consumers who and what they are. The power to identify

merged with various technologies of identification serve mul-

tiple, often self-serving purposes. Unfortunately, the implications

of their coincidence are often lost on consumers of such tests

seeking answers to questions of identity.

By 2019, more than 26 million Americans had taken an

at-home DNA-ancestry test. Should interest in identity, family

history, and genealogy continue, by 2021, the most prolific pur-

veyors of such testing will have collected and stored the genetic

data of more than 100 million people—according to DNA test

kit vendors and market analysts.

For many, ancestry is synonymous

with identity but there are important

qualitative distinctions between what you

are and who you are. To the extent that

DNA ancestry tests might tell you what

you are based on an algorithm of reference

datasets, it cannot tell you who you are.

While identity, or who you are matters, for

many, so does what you are. Without an

identifiable ancestry, one’s very existence is

cast into doubt. Nevertheless, identity and

ancestry are not the same, nor should they

be confused with one another.

Ancestry refers to infinite lines of

descent as well as socio-political, religious,

and cultural origins. Identity, however, con-

notes in total the beliefs, values, and expressions that encompass

the memories, experiences, and relations that enable individuals

as well as groups to construct themselves in the present. For

those seeking to establish or confirm claims to a Native Ameri-

can identity, this latest technology makes tangible the necessary

evidence to do so. By unlocking timeless sequences of DNA,

genetic testing vendors purport to determine what you are.

Scientists interpret clues within genetic sequences embedded

in blood, saliva, bones and other bodily traces that have been

passed down through successive generations.

Genealogy companies such as Ancestry and 23andMe

render the genetic material that they test into decipherable,

easy-to-read pie charts that neatly divide percentages and

probabilities derived from algorithms obtained through data

accumulation. In so doing, for myriad consumers, the interpre-

tive work of science translates hereditary genetic material into

present-day constructs of identity, thereby determining not only

what you are, but also, who you are. Moreover, while testing

companies refrain from using the terms “race” or “ethnicity,”

their interpretations of genetic material invariably translate into

contemporary categories of race. The ramifications of market-

ing identity through genetic testing are significant. Consumers

are encouraged to embrace or distance themselves from DNA

test-kit ascriptions of racialized identities while confirming their

belief in racial difference. By examining the means by which DNA

tests assess genetic material such as blood and bones, we seek

to both interrogate their myth-making power, while subverting

them with indigenous constructs of belonging.

30 contexts.org

A chart from the 1984 Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) Enrollment Manual.

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A chart from the 1984 Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) Enrollment Manual. A chart from the 1984 Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) Enrollment Manual.

B
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myth
Prior to her Presidential bid, questions concerning Elizabeth

Warren’s ancestry fi rst surfaced during her run for the U.S. Sen-

ate in 2012. The Boston Herald reported that she registered as a

minority in law school directories in the 1980s. Warren defended

herself by claiming that she was told of her Native American

ancestry in family stories passed down over generations and

claims that she never furthered her career by using her heritage

to gain an advantage.

In 2018, Warren joined the thousands of Americans turning

to DNA ancestry testing to discover or recover the truth of their

identity. She consulted Carlos D. Bustamante, a Biomedical Data

Science professor at Stanford University’s School of Medicine

whose lab focuses on Population Genomics and Global Health,

Clinical and Medical Genomics, and Ancient DNA. Notably,

Bustamante had already gained popularity—unusual for a

“hard” scientist—on PBS’s Finding Your Roots, with Professor

Henry Louis Gates, Jr. In turning to Bustamante’s testing lab to

silence her critics, Warren unwittingly reinforced two myths of

the American imagination: fi rst, the veracity of biologically-based

notions of race and identity, and second, the long-held belief

that many white Americans have indigenous ancestry.

One source of evidence of this myth-making can be found

in Virginia’s Racial Integrity Act of 1924. White fears of tainted

“Negro” blood seeping into white lineages informed the Act and

similar race laws throughout the American South. To maintain

white racial purity, Virginia’s legislature made it unlawful for a

white person to marry outside of their race. In so doing, the state

racialized all non-whites, whether “negro, Mongolian, American

Indian, Asiatic Indian, Malay, or any mixture thereof, or any other

non-Caucasic strains” as “colored,” with one notable exception.

Known as the “Pocahontas Exception,” the Act ensured that

those members of Virginia’s elite families who claimed descent

from Mataoka, better known as Pocahontas, were irrefutably

and legally white.

Among citizens and descendants of contemporary tribal

nations, Warren’s situation underscores the abiding interest that

many people have in confi rming claims to indigenous ancestry.

