1.) Define Hip Hop. Explain its popularity. Name 3 prominent artists. (250 words). (5 point scale)
2.) Discuss the importance of the electric guitar to rock’n’roll and popular music in general. Why did it become iconic of rock’n’roll? Name 3 famous guitarists. (250 words). (5 point scale)
Long-Answer:
3.) How has technology impacted the development and consumption of popular music? Use specific examples of technology and discuss three different time periods (ex. swing era, 1960s, 1980s). Make sure to define popular music and technology. Explain in detail how this technology was able to change popular music in its respective time period. (750 words) (10 point scale)
~[)UL~P@I Rock@
HISTORIES
SECOND EDITION
David Brackett
McGill University
New York Oxford
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
2009
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of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
, David .
.Jp, rock, and soul reader: histories and debates / David Brackett.-2nd ed.
m.
les bibliographical references, discography, and index.
n8-0-19-536593-1 (pbk.)
‘ular music-United States-History and criticism. r. Title.
77.B68200R
fN-de22
2008035590
gn by Cathleen Elliott
numl1 er: 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2
n the United StatE’S of America
:ree paper
CONTENTS
Preface / XI
PART 1 BEFORE 1950
1. Irving Berlin in Tin Pan Alley / 1
Charles Hamm, “Irving Berlin and the Crucible of God,” from 1ru;11:3
Berlin: Songs from the Melting Pot: The Formative Years, 1907-1914 j 2
2. Technology, the Dawn of Modern Popular Music, and the
“King of Jazz” / 10
Paul Whiteman and Mary Margaret Iv1cBride, “On Wax” / 11
3. Big Band Swing Music: Race and Power in the Music Business ( 14
Marvin Freedman, “Black Music’s on Top; White Jazz Stagnant” / 15
Irving Kolodin, “The Dance Band Business: A Study
in Black and White” / 18
4. Solo Pop Singers and New Forms of Fandom / 21
Bing Crosby (as told to Pete Martin), from Call Mr Lucky / 22
Martha Wrin/lulIl Lear, “The Bobby Sox Have Wilted, but the Memory
Remains Fresh” / 23
Neil McCaffrey, “I Remember Frankeee” / 26
5. Hillbilly and Race Music / 28
Kyle Crichton, “Thar’s Gold in Them Hillbillies” / 28
6. Blues People and the Classic Blues / 32
Laoi fones, from Bilies Prople: Tile Negro Experil’11ce in White A 111criCil
and the Mlisic That Developrd{rolll 11 / 34
7. The Empress of the Blues / 42
Nal Shapiro and Nat Hento[f, from Hmr Me Talkil” to Ya: The Stury of
Ja:: tiS Told by the Mrn Who Made 11 / 43
8. At the Crossroads with Robert Johnson, as Told by
Johnny Shines / 46
}Jete Welding, “Interview with Johnny Shines” / 48
iii
9· From Race Music to Rhythm and Blues: T-Bone Walker / 51
Kevin Sheridan and Peter Sheridan, “‘I-Bone Walker: Father
of the Blues” / 52
10. Jumpin’ the Blues with Louis Jordan / 55
Down Beat, “Bands Dug by the Beat: Louis Jordan” / 56
Arnold Shaw, from Honkers and Shouters: The Golden Years o(
Rhythm and Billes / 57
11. On the Bandstand with Johnny Otis and Wynonie Harris / 59
Johnny Otis, from Upside Your Head! Rhythm and Blues on Central
Avenue / 60
Wyllollie “Mr. Blues” Harris, “Women Won’t Let Me Alone” / 61
12. The Producers Answer Back: The Emergence of the “Indie” Record
Company / 63
Bill SilllOn, “Indies’ Surprise Survival: Small Labels’ Ingenuity and
Skill Pay Off” / 64
Arnold Shaw, from Honkers and Shoutas: The Golden Years of Rhythm
lind Blues / 66
13· Country Music as Folk Music, Country Music
as Novelty / 69
Billboard, “American Folk Tunes: Cowboy and Hillbilly Tunes
and Tunesters” / 70
Newsweek, “Corn of Plenty” / 72
. 2 THE 19505
14· Country Music Approaches the Mainstream / 75
Ruflls Jarmlln, “Country Music Goes to Town” / 75
l5· Hank Williams on Songwriting / 78
Hllnk Willillms (with Jimmy Rule), from How to Write Folk and Western
Music to Sell / 78
.6. Rhythm and Blues in the Early 1950s: B. B. King / 79
Arnold Shaw, from Honkers and Shouters: The Goldm Yellrs o(
RhytlJnlllnd Blues / 80
7· “The House That Ruth Brown Built” / 82
Ruth Brown (with Andrew Yulc), from Miss Rhythm: The Autobiography
o( Ruth Brown, Rhythm lind Bilies Legend / 83
8. Ray Charles, or, When Saturday Night Mixed It Up with
Sunday Morning / 87
T?”IIY Charles and David Ritz, from Brother Ray: Ray Charles’
Own Story / 88
19. Jerry Wexler: A Life in R&B / 94
Jerry Wexler lind David Ritz, from Rhythm mzd the Blues: A Life in
American Music / 95
20. The Growing Threat of Rhythm and Blues / 99
Variety, “Top Names Now Singing the Blues as Newcomers Roll on
R&B Tide” / 100
Variety, “A Warning to the Music Business” / 102
21. Langston Hughes Responds / 104
Langston Hughes, “Highway Robbery Across the Color Line in
Rhythm and Blues” / 105
22. From Rhythm and Blues to Rock ‘n’ Roll: The Songs
of Chuck Berry / 106
Chuck Berry, from C/lIIck Berry: Tlze Autobiography / 107
23. Little Richard: Boldly Going Where No Man Had Gone Before / 113
Charles White, from The Life and Times o( Little Richard:
The Quasar o( Rock / 114
24. Elvis Presley, Sam Phillips, and Rockabilly / 119
Elizabeth Kaye, “Sam Phillips Interview” / 121
25. Rock ‘n’ Roll Meets the Popular Press / 127
New York Times, “Rock-and-Roll Called Communicable Disease” / 127
Time, “Yeh-Heh-Heh-Hes, Baby” / 127
New York Times, “Rock ‘n’ Roll’s Pulse Taken” / 128
Gertrude Samuels, “Why They Rock ‘n’ Roll-and Should They?” I 128
26. The Chicago Defender Defends Rock ‘n’ Roll / 129
Rob Roy, “Bias Against ‘Rock ‘n’ Roll’ Latest Bombshell in Dixie” I 130
27. The Music Industry Fight Against Rock ‘n’ Roll: Dick Clark’s
Teen-Pop Empire and the Payola Scandal / 131
Peter Bunzel, “Music Biz Goes Round and Round:
It Comes Out Clarkola” / 133
New York Age, “Mr. Clark and Colored Payola” / 136
PART 3 THE 19605
28. Brill Building and the Girl Groups / 138
C/mrlotte Greig, from Will You Still Love Me Tomorrow? Girl Groupsfrom
the 50s on . .. / 140
29. From Surf to Smile / 147
Brian Wilson (with Todd Gold), from WOllldn’t It Be Nice:
My Own Story / 148
30. Urban Folk Revival / 153
Gene Bluestein, “Songs of tbe Silent Generation” / 155
Tillie: “Folk Singing: Sibyl with Guitar” / 158
31. Bringing It All Back Home: Dylan at Newport I 162
Irwin Silber, “Newport Folk Festival, 1965” / 164
Paul Nelsoll, “Newport Folk Festival, 1965” / 165
32. “Chaos Is a Friend of Mine” / 168
Nora EphrrJII lind Susan Edllliston, “Bob Dylan Interview” / 170
33. From R&B to Soul / 176
lames Baldwin, from The Fire Next Tillie / 177
lerry Wexler IIlId David [\itz, from Rhyth11land the Blues: A Lift’ ill
American Music / 178
34. No Town Like Motown / 180
Berry Gordy, from Til Be Loved: The Music. the Magic, the Memories
of Motown / 181
35. The Godfather of Soul and the Beginnings of Funk / 187
lallles Brown (witll Bnlce Tucker). from The Godfntl!er of Soul / 188
36. “The Blues Changes from Day to Day” / 198
lilll Delchant. “Otis Redding Interview” / 199
37. Aretha Franklin Earns Respect / 202
P/n;1 Garlal/d. “Aretha Franklin-Sister Soul: Eclipsed Singer Gains
New Heights” / 203
38. The Beatles, the “British Invasion,” and Cultural Respectability / 208
Willialll Manl/. “What Songs the Beatles Sang .. ,” / 209
Th(‘odore Strongin. “Musicologically . , .” / 211
39. A Hard Day’ 5 Night and Beatlemania / 213
Barbam Ehrel1rcie/l, Elizabctfl Hess, and Glorialilcobs. “Bcatlcmania:
Girls lust Want to Have Fun,” from Re-Illaking Love: The FClllinization
Alldrfi(1 Sarris, “Br3vo BeatIes!” / 213
of Sex / 216
40. England Swings, and the Beatles Evolve on Revolver and
Sgt. Pepper / 221
[,icl1C1rd Goldstcill, “Pop Eye: On ‘Revolver'” / 222
lack Kroll, “It’s Getting Better …” / 225
41. The British Art School Blues / 227
Rill; Colclllal/. “Rebt’ls with a Beat” /229
42. The Stones versus the Beatles / 232
Ellen Willis, “Records: Rock, Etc. -the Big Ones” / 234
Lontents VII
43. If You’re Goin’ to San Francisco … / 238
Ralph J. Gleason. “Dead Like Live Thunder” / 240
44. The Kozmic Blues of Janis Joplin / 243
Nat Helltojf. “We Look at Our Parents and, . ,” / 244
45. jimi Hendrix and the Electronic Guitar / 247
Bob Dawham. “Second Dimension: Jimi Hendrix in Action” / 249
46. Rock Meets the Avant-Garde: Frank Zappa / 252
Sally Kell/ptoll, “Zappa and the Mothers: Ugly Can
Be Beautiful” / 253
47. Pop!Bubblegum!Monkees I 256
Robert Christgall, from Any Old Way YOli CllOose It: Rock lind Otllef
Pop Music, 1967-1973 I 257
48 . The Aesthetics of Rock I 259
Paul Williams, “Get Off of My Cloud” / 260
Richard Goldstein. “Pop Eye: Evaluating Media” / 261
49. Festivals: The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly I 264
J. R YOllng, “Review of Various Artists, Woodstock” I 265
George Palll Csicsery, “Altamont, California, December 6, 1969” I 268
PART 4 THE 19705
50. Where Did the Sixties Go? / 271
Lester Bangs. “Of Pop and Pies and Fun” / 273
51. The Sound of Autobiography: Singer-Songwriters, Carole King / 279
RolJert Windder. “Carole King: ‘You Can Get to Know Me Through
My Music'” / 281
52 .loni Mitchell Journeys Within / 284
Maika. “Joni Mitchell: Self-Portrait of a Superstar” / 285
53. Sly Stone: “The Myth of Staggerlee” / 289
Greil MarClls, from Myst{‘/’lf ‘1/”aill: images ofA11lerica I1I
Rock ’11’ Ro)] Mlisic / 291
54. Not-so-“Little” Stevie Wonder / 297
B/:’Il FOllg- TInTes, “The Formerly Little Stevie Wonder” / 298
55. Parliament Drops the Bomb / 303
W A. Brow{‘/’, “George Clinton: Ultimate Liberator of
Constipated Notions” / 304
56. Heavy Metal Meets the Counterculture / 310
Jolll1 Melldclsol1l1, “Review of Led Zeppelin” / 311
Ed Kelle/wl’, “Black Sabbath Don’t Scare Nobody” / 314
Ine 1950S
From Rhythm and Blues to Rock ‘n’ Roll JUI
From coast to coast, and uptown to down, Broadway to Central Ave., Vme St. to W.