When individuals who most consistently identify as white assume

another racialized identity, the behavior advances the under-

standing that historically, politically, and culturally-constructed

identities can be assumed and consumed without consequence,

without cost, without understanding.

What makes Warren’s experience of laying claim to indig-

enous ancestry unusual, and indeed, laudably exceptional, is that

in her apologia to contemporary Native Americans, and spe-

cifi cally, the Cherokee Nation, Warren owned her own actions,

“having listened and learned.” In light of the controversy, Warren

removed a video of her family’s ancestral history and released

a 9,000-word plan on tribal rights that ran twice the length of

her other campaign proposals. Nevertheless, for the Cherokee

Nation, as well as a number of indigenous scholars, Warren’s

planned policy and her apology rang hollow, was dismissed, and

failed to receive serious consideration.

blood
The popularity and proliferation of genetic ancestry tests

aimed at would-be Native American clients is only the latest

iteration of an ideological legacy of race and racial superior-

ity rooted in the body, and specifi cally, the blood. The use of

31S U M M E R 2 0 2 0 c o n t e x t s

“blood” to trace ancestry, has multiple historical roots. In the

English historical context, “blood” made material the mechanism

whereby ancestry, lineage, and descent justifi ed or delegitimized

claims to property and status. Blood was infused with proper-

ties that confi rmed or denied the tell-tale traces of authenticity.

Authenticity, or its lack, was irretrievably embedded in either

pure, or suspect admixtures of illicit blood.

For post-Columbian indigenous peoples throughout what is

now the United States, “blood” initially operated as a metaphori-

cal translation of forms of relatedness and lineage. Over time

however, “blood” as metaphor devolved even as its literalness

increased, gradually mirroring a European biologic of identity. In

the 500 plus years since, technologies of establishing relatedness,

identifi cation, and evaluation, began to require the measure-

ment of “blood quantum.” The belief that “Indianness” can be

measured by the amount of “Indian blood” that one possessed

gave new meaning to indigenous understandings of “descent,”

“lineage” and “ancestry.” At the same time, this understanding

usurped indigenous beliefs about identity and belonging rooted

in culture, kinship, and community.

As of February 2020, there were 574 tribal nations

legally recognized by the U.S. federal government. Among

these, over 70 percent require a minimum blood quantum for

purposes of attaining tribal citizenship. Similar to the one-drop

rule once used to define someone as “Negro,” or anyone

with known or purported African ancestry,

blood quantum rules exemplify the elbow-

ing guidance of the federal authority since

the 19th century that defi ned as “Indian”

persons with some minimum percentage

of “Indian blood,” usually one-quarter or

more. Rooted in a biologic of race, these

directives were incorporated into tribal

constitutions that determine both tribal

belonging and citizenship status. To the

extent that DNA ancestry tests may provide

evidence of generic indigenous ancestry,

they fall far short of providing the proof

needed for tribal citizenship. This is why,

in response to the release of Elizabeth Warren’s DNA test result,

the Cherokee Nation released a statement that said in part that

DNA tests are inappropriate and useless in determining tribal

citizenship.

bones
Many who turn to DNA tests in search of indigenous

ancestry reinforce antiquated constructions of race and the

abilities of science to determine identity. Yet, contemporary

DNA ancestry-testing, and the marketing strategies that herald

it as an unassailable scientifi c determinant of race, misinform

people as to its ability to shed light on who or what they are. .

There are also signifi cant legal, historical, and ethical implications

upon which such claims rely as they naturalize biological notions

of relatedness apart from indigenous cultural moorings that are

rooted in people and place. A striking example of the differing

means by which many Americans determine racialized related-

ness from the ways in which indigenous peoples establish being

and belonging is the two-decade saga of The Ancient One,

better known as “Kennewick Man.”

In 2017, the 9,000 year old remains of The Ancient One

were returned to a coalition of tribal nations (the Confeder-

ated Tribes of the Colville Reservation, Confederated Tribes and

Bands of the Yakama Nation, Nez Perce Tribe, Confederated

Tribes of the Umatilla Reservation, and the Wanapum Band of

Priest Rapids). Claiming him as their ancestor, for twenty-one

years they sought to rebury him. Shortly after his discovery and

subsequent appropriation in the name of scientifi c inquiry into

his origins, anthropologist James Chatters purposed the skull to

mold a sculpture of what The Ancient One looked like. Naming

him “Kennewick Man,” Chatters described him as “Caucasoid,”

who lacked the “defi nitive characteristics of the classic Mongol-

oid stock.” Chatters further noted that he could easily “lose him

in the streets of most major cities.”