frustrating high school experiences) to transcend many social bound125th St. where stands the Hotel Theresa, the colored performer is yowling to high
heaven, “They got me and gone!” aries. This does not mean that Berry was motivated solely by a desire to
cross over. Musically, he remained rooted in blues and the guitar styles of
Muddy Waters, T-Bone Walker, and Charlie Christian, although he experiFurther Reading
mented early on with incorporating influences from country and pop
Chapple, Steve, and Reebee Garofalo. Rock’n’Roll Is Here to Pay: The History and Politics music, developing a fusion that would prove important to his success. He
of the Music Industry. Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1977. also occasionally wrote lyrics that expressed subtle social commentary
“Lavern Baker Claims 15G Royalty Loss on Lifting of Song Arrangements.” Variety, (“Too Much Monkey Business”) and even racial pride (“Brown Eyed
March 2,1955: 51. Handsome Man”).
Discography
In his autobiography, first pUblished in 1987 and one of the few such
See the discography for chapter 20. efforts not to involve a ghost writer, Chuck Berry displays the same love of
language found in his lyrics! In addition to discussing significant events
in his career, he provides insights into the writing of some of his most
famous songs and illuminates the tension that inevitably exists between
calculation and inspiration in creative endeavors. Beyond his songs and
his recordings of them, Berry’s legacy lives on in the numerous rock ‘n’
roll artists who owe a large part of their style to him, including the Beach
Boys, the Beatles, and the Rolling Stones, to name only the most famous.
Learning his trademark guitar licks and boogie-style accompaniment has
22. From Rhythm and Blues to Rock ‘n’ Roll become a rite of passage for every would-be rock guitarist, and his songs
still feature prominently in many country and rock ‘n’ roll bar bands. 3
The Songs of Chuck Berry
from CHUCK BERRY: THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY
Chuck Berry
In chapter 18, Ray Charles described several factors that defined the dif With the recorder, I started hanging around more with Ira Harris. I picked up a lot of
ference between him, a rhythm and blues artist, and rock ‘n’ rollers, such new swing riffs and ideas from Ira’s playing, which was similar to the style of Charlie
as Chuck Berry and little Richard; these factors included the intended Christian’s. Ira showed me many licks and riffs on the guitar that came to be the
audience for his recordings (more adult for R&B, more teenage for rock foundation of the style that is said to be Chuck Berry’s. Carl Hogan, the guitarist in
‘n’ rolO, and the level of emotional gravity (rock ‘n’ roll projected more Louis Jordan’s Tympany Five, was another idol of mine. I buckled down and started
unadulterated “fun,” while rhythm and blues was more serious). During taking seriously the task of learning to play the guitar. I studied a book of guitar
1955, Chuck Berry, Little Richard, Bo Diddley, and Fats Domino all devel. chords by Nick Mannaloft and practiced daily. The chord book led to my getting a
oped a new form of rhythm and blues that lent itself to being marketed to textbook explaining the basics of theory and harmony and the fundamental functions
an interracial teenage audience.’ Ofthese three, Chuck Berry (b. 19
2
6) in of notes, staff, and scale. It’s amazing how much you can learn if your intentions are
many ways represented the prototypical rock ‘n’ roller because of his truly earnest.
abilities as a singer, songwriter, and guitarist (the quality that separated
him from Little Richard and Fats Domino, both pianists). More than the 2. The release of the book coincided with the release of a semi-autobiographical movie, Hail!
other two, Berry was also the master of creating miniature stories Hail! Rock ‘n’ Roll.
depicting experiences that were widespread enough (cars, dating, 3. For more on Berry’s guitar style, see Steve Waksman, Instruments of Desire: The Electric
Guitar and the Shaping of Musical Experience (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999),
14tHi6; R. Vito, “The Chuck Berry Style: A Modern Rocker Pays Tribute to the Master,” Guitar
1. Some may argue that of the three, Fats Domino’s success resulted the least from a change Player Uune 1984), 72-75.
of style, since he had been recording songs similar in sound since the late forties. In this case,
changes in the audience and the popular music mainstream may be more responsible for his Source: From Chuck Berry: The Autobiography by Chuck Berry, pp. 88-91, 100, 110, 141-44, lSD-51,
sudden success in the pop market. 152,155–58,246-49, copyright © 1987 by Isalee Publishing Co. Used by permission of Harmony
Books, a division of Random House, lnc.
.LVU I he 1950S
On June 13, 1952, Tommy Stevens phoned me to ask if I could sing with his three
piece combo at Huff’s Garden. It was to be our first time to play together since the All
Men’s Review yet we had seen each other at many intervals. My heart leaped as
I answered, “When?” We squared away the address, agreed on the finances, and I
showed up shouting that Saturday and every Saturday thereafter on through to
December, earning six dollars a night. It was my first paid nightclub appearance.
The combo, a small group, consisted of Tommy on lead guitars, Pee Wee (can’t
remember his last name) was on alto sax, and I was on guitar singing the blues.
Muddy Waters, Elmore James, and Joe Turner with his “Chains of Love” were the fa
vorites of all the black disk jockeys’ turntables while Nat Cole sang love songs and
Harry Belafonte was popular also on the tropical scene. These were the types of songs
that made up our selections, along with the backbone of our program, which was
always the blues.
My work was divided into day and night with music. While Tommy Stevens didn’t
have the stage personality of some musicians I had encountered, he did have a
congenial personality. He had no objection or reservations whatsoever about my pre
senting ideas and tactics that often went beyond his own showmanship, in fact he
encouraged me. For example, I would suddenly break out with a hillbilly selection
that had no business in the repertoire of a soul-music-Ioving audience and the simple
audacity of playing such a foreign number was enough to trigger the program into
becoming sensational entertainment.
We were making a little name for ourselves, enough to keep the club packed
every Saturday night until that Thanksgiving, when the owner added on Friday
nights. After the first two weeks of two nights straight we were drawing a full house.
The owner agreed to our salaries being raised to eight dollars per man for each night.
As Christmas approached, a rumor was out that a good band was at Huff’s Garden
and Tommy was telling us that we were being sought by larger nightclubs for jobs.
On December 30, a piano player named Johnnie Johnson phoned me, asking me
to join his Sir John’s Trio for a gig on the eve of the year of 1953. The nightclub he
mentioned was four times as big as Huff’s Garden, six times as plush, and ten times
as popular. It had been renovated from a supermarket and named the Cosmopolitan
Club, which is still located on the corner of 17th and Bond Street in East St. Louis, illi
nois. It was on New Year’s Eve of 1953 that my career took its first firm step. If I could
have stored the drinks that were offered me that night, I think I could have set up
everyone in the house twice. The owner of the Cosmo Club, Joe Lewis, asked Johnnie
to have me come back the follOWing week to start singing steady.
Johnnie Johnson was the leader and the pianist, Ebby Hardy was the drummer,
and I replaced somebody to play guitar and sing. On holidays, Joe Lewis hired a
bass to fill out the music more completely. By the Easter holidays we kept a steady
packed house on weekends with a well-rounded repertoire programmed to the
varied clientele.
The music played most around St. Louis was country-western, which was usu
ally called hillbilly music, and swing. Curiosity provoked me to lay a lot of the coun
try stuff on our predominantly black audience and some of the club goers started
whispering, “Who is that black hillbilly at the Cosmo?” After they laughed at me a
few times, they began requesting the hillbilly stuff and enjoyed trying to dance to it.
If you ever want to see something that is far out, watch a crowd of colored folk, half
high, wholeheartedly doing the hoedown barefooted.
Johnnie Johnson was reserved and jolly just like Tommy Stevens, and we didn’t
have any clash on stage when I would express myself and perform in excess of his
From Rhythm and Blues to Koel< 'n' KOlt .LV"
own performance. In the beginning, when I would get applause for a gesture, I
would look back at Johnnie and see him smiling in approval of what I'd sponta
neously added to the song or the show. We made a name for ourselves there at the
Cosmopolitan Club.
Toddy [Berry's wife] would get the biggest kick out of our rehearsals around the
house, hearing me sing the country stuff. She cared less for country music, being a
blues lover, and saw only the fictitious impressions I would insert in a tune to impress
the audience with my hilarious hilly and basic billy delivery of the song. It could
have been because of my country-western songs that the white spectators showed
up in greater numbers as we continued playing at the Cosmo Club, bringing the
fairly crowded showplace to a full house. Sometimes nearly forty percent of the
clients were Caucasian, causing the event to be worthy of publicity across the river
in St. Louis.
The state of Illinois in the beginning of the 1950s was a bit more liberal than
Missouri in regards to relations between blacks and whites. A traveler might notice a
considerable difference in the community just across the Mississippi in East St. Louis.
For one thing, if a black and white couple were stopped by a squad car there they did
not have to go to a police station and get a mandatory shot for venereal disease, as
was the custom across the river in St. Louis. Nightclub people were known to flock
across the river to the east side, where they could escape the bounds of Missouri's
early-closing blue laws and continue their enjoyment.