To Chatters, The Ancient One did not “look” Native Ameri-

can. Herein began a tale of multiple claimants: fi rst, The Ancient

When individuals who most consistently
identify as white assume another racialized
identity, the behavior advances the
understanding that historically, politically,
and culturally-constructed identities can be
assumed and consumed without consequence,
without cost, without understanding.

Elizabeth Warren’s DNA results, showing that she has Native
American ancestry.

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in
ed

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Elizabeth Warren’s DNA results, showing that she has Native Elizabeth Warren’s DNA results, showing that she has Native

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32 contexts.org

One himself, whose post-mortem existence as the ancestor of

present-day indigenous Columbian Basin peoples was now

under threat. Second, Nordic racial paganists now claimed that,

as their ancestor, The Ancient One represented evidence of an

even earlier European indigeneity in the Americas. Lastly, a group

of scholars—represented by the Army Corps of Engineers which

oversaw the land where The Ancient One was “discovered”—

sued the Federal government in order to prevent his remains

from returning to the Columbian Basin peoples under the Native

American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA).

Later still, physical anthropologists at the Smithsonian

Institution completed an exhaustive inventory of The Ancient

One’s bones, from probing his cavity-free teeth, to disarticulat-

ing, exploring, measuring, and weighing every inch of what

his skeleton might reveal. Twenty years after his “discovery”

in 1997, cranial analysis combined with genetic comparisons

concluded that The Ancient One evidenced continuity with

indigenous North Americans over the course of eight millennia.

belonging
Marketers of genetic ancestry testing readily exploit the

American interest in genealogy. What is at the heart of such an

abiding interest? The preoccupation with who we are and what

we are has plagued Americans since the inception of the nation.

The need to root oneself, to belong has always been a core

American anxiety.This highlights the perniciously appropriative

behavior all-too-common among non-indigenous individuals.

Indeed, persons in the present who otherwise identify as white

need never be cognizant of, or own any historical attempts of

Native erasure by assigning to themselves a shared ancestry

unencumbered by that history. More than happy to perpetuate

a narrative of the “vanishing Indian,” these formerly reviled,

historically subjugated peoples were blithely absorbed into the

body politic of the nation, as well as the bodies of its citizens.

Once made to vanish, Native Americans can now safely return in

a strand of DNA. We as observers, academics, and participants

in the varied dynamics of American identity politics should keep

in mind the histories and narrative inventions that inform what

it means to be indigenous in the 21st century.

At a 2017 event honoring the service of Navajo Code

Talkers during World War II, President Trump acknowledged

the historical presence of indigenous peoples by stating, “You

were here long before any of us were here.” Implicitly, this is the

same rhetoric that Trump wields against immigrants. This brand

of American myth-making privileges some Americans to a kind

of indigeneity that requires the erasure of their own immigrant

ancestry in order to legitimize their claims to being American

and belonging to the nation state.

Indeed, Trump has made a career of policing indigenous

identities. In 1993, while still an entrepreneur, Trump cam-

paigned to prevent New Jersey’s Ramapough Mountain Indians

from entering into the gaming industry in Atlantic City. He

invoked blood-based beliefs about indigenous identity when he

stated, “I might have more Indian blood than a lot of the so-

called Indians that are trying to open up the reservations.” In a

similar vein, Trump attempted to delegitimize the Mashantucket

Pequot, who operate one of the largest, most lucrative gaming

operations in the U.S., saying, “They don’t look like Indians

to me.” For Trump and many Americans,

beliefs about race, whether based on

blood, ancestry or phenotype, inform an

understanding of who can be indigenous

and what it means to be Native American.

In contrast to Trump’s narrative of

indigenous illegitimacy and inauthenticity,

the Cherokee Nation challenged Warren’s

claims to Cherokee heritage and racialized

constructions of identity. In a statement issued by the Chero-

kee Nation, “being a Cherokee Nation tribal citizen is rooted

in centuries of culture and laws, not through DNA tests.” The

Cherokee do not claim to base their response to Warren on

a construction of who may or may not be Native American.

Rather, their response is specifi c to the Cherokee construct of

belonging, and thus, being. Here, the Cherokee logic of being

and belonging disables a racialized construction of who is or is

not Cherokee and leaves to other tribal nations to defi ne for

themselves who and what they are. It also negates race as a

premise for the legitimization of both people and personhood.

And yet, the concept of “race,” with its politicized pathology

A 1986 registration card for the State Bar of Texas for Elizabeth
Warren with her Race indicated as “American Indian.”

Th
e

St
at

e
B
ar

o
f

Te
xa

s

Many who turn to DNA tests in search of
indigenous ancestry reinforce antiquated
constructions of race and ethnicity and the
abilities of science to determine identity.