Over half of the songs I was singing at the Cosmo Club were directly from the
recordings of Nat "King" Cole and Muddy Waters. They are the major chords in the
staff of music I have composed. Listening to my idol Nat Cole prompted me to sing
sentimental songs with distinct diction. The songs of Muddy Waters impelled me to
deliver the down-home blues in the language they came from, Negro dialect. When I
played hillbilly songs, I stressed my diction so that it was harder and whiter. All in all
it was my intention to hold both the black and the white clientele by voicing the
different kinds of songs in their customary tongues.
Way back then, to me, a gig was played for the purpose of entertaining the
patrons. So many times I have sat listening to a group knocking themselves out play
ing three-week-Iong songs that have the audience taking pit stops. I can never see
why any group would not terminate a song that has boredom showing from the
audience. But then some groups don't seem to consider that pleasing the patrons is
their main objective. The varied audience at the Cosmo Club gave me an early start at
judging the state of the people to be entertained.
[Following a successful audition for Chess records in Chicago] 1 traveled down from
U.S. Highway 66, [and] I contacted Johnnie Johnson and Ebby Hardy and began
arranging rehearsals. Johnnie, Ebby, and I had been playing other people's music
ever since we started at the Cosmo, but for this tape I did not want to cover other
artist's tunes. Leonard Chess had explained that it would be better for me if I had
original songs. I was very glad to hear this because I had created many extra verses
for other people's songs and I was eager to do an entire creation of my own. The four
that I wrote may have been influenced melodically by other songs, but, believe me,
the lyrics were solely my own. Before the week had ended, I brought fresh recorded
tapes to the ears of the Chess brothers in Chicago.
Chess was in the heart of the Southside of Chicago amid a cultural district I knew
all too well. Leonard told me he had formerly had a bar in the neighborhood as well,
which accounted for his easy relations with black people. When I carried the new
tape up I immediately found out from a poster on the office wall that Mudd)'j Little
111 11U The 1950S
Walter, Howlin' Wolf, and Bo Diddley were recording there. In fact Bo Diddley
dropped by the studio that day.
Leonard listened to my tape and when he heard one hillbilly selection I'd included
called "Ida May," played back on the one-mike, one-track home recorder, it struck him
most as being commercial. He couldn't believe that a country tune (he called it a
"hillbilly song") could be written and sung by a black guy. He said he wanted us to
record that particular song, and he scheduled a recording session for May 21, 1955,
promising me a contract at that time.
[After arriving in NYC on a trip to promote "Maybellene"] I phoned Jack Hook, Alan
Freed, and Gene Goodman, who were New York business affiliates of Leonard Chess.
Leonard had asked me to phone them to introduce me to his New York contacts and
them to the guy who wrote "Maybellene."
Jack had a distributing shop in Manhattan where our number-one, and only one,
record was being shipped out to dealers. He persuaded us to come immediately over
to his storefront business on 8th Street, where I observed boxes and boxes of disks
bearing the label of MAYBELLENE, CHESS, CHICAGO. They were triple stacked
ceiling high covering one entire wall. We were stepping over opened boxes scattered
about on the floor of the combination office-warehouse.
Between steps on the way to his desk in the back corner, I thought well of the
amount of product carrying my identity on each item. Still it never entered my mind
how much wealth such quantities should bring in sales. I didn't have any idea that
Alan Freed was being compensated for giving special attention to "Maybellene" on
his radio program by a gift from Leonard registering him part of the writer's credit to
the song. In fact I didn't know then that a person also got compensation for writing as
well as recording a song. My first royalty statement made me aware that some person
named Russ Fratto and the Alan Freed I had phoned were also part composers of the
song. When [ later mentioned to Leonard Chess the strange names added to the
writer's royalties, he claimed that the song would get more attention with big names
involved. With me being unknown, this made sense to me, especially since he failed
to mention that there was a split in the royalties as well.
[ have been asked many times, "Where did you get the idea to write that song,
Chuck?" Off hand, I wouldn't know, but [ always refer to the story within the song,
which usually recalls my inspiration. Or sometimes the melodic lines bring me in
sync with the time and place where the tune got its origin. The embarrassing thing is
that sometimes when I have been asked about a song's origin I have made up a rea
son that is dramatic enough to get by the question. But the origins have varied under
different circumstances or with different interviewers. In the pages that follow I'll
recall whatever I can about a few of my songs' true origins. They appear in the order,
according to my records and memory, that I recorded them.
Writing a song can be a peculiar task. So much time can pass during the intervals
[would be putting a song together that each time I'd get back to it, the tune or story
it was following would likely take an entirely different route.
The kind of music I liked then, thereafter, right now and forever, is the kind I
heard when I was a teenager. So the guitar styles of Carl Hogan, T-Bone Walker,
Charlie Christian, and Elmore James, not to leave out many of my peers who I've
heard on the road, must be the total of what is called Chuck Berry's style. So far as the
Chuck Berry guitar intro that identifies many of my songs, it is only back to the fu
ture of what came in the past. As you know, and I believe it must be true, "there is
nothing new under the sun." So don't blame me for being first. just let it last.
From Rhythm and Blues to Rock 'n' Roll
To quote the lyrics the genius Ray Charles sang, "Sometimes I get sideways and
stay up all night with a tune.... I like what I am doing and sho' hope it don't end too
soon." The nature and back-bone of my beat is boogie and the muscle of my music is
melodies that are simple. Call it what you may: jive, jazz, jump, swing, soul, rhythm,
rock, or even punk, it's still boogie so far as I'm connected with it. When I can't
connect to it, I have no right to dispute its title. When it's boogie, but with an alien
title, the connection is still boogie and my kind of music.
So here are the stories of how and why a few of my earlier compositions came about.
The entire catalogue of all my songs will be in a Chuck Berry Songbook that will follow
this one with much data of when, where, and who were involved in the recordings
plus information on every concert I ever played.
"Maybellene" was my effort to sing country-western, which I had always liked.
The Cosmo club goers didn't know any of the words to those songs, which gave me a
chance to improvise and add comical lines to the lyrics. "Mountain Dew," "Jambalaya,"
and "Ida Red" were the favorites of the Cosmo audience, mainly because of the
hanky-tonk gestures I inserted while singing the songs.
"Maybellene" was written from the inspiration that grew out of the country song
"Ida Red." I'd heard it sung long before when I was a teenager and thought it was
rhythmic and amusing to hear. I'd sung it in the yard gatherings and parties around
home when I was first learning to strum the guitar in my high-school days. Later in life,
at the Cosmo Club, I added my bit to the song and still I enjoyed a good response so
I coined it a good one to sing.
Later when I learned, upon entering a recording contract, that original songs
written by a person were copyrighted and had various rewards for the composer, I
welcomed the legal arrangement of the music business. I enjoyed creating songs of
my own and was pleased to learn I could have some return from the effort. When I
wrote "Maybellene" I had originally titled it "Ida May," but when I took the song to
Chess Records I was advised to change its title. That was simple because the rhyth
mic swing of the three syllables fit with many other names. The music progression
itself is close to the feeling that I received when hearing the song "Ida Red," but the
story in "Maybellene" is completely different.
The body of the story of "Maybellene" was composed from memories of high
school and trying to get girls to ride in my 1934 V-8 Ford. I even put seat-covers inittoae
commodate the girls that the football players would take riding in it while I waslnclass.
"Roll Over Beethoven" was written based on the feelings I had when my sister would
monopolize the piano at home during our youthful school years. In fact most of the
words were aimed at [my sister] Lucy instead of the Maestro Ludwig Van Beethoven.
Thelma [my other sister] also took piano lessons in classical music but Lucy was the
culprit that delayed rock 'n' roll music twenty years. Telling Mother in an attempt to
get support for my kind of music did no good, but writing a letter and mailing It to a
local OJ might have, as stated in the opening of the song.
What sounds like, "Way lay in the ... " is really "Early in the morning, [' m giv
ing you a warning." Out of my sometimes unbelievably imaginative mind, the Iestof
the self-explanatory lyrics came forth.
"Too Much Monkey Business" was meant to describe most of the kinds of hassles a
person encounters in everyday life. When I got into writing on this theory, I realized I
needed over a hundred verses to portray the major areas that bug people the most.
I was even making up words then like "botheration" to emphasize the nuisances that
bothered people. I tried to use (or make up) words that wouldn't be hard todeeiphel by
112 The 19505
anyone from the fifth grade on. I hadn't received any kickback about using "motorvat
ing" in "Maybellene," so why not compete with Noah Webster again? Anyway, the first
verse was directed toward a family supporter paying bills, while the filling station at
tendant. the seduced, the student, and the veteran all declare their problems in the lyrics.
"Brown Eyed Handsome Man" came to mind when I was touring California,
for the first time. After leaving St. Louis with six inches of snow lying under sub
freezing temperatures, I found green grass under clear blue skies with eighty-degree
breezes loitering along the evening sunset.
What 1 didn't see, at least in the areas I was booked in, was too many blue eyes.
The auditoriums were predominantly filled with Hispanics and "us." But then 1 did
see unbelievable harmony among the mix, which got the idea of the song started. I
saw, during the length of the tour, quite a few situations concerning the life of the
Mexican people. For example, a Caucasian officer was picking up a fairly handsome
male loiterer near the auditorium when some woman came up shouting for the po
liceman to let him go. He promptly did so, laughingly saluting the feminine rescuer.
The verse in the song is situated a bit differently but was derived from that incident.
The verse about Venus De Milo (believe it or not) came from thoughts out of a book I
had come Up0n entitled Ve11m ill Furs and the last verse from a fictional condition
always appreciated in a baseball game.
"School Days" was born from the memories of my own experience in high school.
The lyrics depict the way it was in my time. I had no idea what was going on in the
classes during the time I composed it, much less what's happening today. The
phrases came to me spontaneously, and rhyming took up most of the time that was
spent on the song. I remember leaving it twice to go get coffee and while out having
some major lines come to me that would enhance the story in the song, causing me
to rush back to my room to get them down. Recording the song with breaks in the
rhythm was intended to emphasize the jumps and changes I found in classes in high
school compared to the one room and one teacher 1had in elementary school. That's
90 percent of the song; 1 suppose the remainder could have been talent.
Further Reading
Berry, Chuck. OUlck BCI't~: The Autobiography. Random House, 1987.