33S U M M E R 2 0 2 0 c o n t e x t s

of purity and blood, continues to operate as a fundamental fac-

tor in the construction of both indigenous and non-indigenous

identities. In the 500 plus years since Columbus made landfall,

and well over a century since the abolition of slavery, biologically-

based concepts of race remain deeply embedded and infused

throughout U.S. society and the American psyche. Advances

in genetic technologies have only strengthened such thinking

about notions of individual and collective identity, and the fun-

damental basis of kinship and relatedness.

For many Americans, Native Identity

is understood as something that resides

in bodily traces, from blood and bones to

DNA. The idea of genetics as an objective

science continues to uncritically inform

consumers, courts of law, legislators, and

policy makers. How extraordinary that

the past can be reduced to the flawless

minimalism of DNA. Yet, this approach

operates in accordance with an increasingly

fragmented, socially-isolating approach to constructs of family,

ancestry, and descent. All too vulnerable, are meanings of kin-

ship across multiple historical and socio-cultural perspectives,

as well as how such meanings reflect, refract, and conflict with

larger social forces.

The possibilities offered by genetics perpetuate and pro-

mote ideas of identity premised on a cultural logic rooted in

biologically based notions of ancestry and descent. In turn,

this cultural logic stimulated the development of technologies

that rely on the collection and analysis of both bodily traces

and resulting data upon which science relies. In lieu of a larger

knowledge of history and individual family histories, contempo-

rary non-indigenous consumers have taken to purchasing DNA

kits to better determine their ancestry, and thus, their identity.

Moreover, Americans, in particular, seek confirmation of family

histories that purport to include a distant, illusory indigenous

ancestor upon which they can firmly assert a Native American

identity. The simplistic construction of Native American identity

defined solely by DNA is not only naïve, but also self-serving and

ultimately, misinformed. In this sense, you are never entirely, and

certainly never exclusively, your genes.

For many Americans, the idiom of “DNA” like that of

“blood” conjures up powerful notions of ancestry and identity,

being and belonging. For Elizabeth Warren and the thousands

of Americans seeking proof of their “Indianness,” genetic

ancestry testing provides a point of leverage upon which they

can assert claims to indigeneity based on a “percentage” of

DNA shared with indigenous peoples. In a New York Times arti-

cle, Kim TallBear, an indigenous scholar at the University of

Alberta argued that such testing privileges whiteness and relies

on “settler-colonial definitions” of indigenous identity. It is in

this abstract world of ideas as well as a lived reality that colo-

nialism creates and reinforces the identities of the colonized

in opposition to the colonizer.

The view of race as social rather than biological has been an

enduring feature of sociological studies of race. The orthodoxy

in the social sciences is that race is socially constructed, not an

innate and immutable biological fact. In the United States, the

social construction of race is underpinned by an ideology that

has long-served the interests of certain groups in referential

and strategic ways. In a nation consumed with enumeration,

classification and categorization, family stories of being “part

Indian” or algorithms of DNA are bound up in long histories of

colonialism and racism that once usurped indigenous peoples of

their lands, languages and lifeways. Today, DNA ancestry test-

ing continues this process and further undermines indigenous

defined ways of being and belonging.

recommended readings
Bliss, C. (2013). The Marketization of Identity Politics. Sociol-
ogy, 47(5), 1011–1025.

Garroutte, E. (2003). Real Indians: Identity and the survival of
Native America. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Roth, W. D.& Ivemark, B. (2018). Genetic Options: The Impact of
Genetic Ancestry Testing on Consumers’ Racial and Ethnic Identi-
ties, American Journal of Sociology 124(1): 150-184.

TallBear, K. (2013). Native American DNA: Tribal belonging and
the false promise of genetic science. Minneapolis, MN: Univer-
sity of Minnesota Press.

Wailoo, K., Nelson, A., & Lee, C. (2012). Genetics and the unset-
tled past the collision of DNA, race, and history. New Brunswick:
Rutgers University Press.

Angela A. Gonzales is in the School of Social Transformation at Arizona State

University and Judy Kertész is in the History Department at North Carolina State

University. Gonzales’s research focuses on the interconnection between science, public

policy, and the racialization of Native American identity. Kertész research examines

the emergence of a “nativist” American nationalism during the early American

Republic, as well as the intersections of Indigenous studies, critical race studies, and

museum studies. In 2009, Gonzales and Kertész co-curated the Smithsonian exhibit,

InDivisible: African Native American Lives in the Americas, a collaboration between

the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian and National Museum

of African American History and Culture.

We as observers, academics, and participants
in the varied dynamics of American identity
politics should keep in mind the histories and
narrative inventions that inform what it means
to be indigenous in the 21st century.

not all a

s

ians end up on third base

by brenda gambol gavigan

28 contexts.org

http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1177%2F15365042211035336&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2021-08-13

29S U M M E R 2 0 2 1 c o n t e x t sContexts, Vol. 20, Issue 3, p. 28-33. ISSN 1536-5042. © American Sociological Association.
http://contexts.sagepub.com. 10.1177/15365042211035336.

Despite the heterogeneity in academic outcomes among Asian ethnic

groups in the U.S., Asian Americans have become associated with

educational upward mobility. Illustrative of this is media coverage on

the second generation since the 1960s. For example, William Petersen’s

well-known 1966 New York Times piece painted the Nisei, or second-

generation Japanese Americans, as “model minorities” who, through

hard work and discipline, accomplished incredible educational feats

despite the racism they faced. Recent news stories on Asian Americans

have complicated the model minority narrative, seen in present-day

articles on COVID-19 related discrimination of Asians. However, more

often than not, the media continue to portray second generation

Asians as academically exceptional.

Scholars, too, generally treat Asians as a homogenous, high-

performing population. One major reason why is that “Asian

American” research has predominantly been on East Asian

Americans, i.e., Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Americans. A

theory that has gained prominence among assimilation schol-

ars—the hyper-selectivity perspective developed by sociologists

Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou—does just that: makes generaliza-

tions on Asians based on a study on one

East Asian group, i.e., Chinese Americans.

In their book, The Asian American

Achievement Paradox, Lee and Zhou

explain why second generation Asians have

surpassed the college degree attainment

rates of their first generation counterparts. They argue, draw-

ing on a baseball analogy, that second generation Asians get

to “third base’ because they did not have to “run far at all”:

Asian immigrant hyper-selectivity positions them close to third

base. Lee and Zhou illustrate that the 1965 Immigration Act, in

its preference for the highly skilled, brought in a disproportion-

ate number of college-educated, middle-class migrants from

Asia. Consequently, many Asian populations in the U.S. are,

on average, more highly educated than their compatriots back

home and the average American. The second generation has

benefited from immigrant hyper-selectivity; as many middle-class

members constitute their communities, youth are inculcated with

the belief that to be successful means getting into an elite col-

lege and becoming a doctor, lawyer, scientist, or engineer. The

second generation is likely to realize such ambitious goals, in part

because they receive support and assistance from ethnic institu-

tions in their communities. Lee and Zhou point to supplementary

programs that provide test prep and other additional academic

services as a key factor to the second generation’s success.

The achievements of second generation Asians have

produced racial advantages for this population. Teachers and

administrators assume Asians are highly motivated and the

highest achieving students, placing them in AP and honors

courses, as well as offering them information regarding college

admissions. Being racialized as academically successful, as Lee

and Zhou argue, “boosts” second generation performance, as

they come to believe that they, indeed, are what everyone in

not all asians end up on third base
by brenda gambol gavigan

Filipino immigrants, by far, have the lowest rate
of earning beyond a B.A.

30 contexts.org

school believes they are: model minorities.

In Lee and Zhou’s view, hyper-selectivity should lead to

upward mobility. Yet it does not for one particularly large hyper-

selected group: Filipino Americans. As the figure above on the

left indicates, among the four largest hyper-selected Asian

groups, Chinese, Asian Indian, Korean, and Filipino Americans,

Filipinos stand out in their educational outcomes. While about 70

percent of the second generation from the three former groups

hold a college degree, only 44 percent of second generation

Filipinos do. In addition, unlike Chinese and Korean Americans,

second generation Filipino Americans are less likely to finish

college than first generation Filipinos. While second generation

Asian Indians, too, do not surpass the first generation’s edu-

cational levels, at a rate of 75 percent, the second generation

succeeds in maintaining the first generation’s incredibly high

level of education. Thus, second generation Filipinos are the least

likely among hyper-selected Asians to earn a B.A.

Why do Filipino American educational outcomes contradict

what Lee and Zhou’s theory would predict? Why doesn’t the

hyper-selectivity perspective, in its current form, account for

second generation Filipinos’ lower than expected attainment?

One major reason hyper-selectivity theory does not is that it uti-

lizes a racial lens to explain ethnic outcomes. In Lee and Zhou’s

study of Asian American mobility, they, as many scholars do, look

at specific Asian ethnic groups—i.e., an East Asian group—to

understand all Asians. My study of Filipino Americans—based

on data from the census and an ethnographic project on Filipino

families in New York City—illustrates the limitations of East

Asian American-based studies and the importance of examining

ethnic differences among Asians. In short, what Lee and Zhou

describe as “Asian” American achievement may only apply to

some Asian American groups.