Taylor, Timothy D. "His Name Was in Lights: Chuck Berry's JOhJU1Y B. Goode." In Read
illg {'op: Approaches ill Textual Analysis in Popular Music. ed. Richard Middleton,
165-82. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2000.
Vito, R. "The Chuck Berry Style: A Modern Rocker Pays Tribute to the Master." Guitar
Player (June 1984): 72-75.
Waksman, Steve. lnstrwllcnts of Desire: The Electric Guitar and tile Shaping of Musical
Experience. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999.
~~_. "The Tum to Noise: Rock Guitar from the 19505 to the 1970s." In The Cambridge
Companion to tilc Guitar, ed. Victor Coelho, 109-21. Cambridge, England: Cambridge
University Press, 2003.
Discography
Berry, Chuck. Tllc Crcat Tll'cnty-Eight. MCA, 1990.
____. Johnny B. Goode: His Complete '50s Chess Recordings. Hip-O Select, 2007.
Diddley, 1:\0. I'm a Man: Ti,e Clless Masters, 1955-1958. Hip-O Select, 2007.
Legends Collection: Rock 'n' Roll Teenagers. Legends Collection, 2002.
23. Little Richard
Boldly Going Where No Man Had Gone Before
Compared to Chuck Berry, Little Richard (b, 1932) came from a far more
rural and humble background, and his early experiences in a backwoods
Pentecostal church played a stronger role in his musical style than
Berry's, Little Richard's extroverted and energetic singing, piano playing,
and songwriting made him one of the biggest stars of the rock 'n' roll era,
His vocal style, in particular, had an impact on many subsequent musi
cians, including James Brown, Otis Redding, Paul McCartney, and John
Fogerty (of Creedence Clearwater Revival), After making several unsuc
cessful recordings in the early 19505, he recorded "Tutti Frutti" in
September 1955, which rose high on both the R&B and pop charts. "Tutti
Frutti" set the tone for the hits that followed between 1956 and 195 8 :
Over a fast boogie-shuffle rhythm with many stop-time breaks, Richard
would sing playful double entendres near the top of his range in a searing
timbre interspersed with trademark falsetto whoops, His piano playing
derives from boogie-woogie style, emphasizes the upbeat, and features a
great many glissandi-In performance, Richard would frequently leave the
piano to dance exuberantly, occasionally on top of the piano itself.
In addition to his uninhibited presence as a singer, pianist, and
dancer, Richard's visual appearance added to the sense of his outra
geousness: With his large pompadour, liberal use of makeup, and gaudy
clothing, he raised the spectre of cross-dressing and ambiguous sexual
ity at a time when such issues were strictly taboo, In pondering the
improbability of Richard's mass acceptance at the time, one possible
explanation suggests itself: His outrageous performance style camou
flaged (and perhaps deflected and deflated) whatever threat he posed to
heterosexual norms, After several more hits and appearances in three
films (Don't Knock the Rock and The Girl Can't Help It, both in 1956, and
Mister Rock' n' Roll, in 1957), Richard decided abruptly to quit his career
for the ministry because of a vision he had during a flight back to the
States from Australia,
The following excerpts come from an "oral history" of Little Richard,
rather than an autobiography. Thus, in addition to Richard's voice, we
hear from Bumps Blackwell, a famous A&R man for Specialty records (an
independent record company specializing in African American sacred and
secular music), An academically trained composer, Blackwell, along with
Henry Glover and Jesse Stone, was one of the few African American A&R
men at the time, His astute comments derive from the important role that
113
114 The 1950S
he played in Little Richard's early recordings: In addition to producing, he
cowrote many of Richard's best-known songs. Richard presents his own
views on how his music mapped racial relations, on the interesting origins
of "Lucille," and on Alan Freed.
from THE LIFE AND TIMES OF LITTLE RICHARD:
THE QUASAR OF ROCK
Charles White
Y\1u'd hear people singing all the time. The women would be outside in the back
doing the washing, rubbing away on the rub-boards, and s0meb0dy else sweeping
the yard, and somebody else would start singing "We-e-e-ll ... Nobody knows the
trouble I've seen .... " And gradually other people would pick it \IP, until the whole
of the street would be singing. Or "Sometimes I feel like a motherless child, a long
way from home.... " Everybody singing. I used to go up and down the street, some
streets were paved, but our street was dirt, just singing at the top of my voice. There'd
be guitar players playing on the street-old Slim, Willie Amos, and my cousin,
Buddy Penniman. I remember Bamalama, this feUer with one eye, who'd play the
wash-board with a thimble. He had a bell like the school-teacher's, and he'd sing,
"A-bamalam, you shall be free, and in the mornin' you shall be free." See, there was
so much poverty, so much prejudice in those days. I imagine people had to sing to
feel their connection with God. To sing their trials away, sing their problems away,
to make their burdens easier and tIle load lighter. That's the beginning. That's where
it started.
We used to have a group called the Penniman Singers-all of us, the whole fam
ily. We used to go around and sing in all the churches, and we used to sing in contests
with other family groups, like the Brown Singers, in what they called the Battle of the
Gospels. We used to have some good nights. I remember one time. I could always
sing loud and I kept changing the key upward. Marquette said it ruined his voice
trying to sing tenor behind mel The sisters didn't like me screaming and singing
and threw their hats and purses at us, shouting "Hush, hush, boys-hush!" They
called me War Hawk because of my holler in' and screamin' and they stopped me
singing in church.
From a boy, I wanted to be a preacher. I wanted to be like Brother Joe May, the
singing evangelist, who they called the Thunderbolt of the West. My daddy's father,
'Walter Penniman, was a preacher, and so was my mother's brother, Reverend Louis
Stuart, who's now pastor of a Baptist church in Philadelphia. I\nd I have a cousin,
Amos Penniman, who's a minister in the Pentecostal Church. I have always been
basically a religious person-in fact most of the black people where I'm from was. I
went to the New Hope Baptist Church, on Third Avenue, where my mother was a
member. My daddy's people were members of Foundation Templar AME Church,
SOl/rce: From 1'IlL' Life and Tlllles oj Little Ridtnrd: Tile Quas",' of Rock by Charles Whit", Richard
Wayne Penniman, Robert BlackwPlI1, pp. 15-16, 39-40, 47-51, 60-62, 65-h6, 70, 75-76, copyri~ht
© 19R4 by Charles White, Richard Wayne Penniman, and Robert Blackwell!. Copyri~ht © 1994 by
Charles White. Used by permission Dr Harmony Books, a division of Random HOllse, Inc.
Little Richard 115
a Methodist church on Madison Street, and my mother's father was with the Holiness
Temple Baptist Church, downtown in Macon. So I was kind of mixed up in it right
from the start. Of all the churches, I used to like going to the Pentecostal Church,
because of the music.
Clint Brantley set up a tour around Georgia and Tennessee-Nashville, Knoxville,
Milledgeville, Sparta, Fitzgerald, and Tallahassee, places like that. We used to draw
the crowds all the time. The places were always packed. I was popular around those
states before Chuck and Lee Diamond joined the band. I got two sax players and
named the band the Upsetters. It made me outstanding in M"col1 at that time, to have
this fantastic band in a little town like this. The other bands couldn't compete. So
when it s"id "Little Richard and the Upsetters" everybody wanted to come. We had
a station. wagon with the name written. on. it, and I thought it was fantastic.
We were each making fifteen dollars a night, and there was a lot you could do
with fifteen dollars. We would play three, four nights a week-that's fifty dollars.
And sometimes we would play at a place on the outskirts of Macon at a lllidnight
dance. That would pay ten dollars and all the fried chicken you could eat. We were
playing some of Roy Brown's tunes, a lot of Fats Domino tunes, some B. B. King
tunes, and I believe a couple of Little Walter's and a few things by Billy Wright. I re
ally looked up to Billy Wright. That's where I got the hairstyle from and everything.
"Keep Your Hand on Your Heart," that was one of them. We'd play all around
Georgia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, cos we had" big n"me around those places. We
would draw packed houses every place and we'd get a guarantee and a percentage
of the take over the guarantee. We were making a darned good living. One song
which would reallv tear the house down was "Tutti Frutti." The lyrics were kind of
vulgar, "Tutti Frutti good booty-if it don't fit don't force it. ... " it would crack the
crowd up. We were playing without a bass and Chuck would have to bang real hard
on his bass chum in order to get a bass-fiddle effect.
BUMPS BLACKWELL: When I got to New Orleans, Cosimo Matassa, the studio
owner, called and said, "Hey, man, this boy's down here waiting for you." When 1
walked in, there's this cat in this loud shirt, with hair waved up six inches above his
head. He was talking wild, thinking up stuff just to be different, you know? I could
tell he wi's a mega-personality. So we got to the studio, on Rampart and Dumaine. I
had the Studio Band in-Lee Allen on tenor sax, Alvin "Red" Tyler on baritone sax,
Earl Palmer on drums, Edgar Blanchard and Justin Adams on guitar, Huey "Piano"
Smith and James Booker on piano, Frank Fields, bass, all of them the best in New
Orleans. They were Fats Domino's session men.
Let me tell you abou t the record ing methods we used in those days. Recording
techniciilns of tod"y, surrounded by huge banks of computer-controlled sound tech
nology, would find the engineering teclmiques available in the 1950s as primitive as
the Kith/ Hawk is to the space shuttle. When I started there was no tape. It was disk to
disk. There was no such thing as overdubbing. Those things we did at Cosimo's were
on tape, but they v"ere all done straight ahead. The tracks you heard were the tracks
as they were recorded from begilll1ing to end. We would take sixty or seventy takes.
We were recording two tracks. Maybe we might go to surgery and intercut a track or
cut a track at the end or something, but we didn't know what overdubbing was. The
studio was just a bi'ck room in a furniture store, like an ordina.ry motel room. For
the whole orchestra. There'd be a grand piano just as you came in' the door. I'd have
the gnmd's lid up with a mike in tbe keys and Alvin Tyler and Lee Allen would
be blowing into that. Earl Palmer's drums were out of the door, where I had one
116 The 1950S
mike, as well. The bassman would be way over the other side of the studio. You see,
the bass would cut and bleed in, so I could get the bass.