Starting further from third base than other hyper-selected

Asian Americans

In a 2014 online Slate article, author Mitch Moxley explains

Jennifer Lee’s perspective on why Asian Americans “tend to

end up on the third base of life”: “[T]heir parents are so highly

educated, they start the race to get ahead on third base…[T]

hey have certain advantages that other groups don’t have.”

Many Asian immigrants, in fact, are highly educated but,

that does not mean their level of education is the same across

groups. This is apparent when examining post-B.A. attainment

among large hyper-selected Asian populations. Filipino immi-

grants exhibit a lower level of hyper-selectivity, a key factor

in explaining their second generation children’s educational

outcomes. As the figure above on the right shows, Filipino

immigrants, by far, have the lowest rate of earning beyond a

B.A. They are the least likely among hyper-selected Asian immi-

grants to be very highly educated, that is, to have earned more

than a B.A.—about 8 percent of Filipino immigrants, compared

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

Educational attainment of Asian imigrants from
hyper-selected groups, by ethnicity

Chinese Korean Asian Indian Filipino

BA only > BA

Source: ACS 5-year estimates (2012-2016)

percent

Having earned at least a bachelor’s degree served as the
educational attainment outcome variable. Analysis included
adults ages 25-65. Individuals who arrived in the U.S. at the
age of 25 or older constituted the foreign-born groups. To
qualify for each foreign-born group, respondents needed
to identify mono-ethnically and have been born in the
nation corresponding to that ethnicity (e.g., Filipinos born
in the Philippines). The Chinese group was an exception;
individuals who identified as Chinese, Taiwanese, or Chinese
and Taiwanese and were born in China composed the Chinese
population analyzed here.

10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80

Educational attainment of hyper-selected Asian-
American groups, by generation

Chinese Korean Asian Indian Filipino

first generation second generation

Source: ACS 5-year estimates (2012-2016)
percent

Having earned at least a bachelor’s degree served as the
educational attainment outcome variable. Individuals who were
born abroad an arrived in the U.S. at the age of 25 or older
constituted the first generation groups. To qualify for each
foreign-born group, respondents needed to identify mono-
ethnically and have been born in the country corresponding
to that ethnicity (e.g., Filipinos born in the Philippines). The
Chinese group was an exception; individuals who identified as
Chinese, Taiwanese, or Chinese and Taiwanese and were born
in China composed the Chinese population analyzed here.
For simplicity, second and higher generation is referred to as
“second generation.”

31S U M M E R 2 0 2 1 c o n t e x t s

to almost a quarter of Korean immigrants, a third of Chinese

immigrants, and 42 percent of Asian Indian immigrants.

Filipino immigrants’ labor market incorporation reflects Fili-

pinos’ lower hyper-selectivity vis-à-vis other large

Asian groups.

A census-based study conducted by sociologists Pyong Gap

Min and Sou Hyun Jang revealed that Filipino immigrants are

the least likely among all Asian immigrant groups to be in STEM

occupations, which typically pay relatively high salaries. (The

Bureau of Labor Statistics, for example, reported that in 2018

the average annual salary of a computer systems analyst was

almost $90,000.) In contrast, Filipino immigrants, women in par-

ticular, were more likely to be nurses than

other Asian immigrants. A 2017 Migration

Policy Institute report indicated that Filipi-

nos constituted the largest proportion of

foreign-born nurses—30 percent—practic-

ing nursing in the U.S., which requires, at

minimum, an associate’s degree. Nursing

is the most visible and prominent occu-

pational niche for Filipino immigrants in

the U.S. and one with a lower salary compared to that of IT

technicians and physicians. For example, the Bureau of Labor

Statistics indicated that the median salary for a nurse in 2018

was $71,000.

Another niche that reflects Filipino immigrants’ lower

hyper-selectivity is the U.S. Armed Services. In 2018, Filipinos,

along with Mexicans, made up the largest share of foreign-born

veterans, each comprising 17 percent of the foreign-born total.

Filipinos in their home society have historically joined the U.S.

Navy in large numbers since the U.S. occupation of the Philip-

pines at the turn of the 20th century. Filipino colonial subjects

in the Philippines saw enlisting as an opportunity to “move

up,” as it afforded relatively high pay and a chance to gain U.S.

citizenship. With no college requirement, joining the navy was

an easy route to upward mobility in the Philippines.