The recording equipment was a little old quarter-inch single-chalmel Ampex
Model 300 in the next room. I would go in there and listen with earphones. If it didn't
sound right I'd just keep moving the mikes around. I would have to set up all those
things. But, you see, once I had got my sound, my room sound, well then I would just
start running my numbers straight down. It might take me forty-five minutes, an
hour, to get that balance within the room, but once those guys hit a groove you could
go on all night. When we got it, we got it. I would like to see some of these great
producers today produce on monaural or binaural equipment with the same atmos
phere. Cos the problem is, if you're going to get a room sound with the timbre of the
instruments, you can't put them together as a band and just start playing. All of a
sudden one horn's going to stick out. So I had to place the mikes very carefully and
put the drummer outside the door.
Well, the first session was to run six hours, and we phmned to cut eight sides.
Richard ran through the songs on his audition tape. "He's My Star" was very
disappointing. I did not even record it. But "Wonderin' " we got in two takes. Then
we got ''I'm Just a Lonely Guy," which was written by a local girl called Dorothy La
Bostrie who was always pestering me to record her stuff. Then "The Most I Can
Offer," and then "Baby." So far so good. But it wasn't really what I was looking for.
I had heard that Richard's stage act was really wild, but in the studio that day
he was very inhibited. Possibly his ego was pushing him to show his spiritual
feeling or something, but it certainly wasn't coming together like I had expected
and hoped.
The problem was that what he looked like, and what he sounded like didn't come
together. If you look like Tarzan and sound like Mickey Mouse it just doesn't work
out. So I'm thinking, Oh, Jesus ... You know what it's like when you don't know what
to do? [t's "Let's take a break. Let's go to lunch." I had to think. I didn't know what to
do. I couldn't go back to Rupe 1 with the material I had because there was nothing
there that I could put out. Nothing that I could ask anyone to put a promotion on.
Nothing to merchandise. And I was paying out serious money.
So here we go over to the Dew Drop Inn, and, of course, Richard's like any other
ham. We walk into the place and, you know, the girls are there and the boys are there
and he's got an audience. There's a piano, and that's his crutch. He's on stage reck
oning to show Lee Allen his piano style. So WOW! He gets to going. He hits that
piano, didididididididididi ... and starts to sing "Awop-bop-a-Loo-Mop a-good
Goddam-Tutti Frutti, good booty.... " I said, "WOW! That's what I want from you,
Richard. That's a hit l " I knew that the lyrics were too lewd and suggestive to record.
It would never have got played on the air. So I got hold of Dorothy La Bostrie, who
had come over to see how the recording of her song was going. I brought her to the
Dew Drop.
Dorothy was a little colored girl so thin she looked like six o'clock. She just had
to close one eye and she looked like a needle. Dorothy had songs stacked this high
and was always asking me to record them. She'd been singing these songs to me, but
the trouble was they all sounded like Dinah Washington's "Blowtop Blues." They
were' all compose'd to the same melody. But looking through her words, I could see
that she was a pwlific writer. She just didn't understand melody. So I said to her,
"Look. You come and write some lyrics to this, cos I can't use the lyrics Richard's
1. Art Rupe, ownl'r of Spl'cialty Records.
Little Richard 117
got." He had some terrible words in there. Well, Richard was embarrassed to sing the
song and she was not certain that she wanted to hear it. Time was running out, and I
knew it could be a hit. I talked, using every argument 1 could think of. I asked him if
he had a grudge against making money. 1 told her that she was over twenty-one, had
a houseful of kids and no husband and needed the money. And finally, I convinced
them. Richard turned to face the wall and sang the song two or three times and
Dorothy listened.
Break time was over, and we went back to the studio to finish the session,
leaving Dorothy to write the words. I think the first thing we did was "Directly
from My Heart to You." Now that, and ''I'm Just a Lonely Guy," could have made
it. Those two I could have gotten by with-just by the skin of my teeth. Fifteen
minutes before the session was to end, the chick comes in and puts these little trite
lyrics in front of me. I put them in front of Richard. Richard says he ain't got no
voice left. I said, "Richard, you've got to sing it."
There had been no chance to write an arrangement, so I had to take the chance
on Richard playing the piano himself. That wild piano was essential to the success of
the song. It was impossible for the other piano players to learn it in the short time we
had. I put a microphone between Richard and the piano and another inside the
piano, and we started to record it. It took three takes, and in fifteen minutes we had
it. "Tutti Frutti."
BUMPS BLACKWELL: The white radio stations wouldn't play Richard's version of
"Tutti Fruth" and made Boone's cover number one. So we decided to up the tempo
on the follow-up and get the lyrics going so fast that Boone wouldn't be able to get
his mouth together to do it! The follow-up was "Long Tall Sally." It was written by a
girl named Enortis Johnson and the story of how she came to us seems unbelievable
today.
I got a call from a big disk jockey called Honey Chile. She fwd to see me. Very ur
gent. I went, because we relied on the jocks to push the records, and the last thing you
said to them was no. I went along to this awful downtown hotel, and there was
Honey Chile with this young girl, about sixteen, seventeen, with plaits, who re
minded you of one of these little sisters at a Baptist meeting, all white starched col
lars and everything. She looked like someone who's just been scrubbed-so out of
place in this joint filled with pimps and unsavory characters just waiting to scoop her
up when she's left alone, you know?
So Honey Chile said to me, "Bumps, you got to do something about this girl.
She's walked all the way from Appaloosa, Mississippi, to sell this song to Richard,
cos her auntie's sick and she needs money to put her in the hospital." I said okay, let's
hear the song, and this little clean-cut kid, all bows and things, says, "Well, I don't
have a melody yet. I thought maybe you or Richard could do that." So I said okay,
what have you got, and she pulls out this piece of paper. It looked like toilet paper
with a few words written on it:
Saw Ul1Cle John witll Long Tall Sally
Tiley saw Aunt Mary comin,
So tlley ducked lJack i11 tile alley
And she said, "Aunt Mary is sick. And I'm going to tell her about Uncle' John. Cos he
was out there with Long Tall Sally, and 1 saw 'em. They saw Aunt Mary comin' and
they ducked back in the alley."
119
l1lS The 1950S
[ said, "They did, huh? And this is a song? You walked all the way from Ap
paloosa, Mississippi, with this piece of paper?" (1' d give my right arm if I could find
it now. I kept it for years. Tt was a classic. Just a few words on a used doily!)
Honey Chile said, "Bumps, you gotta do something for this child." So I went
back to the studio. I told Richard. He didn't want to do it. J said, "Richard, Honey
Chile will get mad at us .. , ," I kept hearing "Duck back in the alley, duck back in the
alley." We kept adding words and music to it, to put it right. Richard started to sing
it-and all of a sudden there was "Have some fun tonight." That was the hook.
Richard loved it cos the hottest thing then was the shuffle.
Richard was reciting that thing. He got on the piano and got the music going and
it just started growing and growing. We kept trying, trying it, and I pulled the musi
cians in and we pulled stuff from everybody That's where Richard's "Ooooooh" first
came in. That's what he taught to Paul McCarh1ey. Well, we kept rerecording because
I wanted it faster. I drilled Richard with "Duck back in the alley" faster and faster
until it burned, it was so fast. When it was finished I turned to Richard and said,
"Let's see Pat Boone get his mouth together to do this song"* That's how it was done,
and if you look at the copyright you'll see it's Johnson, Penniman, and Blackwell.
LITTLE RICHARD: We were breaking through the racial barrier. The white kids had
to hide my records cos they daren't let their parents know they had them in the
house. We decided that my image should be crazy and way-out so that the adults
would think I was harmless. I'd appear in one show dressed as the Queen of England
and in the next as the pope.
They were exciting times. The fans would go really wild. Nearly every place we
went, the people got unruly. They'd want to get to me and tear my clothes off. It
would be standing-roam-only crowds and 90 percent of tbe audience would be
white. I've always tbought that Rock 'n' Roll brought tbe races togetber. Although I
was black, tbe fans didn't care. I used to feel good about that. Especially being from
the South, wbere you see the barriers, haVing all these people who we thought hated
us, showing all this love.
A lot of songs I sang to crowds first to watch their reaction, that's how I knew they'd
hit, but we recorded them over and over again. "Lucille" was after a female imper
sonator in my hometown, We used to call him Queen Sonya. I just took the rhythm of
an old song of mine called "Directly from My Heart to You" slowed down and I used
to do that riff and go "Sonya'" and I made it into "Lucille." My cousin used to live in
a place called Barn Hop Bottom in Macon, right by the railway line, and when the
trains came past they'd shake the houses-cllOcka-cllOcka-clwcka-and that's how I got
the rhythm for "Directly from My Heart" and "Lucille." I was playing it way before
I met Bumps. I was playing "Lucille" and "Slippin' and Slidin'" in my room in Macon
way before [ started recording for Specialty. I'd make up the music while I was mak
ing the words fit.
"Good Golly Miss Molly" I first heard a D.}. using that name. His name was
Jimmy Pennick, but you know it was Jackie Brenston that gave me the musical inspi
ration. Jackie Brenston was a sax player with Ike Turner's Kings of Rhythm when he
Elvis Presley, Sam Phillips, and Rockabilly
did "Rocket 88" and "Juiced," and Ike Turner's band backed him, but they didn't
take any credits because of their contracts. I always liked that record, and I used to
use the riff in my act, so when we were looking for a lead-in to "Good Golly Miss
Molly" I did that and it fitted,"
Further Reading
Altschuler, Glenn C. All Shook Up: How Rock '11' Roll Changed America. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2003,
White, Charles, Richard Wayne Penniman, and Robert Blackwell. The Life and Times of
Little Richard: The Quasar of Rock. New York: Random House, 1984,
Discography
Boone, Pat. Pat's 40 Big Ones. Connoisseur Collection, 2001.
___. The Sil1gles+. Br Music Holland, 2003.
Little Richard. Little Richard: Eighteel1 Greatest Hits. Rhino/WEA, 1985.
___' Greatest Gold Hits, Mastercuts Lifestyle, 2004.
___. The Explosive Little RidJnrd. Edsel Records, UK, 2007.
24- Elvis Presley, Sam Phillips,
and Rockabilly
As the most successful artist of the mid-1950S rock 'n' roll explosion,
Elvis Presley (1935-77) had a profound impact on popular music.
His sense of style, musical and personal, was both the focal point of the
media reaction to early rock 'n' roll and the inspiration for some of the
most important rock musicians to follow. The narrative of his meteoric
rise and subsequent decline amid mysterious and tawdry circumstances
fueled many myths both during his life and after his death at 42.'
The earliest musical experiences of Presley, who was raised in
poverty in the Deep South, came in the Pentecostal services of the First
1. The mythologizing after his death has been prolific enough to spawn at least two 1100ks
that are devoted to understanding it, as well as numerous articles; see Gilbert Rodman, Ell'is'B()one did cover "Long Tall Sally." An anemic version in which he reverses the Midas touch
After Elvis: Tlte Posthllmolls Career of II Living Legend (New York: Routledge, 1996); and Grelland turns gold into dross, managing to sound as though he is not quite sure what he is singing
about. 1l sold a million. Marcus, Dead Elvj,,: A Clll'Onicle of II Clllhll'al 0I's('"iol1 (New York: Doubleday, 1991).
120 The 1950S
Assembly of God Church. 2 Other formative influences included popular
tunes of the day, country music, blues, and rhythm and blues. Although
he had little experience as a performer, in 1954, at age 19, he came to the
attention of Sam Phillips, owner of a Memphis recording company, Sun
Records. Philips teamed Presley, who sang and played guitar, with local
country and western musicians, Scotty Moore (guitar) and Bill Black
(bass). During their first recording session in june 1954, the trio recorded
a single with "That's All Right, Mama" (originally recorded in 1946 by
blues singer Arthur "Big Boy" Crudup) on one side and "Blue Moon of
Kentucky" (originally recorded in 1946 by bluegrass pioneer Bill Monroe)
on the other. The group's style blended elements of country and rhythm
and blues without being identifiable as either; the distinctive sound in
cluded Moore's rhythmically oriented lead guitar playing, Black's
slapped bass, and Presley's forceful, if crude, rhythm guitar, with the
recording swathed in a distinctive electronic echo effect. Presley's voice,
however, attracted the most attention: Swooping almost two octaves at
times, changing timbre from a croon to a growl instantaneously, he
seemed not so much to be synthesizing preexisting styles as to be juxta
posing them, sometimes within the course of a single phrase. 3 While the
trio's initial record provoked enthusiastic responses immediately upon
being broadcast on Memphis radio, it confused audiences, who won
dered if the singer was white or black. And although white musicians'
music had incorporated African American instrumental and vocal ap
proaches since the earliest "hillbilly" recordings of the 192os, no previ
ous white singer had so successfully forged an individual style clearly
rooted in a contemporaneous African American idiom.
Presley, Moore, and Black released four more singles on Sun during
1954-55; each one featured a blues or rhythm and blues song backed
with a country-style number. Presley's uninhibited, sexually charged per
formances throughout the Southeast provoked frenzied responses and
influenced other musicians: By the end of 1955, performers, such as Carl
Perkins and johnny Cash, had emerged with a style (coined "rockabilly")
that resembled Presley's.
Presley's growing popularity attracted the attention of promoter
"Colonel" Tom Parker, who negotiated the sale of Presley's contract to
RCA records for the then unheard-of sum of $35,000. Presley's first
recording for RCA, "Heartbreak Hotel" (released in March 1956),
achieved the unprecedented feat of reaching the Top 5 on the pop,
rhythm and blues, and country charts simultaneously. This recording and
the songs that followed in 1956 all combined aspects of his spare Sun
recordings with increasingly heavy instrumentation-including piano,
drums, and background singers-that moved the sound closer to that
of mainstream pop. Both sides of his third RCA single "Hound
2. C. Wolfe: "Preslev ilnd the Cospel Trildition," in The Eluis Rl'I7der: Texts al1d Sources 0" the
ill, ut Ruck '11' 1'011, ed. K. QlIilin (New York: St. Milrtin's Press, 1992j, 13-27.
1. These ilsfwds of Pn·slev's 5tyle ilre described in Richilrd Middleton, "All Shook Up," in The
'(Ii...; r~l'ad('r, 3-12.,
.LL.LElvis Presley, ~am PhilliPS, ana KocKaolLLY
Dog" /"Don't Be Cruel" hit number one on all three charts. "Hound Dog"
radically transformed Willie Mae "Big Mama" Thornton's 1952 R&B hit,
while "Don't Be Cruel" was a more pop-oriented recording written specif
ically for Presley by Otis Blackwell. Presley's vocal style already showed
signs of mannerism, trading the unpredictable exchanges of different
voices of the early recordings for a single affect throughout each song,
Although Elvis Presley did participate in some interviews throughout his
career, the questions and his answers in these interviews tended toward
the perfunctory (e.g., in response to questions about rock 'n' roll, Elvis re
sponded "It's hard to explain rock 'n' roll. It's not what you call folk music.
It's a beat that gets you. You feel it.").4 In contrast, Presley's first pro
ducer, Sam Phillips, has reflected at length on those early recording ses
sions and the conditions that gave rise to rockabilly. Prior to recording
Presley's first five singles and Elvis's rockabilly successors at Sun, such
as Carl Perkins, jerry Lee Lewis, Johnny Cash, and Roy Orbison, Phillips
recorded local blues and R&B musicians like B. B. King, Ike Turner, and
Howlin' Wolf, including a session that resulted in the important proto
rock 'n' roll recording, Jackie Brenston's "Rocket 88" (with a band led by
Turner) in 1951. Phillips is also a natural-born storyteller, as revealed by
many of the anecdotes in this interview.
SAM PHILLIPS INTERVIEW
Elizabeth Kaye
There arc 111 a11 1/ stories abollt how Elvis came to 51111 ill 1954. rd like to hear .11 011 1' version of it.
He was working for Crown Electric. r d seen the truck go back and forth outside, ~nd
I thought, "They sure are doing a hell of a lot of business around here." But I
never saw it stop anywhere, So Elvis had .. , he had cased the joint a long time
before he stopped the truck and got out. And there's no telling how many days
and nights behind that wheel he was figuring out some way to come in and
make a record without saying, "Mr, Phillips, would you audition me?" So his
mother's birthday gave him the opportunity to come in and make a little per
sonal record, [Elvis claimed he was making the record for his mother, but her
birthday was, in fact, months away, so perhaps he had other motives.]
Thefirst sOllg he recorded was "My Hnppincss." What do you thil1k when you heard it?
There wasn't anything that striking about Elvis, except his sideburns were down to
here [gestures], which I kind of thought, well, you know, "That's pretty cool, man.
Ain't nobody else got them that damn long," We talked in the studio. And I
played the record back for him in the control room on the little crystal turntable
4. This qlll)te (nmes from Mick l'illTen ilnd Peilrce Marchbank: Elvis in His OWI1 Words
(London: On1l1ibu, I'res5, 1g77), 27.
Source: EJizilbeth Kilye, "Silml'hillips Interview," from Rolling Stlme, February 13, 1986, pp. 54-58,
86-88. © Rolling Stone l.LC 1986. All Rights Reserved. Reprinted by permission.
~LL I ne 19505
and walked up front and told Marion [Philips's assistant, Marion Keisker] to
write down Elvis' name and a number and how we can get ahold of him.
YOIi called hilll back to Clit a lJallad called "Wit/lOut You." Tllat song was never released. What
'{vent 'wrollg?
We got some pretty good cuts on the thing, but I wanted to check him out other ways
before I made a final decision as to which route we were going to attempt to go
with him.
And I decided I wanted to look at things with a little tempo, because you can
really hang yourself out on ballads or when you go up against Perry Como or
Eddie Fisher or even Patti Page, all of those people. I wasn't looking for anything
that greatly polished.
After that, you pllt Elvis with a band, Scotty Moore on guitar aud Bill Black on bass. Why did
.'Iou choosc thcm?
The two of them, they'd been around the studio, Lord, I don't know how many
damned times, you know? Scotty had been playing with different bands, and al
though he hadn't ever done a session for me, 1 knew he had the patience and he
wasn't afraid to try anything, and that's so important when you're doing labora
tory experiments.
Scotty was also the type of person who could take instruction real good. And
1kidded him a lot. 1 said, "If you don't quit trying to copy Chet Atkins, I'll throw
you out of this damn place." And Bill, he was just Bill Black, and the best slap bass
player in the city.
What were YOIi tryillg to adlieve with Elvis?
Now you've got to keep in mind Elvis Presley probably innately was the most
introverted person that came into that studio. Because he didn't play with
bands. He didn't go to this little club and pick and grin. All he did was set with
his guitar on the side of his bed at home. 1 don't think he even played on the
front pl)fch.
So I had to try to establish a direction for him. And 1had to look into the mar
ket, and if the market was full of one type of thing, why try to go in there?
There's only so many pieces in a pie. That's how 1 figured it. I knew from the be
ginning that I was going to have to do something different and that it might be
harder to get it going. But if I got it going, 1 might have something.
HOII' did yOIl COIllC to cut "That's All Right"?
That night we had gone through a number of things, and I was getting ready to fold
it up. But I didn't want to discourage the damn people, you understand? I
knew how enthusiastic Elvis was to try to do something naturally. I knew also
that Scotty Moore was staying there till he dropped dead, you know? I don't re
member exactly what l said, but it was light hearted. I think I told him, "There
ain't il damn song you can do that sounds worth a damn," or something like
that. He knew it was tongue in cheek. But it was getting to be a critical time, be
cause we had been in till:' studio a lot. Well, 1 went back into the booth. I left the
mikes open, and I think Elvis felt like, really, "What the hell have I got to lose?
I'm really gonna blow his head off, man." And they cut down on "That's All
Right," and hell, man, they was just as instinctive as they could be.
Ws said tlrat .'lOll heard him singillg it, alld yOIi said, "What are yOIl doing?" and he said, "I
dOIl't know." alld 1/011 said, "Do it again." Is t/rat true?
I don't remember exactly verbatim. But it was something along the lines that I've been
quoted.
Elvis Presley, Sam Phillips, and Rockabilly lL-'
Scotty Moore says that when he heard the I"ayback he tlroUgllt 111" d be tim Olll of 1011'11. How
did you feel when you heard it?
First of all, Scotty wasn't shocked at any damned thing 1 attempted to do. Scotty isn't
shockable. And for me, that damned thing came through so loud and clear it was
just like a big flash of lightning and the thunder that follows. I knew it was what
I was looking for for Elvis. When anybody tells you they know they've got a hit,
they don't know what the hell they're talking about. But r knew I had it on
"That's All Right." I just knew 1 had found a groove. In my opinion. And that's
aliI had to go on, honey. I mean I let people hear it. But 1 didn't ask them their
damn opinions.
Thell what happened?