In summary, Filipino immigrants are far more likely than

Chinese, Asian Indian, and Korean immigrants to have earned

a bachelor’s degree and not gone beyond that. Their particular

type of hyper-selectivity, to put it another way, has brought in

highly educated immigrants but not the same high proportions

of very highly educated immigrants as in the other large Asian

groups.

encouraged to stay on second
The Asian parents depicted in Lee and Zhou’s work expect

their children to get to third base—to complete at least graduate

school and to land a high-status job. The Filipino parents I met,

however, want their children to stay on second: to get at least

a college degree—a bachelor’s is preferred, but an associate’s is

just fine—and to become a mid-level health care professional

like themselves.

Family values involved in notions of success, I suggest, go

a long way toward explaining these different aspirations for

children. Unlike East Asians, Filipino Americans view academic

performance as separate from, and sometimes at odds with,

family expectations. Filipino parents I spoke with believed that

to be successful one must have a family, that is, marry and have

children. Albert Sabangan (a pseudonym, like other names used)

explained that success for his sons would include them “hav-

ing their own families.” Having children, in particular, was an

important goal that Filipino parents had for their children. Priscilla

Cagalawan, a nurse, felt strongly about this, believing that to

decide to not have children is a “selfish choice.”

Filipino immigrant parents’ frame of success also involved

keeping family together. Thus, a central goal that Filipino par-

ents had for their children was not just having families of their

own but also maintaining family relations by spending ample

quality time with their spouses and children. Daily rituals such

as hanging out with siblings after school and eating dinner

with the family were important ways parents and their children

maintained emotional ties with one another, as well as physical

closeness. Children were expected to sacrifice certain extracur-

ricular activities, like skipping basketball practice, to attend family

gatherings and to choose a college close to home even if this

A 2017 Migration Policy Institute report indicated that Filipinos
constituted the largest proportion of foreign-born nurses—30
percent—practicing nursing in the U.S., which requires, at
minimum, an associate’s degree.

Keeping your family together is one form of
success. If you can’t keep them together, it’s a
failure. There is a stigma. Family togetherness is
important. If one limb is gone, you’re not whole.

B
o
n
g
b
o
n
g
M

ar
co

s

32 contexts.org

meant opting out of attending a more prestigious university

further away.

Filipino immigrants encouraged their children to go into

occupations in Filipino niches to accomplish these family goals.

Nursing, especially, was seen by parents as the ideal occupation

to pursue. Given its decent salary, good health care benefits,

retirement pensions, and flexible work hours, becoming a nurse

meant that their children would later be able to provide stability

and security for their future families, as well as carve out the

time needed to maintain family ties. The medical profession that

East Asian parents desire for their children—a physician—is an

unattractive one for Filipino parents. In their view, it requires too

many years of schooling that would most likely require a delay

in having children and long work hours that would take time

away from the family.

Some Filipino parents considered the military as another

good option for their children. Joining the military meant their

children’s college would be paid for and a variety of career

opportunities would open up for them. One parent, Lydia

Santos, a nurse whose husband and grandfathers— from both

sides—are U.S. Navy veterans, encouraged both her daughter

and son to join the military. She told her children, “You can go

into research. You can teach. You can be a clinical instructor.”

In fact, second generation Filipino Americans are more likely

to have served in the military than the second generation in

any other Asian American group as well as native whites. My

analysis of the Add Health survey found that second generation

Filipino Americans reported the highest rate of participation in

the military—8.4 percent—compared to 4 percent of second

generation non-Filipino Asians and 7 percent of native whites.

Why are the family goals I have described so important to

Filipino parents? The emphasis on family togetherness in par-

ticular has to do with the interaction between Filipinos’ religious

beliefs and the global context in which so many Filipino families

operate today. Filipinos are largely Catholic, and their religion

strongly encourages and supports beliefs in marriage, having

children, and keeping the family together (as opposed to separa-

tion through divorce, for example). However, keeping the family

together has become increasingly difficult for Filipinos in the

Philippines due to its labor export economy. The Philippine gov-

ernment promotes and supports the outmigration of its citizens.

Overseas workers are a large basis of the Filipino economy, as

workers send remittances back home to their families. As millions

of Filipinos, primarily women, have left the Philippines to work

in places like Saudi Arabia and the United States, families are

separated, fragmenting both emotional and physical ties among

parents, children, and spouses. So, while Filipinos value family

reproduction—having children—and fam-

ily togetherness, the need to work abroad

and the mass outmigration of Filipinos

make it increasingly difficult to accom-

plish these goals. The common context of

the Filipino transnational family has made

having a family and keeping it together

even more important for Filipino migrants.

Priscilla, mentioned earlier, put it this way: “Keeping your family

together is one form of success. If you can’t keep them together,

it’s a failure. There is a stigma. Family togetherness is important.

If one limb is gone, you’re not whole.”

expected to stay on second base
In my study, I found that Filipino students are often not

identified as Asian and consequently not as a model minority.