1 let Scotty, Bill and Elvis know 1 was pretty damn pleased. Then 1 made an acetate
dub of it and took it up to [Memphis disc jockey] Dewey Phillips and played him
the tape. And Daddy-O Dewey wanted to hear it again. "Goddamn, man," he
says, "1 got to have it." Red, hot and blue. You'd have to know Dewey.
And two nights later he played that thing, and the phones started ringing.
Honey, I'll tell you, all hell broke loose. People were calling that station, and it
really actually surprised me, because 1 knew nobody knew Elvis. Elvis just
didn't have friends, didn't have a bunch of guys he ran with or anything, you
know? Anyway, it was just fantastic. To my knowledge, there weren't any
adverse calls.
WlJy did you decide to back "That's All Right" with "Blue Moon of Kentucky"?
This was before anybody thought of young people being interested in bluegrass. But
we did this thing, and it just had an intrigue. And that's the one where I thought
maybe there was a good possibility of getting run out of town, 'cause hey, man,
you didn't mess with bluegrass. Bluegrass is kind of sacred, you know.
Ollce the record was released, there was all incredible fllror. How did it afJI'Ct yOIl?
Rock & roll probably put more money in the collection boxes of the churches across
America than anything the preacher could have said. I certainly know that to be
a fact. Not only them. Disc jockeys broke the hell out of my records. Broke' em on
the air. Slam them over the damn microphone. Now if I hadll't affected people
like that, I might have been in' trouble.
Do .'lOll remember ti,e session for "Good Rockin' Tonight"?
Oh, God, we all loved that song, man. 1 took Bill, and I said, "1 don't want none ot this
damned slapping. I want you to pull them damned strings, boy."
Your contract witlr Eh,is had him completely locked lip. so the 0111.'1 way Colonel Parkn cOllld
have become involFed was as a concert booker. WIlY did you decide to sell his contract jllSt
a year and a half after 111' started (pith .'lOll?
1 had looked at everything for how I could take a little extra money and get myself
out of a real bind. 1 mean, 1 wasn't broke, but man, it was hand-to-mouth. I made
an offer to Tom Parker, but the whole thing was that I made an offer 1 didn't
think they'd even consider-$35,OOO, plus lowed Elvis $4000 or $5000.
So you thought the offer was so Iriglr 110 olle would take it 7
I didn't necessarily want them not to take it.
Did .'1011 realize how much EIFis was worth?
Hell, no. 1 didn't have any idea the man was going to be the biggest thing th"t ever
happened to the industry.
~.L'+ I ne 1950S
WiTC yOIl cpcr ,orry .11011 let him go?
No. That was the best judgment call I could make at the time, and I still think it is. And
Sun went on and did many, many things, I hoped the one thing that wouldn't
happen to me was that I would be a one-artist or a one-hit label.
Did .'lOll giuc Eluislmy oduice when he lcft S,W?
The one real ammunition I gave him was "Don't let them tell you what to do. Don't
lose your individuality."
Thcn liow did .11011 fce! ,da'll he started mokin/\ tlie typc of 1110pie, he made?
They were just things that you could make for nothing and make millions off
of, and Elvis didn't have anything to do with it. That was Colonel Tom Parker
and the moguls at the different studios. I think it was almost sinister, I
really do,
Did you euer think of becoming a manager?
I'm insane. But I'm not that insane.
Once Elpis was gone, were you bonkillg Sill/'S futllre on Cllrl Perkins?
Absolutely. And there was another one of those instincts. I was giving up some kind
of a cat, man, but, sure enough, I sold him, and that's what financed "Blue Suede
Shoes."
Stepe Sholes of RCA called yOIl at tl/(' time "Blue Suede Shoes" was climbillg the charts. RCA
coII/dll't get 11m/thing going with Elvis, lind Sholes asked you, "Did we buy the wrong
guy?" Whllt did yOll tell him?
I told him, "You haven't bought the wrong person." And I gave him the reasons.
Number one, Elvis certainly had the talent. And unlike Carl, he was single and
had no children and was a helluva-looking man. He said, "Well, would you be
mad at us if we put out 'Blue Suede Shoes'?" Man, that staggered me. 1 said,
"Steve, you all are big enough to kill me, you know." But they didn't put it out
as a single. They released it as an EP.
Did it olltsell Perkins' persioll?
Hell, no. Well, I guess over the years when it was put in nineteen packages. But the only
reason Carl is not recognized for "Blue Suede Shoes" is that Elvis became so mam
mothlybig.
When did you realize how big EI1'is wOldd be?
Not when I heard "Heartbreak Hotel." That was the worst record. I knew it when I
heard "Don't Be Cruel." I was driving back from the first vacation I'd had in my
life, and it came on the radio, and I said, "Wait a minute. Jesus, he's off and gone,
man." I'd like to run off the road.
Were you jealolls?
Hell, no, 'cause when I heard "Heartbreak Hotel," I said, "Damned sons of bitches
are going to mess this man up." Then, boy, I heard "Don't Be Crue!," and I was
the happiest man in the world.
What was the dij(iTellce in what ljOIl ,piTe trying to achieve first with Elvis, thell with
Perkins?
With Elvis I kind of wanted to lean more toward the blues. I wanted to get Carl more
into modifying country music.
tlvlS preSley, ::>am pnllups, ana 1<0CKaOIllY ~L:>
What WIIS your favorite Perkins song?
This is the craziest thing, but one of the cutest songs I ever heard was his “Movie
Magg.” And “Boppin’ the Blues.”
Do you remember wllCn you first heard Jerry Lee?
It was the day after I first heard “Don’t Be CrueL” Jerry had come to Memphis with
his cousin, staying at his house. He was a pretty determined person, ilnd he
made up his mind he was going to see Sam Phillips. Jack Clement [Sun’s pro
ducer] was at the studio, and Jerry didn’t even want to audition for him. But they
cut this little audition tape. And when I went to the studio, Jack says, “Man, I got
a cat I want you to hear.” Well, I had been looking for somebody that could do
tricks on the piano as a lead instrument. La and behold, man, I hear this guy and
his total spontaneity.
Then, when you met Jerry Lee and he played for you, you’re supposed to have told hil11, “Yim
are a rich man.”
I probably did. Not in the connotation of money, but of talent.
You’ve said that Jerry Lee was the most talented person you ever worked Wil/1 but that yOll
don’t think he could have been bigger thlln Elvis. Why is tl1llt?
That gets into the thing of the total effect of the person. There is no question that the
most talented person I ever worked with is Jerry Lee Lewis. Black or white. But
Elvis had a certain type of total charisma that was just almost untouchable by
any other human that I know of or have ever seen.
But this is a tough comparison for me to make. It looks like I’m drawing lines
between two of the most talented people in the world, and I don’t like to do that.
But I would say that if they were both at their peak, and Elvis was booked for a
show but Jerry Lee showed up, no one would be disappointed. Is there a better
answer you can think of than that?
What do you remember about recording “Great Balls of Fire”?
That was the toughest record I ever recorded in my life. Otis Blackwell had done the
demo.s When I heard it I said, “What in the hell are they doing sending me a record
like this? It ought to be out.” He’d written the damn thing on a napkin in a bar
he owed a lot of money to. And we worked our ass off because those breaks …
with Jerry having to do his piano, it had to be exactly synced with his voice.
You didn’t do any o(lerdubbing on it?
Hell, no. We didn’t have nothing to overdub with.
When Elvis died, you said I/wt he died of a broken heart. Can you amplify that?
When you really don’t have something to look forward to with a good, sweet, beau
tiful attitude, you’re in trouble. I don’t care who you are. You’re also in trouble if
you’re in bondage in any way. I’m talking about emotional entrapment. That’s
deep stuff. And it’s serious stuff. And no matter what happens to you in this
world, if you don’t make it your business to be happy, then you may have gained
the whole world and lost your spirit and maybe even your damned souL
5. Blackwell also wrote many songs for Presley, including “Don’t Be Cruet” “All Shoo lc Up:’
and “Jailhouse Rock.”
I Ill:’ l~~U~
BIll wasn’t E/pis elltrappcd by eirClllnslllllcc?
Absolutely.
What could hc ha1′<' dOllc difTi'rentllf?
Been hardheaded like m~; and ~aid, "[ will break your damned neck, I don't care
you can't scare me. Monetary factors can't scare me. Starvation can't scare me.
Threats can't scare me." I mean you have to have that attitude.
Elvis also knew that success wasn't enough. It's like Mac Davis said, man,
and I think this is one of the greatest quotes, Bible included: "Stop and smell
the roses." Now that's where we can all find ourselves if we don't stop and smell
the roses.
And the sad thing about it is dying before you actually physically die. I mean,
you know, bless his heart.
Further Reading
Farren, Mick, and Pearce Marchbank. Eluis in His Own Word". London: Omnibus Press,
1977.
Guralnick, Peter. Last Train to Memphis: The Rise of Eluis PreslClI. Boston: Little, Brown,
1994.
---' Cal't'lc,s Lope: The Un/llaking of Elpis Presley. Boston: Little, Brown, 1999.
M.arcus, Greil. Mystery Train: I/llages of Alllerica in Rock 'n' I~oll Music. 3rd rev. ed.
New York: Plume, [1975J 1990.
Middleton, Richard. "All Shook Up." In The Elpis Reader: Texts and Sources on the King of
I~ock 'n Roll, ed. Kevin Quain, 3-12. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992.
Rodman, Gilbert. EIi'is after Ell'i,: The Posthumous Career of a Living Legend. New York:
Routledge, 1996.
Wolfe, Charles. "Presley and the Gospel Tradition." In The Elvis Reader: Texts alld Sources
on the King of Rock 'n Roll, ed. Kevin Quain, 13-27. New York: St. Martin's Press,
1992.
Discography
Legendary Sun I~ecords Story. Castle/Pulse, 2003.
Legends Cel/eetion: Rock 'n' Roll Ti'tllagers. Legends Collection, 2002.
Orbison, [{oy. The Essmtial Roy Orbisoll. Sony, 2006.
Presley, Elvis. E/pis Preslel/. RCA Victor, 1956.
- __. £ll'is. RCA Victor, 1956.
--_. Lopillg tim. RCA Victor, 1957.
--_. EIl'is 30 #1 Hits. BMG/Elvis, 2002.
- __. £Il'i" af SUIl. BMe/Elvis, 2004.
--_. The Essential EI"is Presley. BMG/Elvis, 2007.
Thornton, Big Mama. Houlld Dog: The Peacock Recordings. MCA, 1992.