In U.S. society, being Asian tends to be synonymous with East

Overseas workers are a large basis of the Filipino economy, as
workers send remittances back home to their families.

Filipinos get no special treatment that could
pull them in the opposite direction, towards
second base and not third.

IL
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A
si

a-
Pa

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fi
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33S U M M E R 2 0 2 1 c o n t e x t s

Asian. Filipinos contradict the common image of Asians, both

phenotypically and culturally. One major difference from East

Asians is their darker skin color. Also, Filipinos are culturally dif-

ferent from East Asians due in large part to their Catholic religion

and Spanish and U.S. colonial histories. In a study conducted by

Anthony Ocampo, Spanish surnames and Filipino immigrants’

fluency in English were cited by Filipino college students as major

distinctions between themselves and East Asians.

Filipinos’ phenotypical and cultural differences from East

Asians play out in their ethnic and racial experiences in school.

When Filipinos are identified as Filipinos in school, they are

seen by their peers as being less intelligent, less ambitious, and

less motivated than their East Asian counterparts. For example,

Cesar Enriquez recalled that when he was in high school, Fili-

pinos were considered only “kind of smart” by his classmates

compared to Korean students. The belief that Filipinos were

not as smart as East Asians came out in a story shared with me

by Jennifer Castillo, a student at one of New York City’s elite

public high schools. After getting exams back in their honors

math class, Jennifer and her classmate discussed their scores.

Jennifer explained, “I got a 70 and she got a 80. My classmate

was complaining so I tried to comfort her by saying that I got

an even worse grade. She said to me, ‘You don’t have to worry

about that because you’re Filipino.’”

When peers could not ethnically identify Filipinos as Fili-

pinos, they often identified them as Latino. Filipinos’ darker

skin color and Spanish surnames were two things that led to

this misidentification. As Joan Calderon noted, “Filipinos and

Latinos basically look the same since we’re pretty much old

Spanish blood.” Another student, Janelle Lopez, indicated a

time when someone thought she was Dominican because she

was “really tan.”

Not being readily identified as Asian suggests that Filipinos

are not getting the advantages of being seen as model minori-

ties, including the psychological boost of being seen as smart

and high achieving that East Asians get. In addition, none of the

Filipino students I met said that they were treated by teachers

as a model minority. This may be the case because outsiders

often mistake Filipinos as Latinos. Being misidentified as Latino

by teachers may mean that teachers are not offering Filipino

students the extra information about college or funneling them

into AP and honors classes as they are doing with East Asian

students. Thus, while East Asians receive tangible resources and

a psychological push in school to reach their goal of getting to

third base, Filipinos get no special treatment that could pull them

in the opposite direction, towards second base and not third.

conclusion
In the end, the analysis of why Filipino Americans are less

likely than those in other large hyper-selected Asian groups to

get to third base sheds light on the factors that shape Filipino

Americans’ trajectories. It also demonstrates the need to avoid

treating Asians as a homogenous group and to be sensitive to

the heterogeneity of Asian American experiences. All too often,

scholars overlook the disparities and the diversity among Asians

and, as a result, reproduce the idea of a homogenized Asian

racial group when, in fact, there are significant socioeconomic,

historical, racial, and cultural differences among Asians.

In sum, the case of Filipinos has lessons not only for under-

standing trajectories of Filipino Americans themselves but also

our understanding of the broader Asian American experience

and U.S. ethnic and racial stratification today.

Note: ACS data used in the above analyses can be accessed

at ipums.org.

recommended reading
Anthony Christian Ocampo. 2016. The Latinos of Asia: How Fili-
pino Americans break the rules of race.

Dina C. Miramba. 2008. “Immigrant families and the college
experience: Perspectives of Filipina Americans.” Journal of
College Student Development 49(4): 336-350.

Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou. 2015. The Asian American
Achievement Paradox.

Jie Zong and Jeanne Batalova. 2019. “Immigrant Veterans in the
U.S. Armed Forces.” Migration Policy Institute.

Pyong Gap Min and Sou Hyun Jang. 2015. “The concentration
of Asian Americans in STEM and health-care occupations: an
intergenerational comparison.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 38(6):
841-859.

Robert Teranishi. 2002. “Asian Pacific Americans and Critical
Race Theory: An Examination of School Racial Climate.” Equity
and Excellence in Education 35(2): 144-154.

Brenda Gambol Gavigan is an Assistant Professor in the Sociology Department

at The University of Texas at Dallas. She studies Asian ethnic stratification in the

U.S. through an examination of race, ethnicity, and mobility of second generation

Asian groups.