25- Rock '0' Roll Meets the Popular Press
Beginning in 1956-after the first wave of national hits by Fats Domino,
Chuck Berry, Little Richard, and Elvis Presley-articles on rock 'n' roll
began appearing in mainstream newspapers, such as the New York
Times, and in magazines like Time, Newsweek, and Ufe. These articles
recall and amplify some of the topics presented in the series of Variety ar
ticles included earlier: The tone, by and large, is condescending, making
frequent references to the connections among rock 'n' roll and sex, vio
lence, and juvenile delinquency. In particular, descriptions abound of au
diences and performers trespassing societal norms, and this aberrant
behavior (one article describes "snake-dancing around town and smash
ing windows")' is typically linked to the influence of the beat or rhythm of
the music. The four excerpts that follow are representative of the invec
tive directed toward early rock 'n' roll, although they constitute but a
small portion of it.
ROCK-AND-RoLL CALLED COMMUNICABLE DISEASE
New York Times
Conn. March 27 (UP)-A noted psychiatrist described "rock-and-roll" music -today
as a "communicable disease" and "another sign of adolescent rebellion."
Dr. Francis J. Braceland, psychiatrist in chief of the Institute of Living, called
rock-and-roll a "cannibalistic and tribalistic" fortn of music. He was commenting on
the disturbances that led to eleven arrests during the week-end at a local theatre.
It is insecurity and "rebellion," Dr. Braceland said, that impels teenagers to affect
"ducktail" haircuts, wear zoot-suits and carryon boisterously at rock-and-roll affairs.
YEH-HEH-HEH-HES, BABY
Time
When [the names of the stars] appear on theater and dance-hall marquees announc
ing a stage show or "record hop," the stampede is on. The theater is jammed with
adolescents from the') a.l11. curtain to closing and it rings and shrieks like the jungle
bird house at the zoo. If one of the current heroes is announced-groups such as Bill
Haley and His Comets or The Platters or a soloist such as Elvis Presley-the shrieks
1. This phrase comes from "Yeh-Heh-Heh-Hes, Bilby," 7'il1lt', June 11', 1'156,54. Part of thi,
article is reprinted hert', bllt !lot this particular passage.
S01t1'l'L "Rock-and-Roll Called COl11monicabl1' Dise"se," Nt'''' \'ork Til1les, March 28, I~S6, p. ~3.
Sourc<': "Yeh-Heh-Heh-Hes, 13aby," TI///I', June 18, 19.56, P S4.
127
_.,...._"U"'.I.JI "'v~" 111 ,,"ULL LAII:~I OUMBSHELL IN UIXIE
Rob Roy
In a small town in Alabama not so many moons ago, and after several "moonshines"
(at a rpar bar) this corner ILe., the author] attempted to playa number on la] juke box
that was situated neilr a front bar. The bartender yelled, "No, no, no" so no music was
playpd. That will not happen again.
One of the reasons is factual-this corner will hardly be in a position to reach a
jukp box in that little town again. Then there is the other reason: Should council
leader Asa Carter of Birmingham have his way there will be no Rock 'N' Roll num
bers on the juke box and of course no reason for this corner to wish to spend his dime.
Even in Birmingham a dime is a dime.
Councilman Asa Carter says "Rock 'N' Roll" music is nothing but a plot by [the]
NAACP to lowpr American youth's morals. He indicates he'll ask blacklisting of juke
box operators who carry "Rock 'N' Roll" records on their vendors. Only thing wrong
here is Mr. Carter, if successful, wouldn't be hurting the NAACP or the customers
who wish to play the music but the juke box operators and the tavern owners.
Fancy if you can, a group of youngsters, patronizing a dancehall tavern and
haVing to waltz each number that isn't a fox trot. "What, no jittprbugging,"? they'd
sayan the way out of the plact'. In that case who would be hurt? Of course Mr. Carter
would hardly be hurt. One must feel that he does not operatp a tavern. Nor is it
likely that his accomplishments include the jitterbug or rugcutting dance. To do
either one mllst be alert of limb, fast, think what is the next move just naturally, and
a few more sensible things. If Asa's feet match his expressed mind and actions they
are too sluggish and out of line for even a dancer. Just an old story? "Free schouls
yet dumb people."
Carter, executive secretary of the powerful pro-segregation group, declared that
citizen's councils through the state were circulating petitions demanding that "rock
and roll" music be banned from jukeboxes.
He said in an interview that what he called "this generate music" was being
encouraged by the NAACP and other pro-integration groups, adding:
"TIle NAACP uses this type of music as a. means of pulling the white man clown
to the level of the Negro."
He declarpd that "rock and roll" as well as other forms of jazz, was undermining
the morals of American youth with its "degenerate, anamalistic [sic] beats and
rhythms." He added:
"This savage and primiti\'e type of music which comes straight from Africa
brings out the base things in man."
"Rock and Roll" music, he said, got its start in Negro night clubs and Negro
radio hroadcasts and its influence was spread by the NAACP.
"Insteild of opposing it in an attempt to raise the morals of the Negw," he said,
"the NAACP encouraged it slowly for the purpose of undermining the morals of
white people."
He estimated that 300,000 signatures would be wllected by the petitions and
added:
"If jukebox operators hope to stay in business they better get rid of these smutty
records with their dirty lyrics."
S(llll"Ce: Rub r{oy, "13iC1S Against 'Rock 'n' HoW Latest Bombshell in Dixip," Chicago Dejt'llder,
April 7. 1%6, F. 14.
130
toe 1'V'US1C lnaU~lfY r1}:;l1lf"\~Ctlll~ll\.Vl.." II I\VU
Further Reading
"Alabamans Attack 'King' Cole on Stage." New York Tillie:;, April 11, 1956: 1. 27.
Gourse, Leslie. Unforgettable: Tile Life alld Mystique of Nat Kil1g Cole. New York: Cooper
Squilr",2000.
Discography
Cole, Nat King. After Midrlight: Tile C011lFIete Sessioll. mue Note Records, 1956.
___. Tire Gr-eatest Hits. Capitol, 1994.
27. The Music Industry Fight Against
Rock'n'Roll
Dick Clark's Teen-Pop Empire and the Payola Scandal
The 1950S ended on a bum note for rock 'n' roll: Chuck Berry was on the
verge of being convicted for having transported a minor across state
lines; Elvis was in the army; Little Richard had left popular music for the
ministry; Jerry Lee Lewis had effectively been blacklisted for having
married his 13-year-old cousin; and Buddy Holly, Richie Valens, and the
Big Bopper (all of whom had scored major hits during 1957-5 8) had died
in a plane crash. As early as 1956, defenders of pop music's old guard,
represented by ASCAP officials and songwriters-performers associated
with ASCAP, mounted an attack on rock 'n' roll by linking it to the rise of
BMI and by accusing BMI of manipulating public taste owing to its undue
influence in the broadcast media. Several rounds of public hearings
resulted.' The repeatedly asserted link between BMI and radio stations
was specious: All broadcasters at that time had licenses from both BMI
1. For a summary and anatysis of these hearinf;s, see Trent Hill, "TIle Enemy Within:
Censorship in Rock Music in the 19505," SOli 111 Atlantic Quarlc,.lJr 90 , No.4 (Fa111991), 675-708.
The hearinf;s lasted frcml 1%6 into 1958. Fm aCCllunts in the press, see "Rock 'n' Roll Laid to
B. M. 1. Control: Billy H.ose Tells House Unit That 'Electronic Curtain' Furthers 'Monstrosities:"
New Y01'k Ti11les, September 19,1956,75; Val Adams, "Networks Hetd Biased on Music: Senate Unit
Hears Charges That They Promote ProdUcts of Their Own Affiliates," Nez" Y01'k Time" March 12,
1958,63; Val Adams, "Hanson Decries Hillbillv Music: Tells Senate Unit Hearing Tunes Heard
on Air Are 'Madison Ave.' Version," Nt'll' York Times, March 14,1958,51.
~ J"- I ne 195 0 5
and AS CAP that required them to pay a fee for using music affiliated with
those organizations, and even radio stations that owned stock in 8MI did
not receive dividends. No. the battle's focus truly lay in a conjunction of
aesthetics and politics.' The old guard were defending their business
interests, as well as their taste in music. The analyses of 8MI's power,
while inaccurate, could have been applied quite fairly to the position of
ASCAP before BMI-affiliated music began making inroads in the pop
music mainstream during the late 19405.3
The payola hearings (which grew out of congressional hearings into
crooked practices on television quiz shows) represented yet another offi
cial intervention into the business and media practices associated with
early rock 'n' roll. In media accounts of payola, one is struck by how
politicians were so quick to believe that the popularity of rock 'n' roll was
due to either a conspiracy with 8MI or payola; in other words, they
thought that the music was so horrible that there had to be some form of
external coercion involved for people to want to listen to it.
A new form of rock 'n' roll emerged that was designed to please both
politicians and teenagers. The main variety of this new rock 'n' roll,
"teen pop," was promoted by a nationally syndicated television show,
American Bandstand, hosted by Dick Clark, a figure at once youthful and
nonthreatening. Teen pop adopted older techniques of pop music pro
duction to late-1950S' popular music, incorporating aspects of rock 'n'
roll while reinstating the separate roles of songwriter, instrumentalist,
and singer that had been collapsed by artists like Chuck Berry and Little
Richard. American Bandstand largely featured the stars of teen pop,
known as "teen idols": good-looking young people from the Philadelphia
area (where American Bandstand originated) singing music that was
produced with a vague resemblance to rock 'n' roll.
Equally striking as the official, public response to rock 'n' roll was
the disparate fates of Alan Freed and Dick Clark: The Jewish Freed rose to
success by playing black popular music to white kids and by promoting
concerts at which both performers and audiences were integrated. The
clean-cut, All-American Clark's signature show, American Bandstand,
featured a virtually all-white audience and was cautious about integra
tion on the air. 4 Freed's career was effectively ended by the scandal;
Clark's career, as of this writing, was still going strong (despite his suf
fering a stroke in 2004), and he hosted American Bandstand until 1989.5
2. See Rpeb"e Carofa'o, I,o,kill' OUI: ropular Music illihe USA (B0ston: AlIvn and Bacon. 1Q47j,
) 172;and Russell Sanj"k. "TI"" War' on Rock," Downbeal Music '72 )/-nrbook (Chicago: Maher, 1(72).
3. Set> Richard A. Pelt’rson and David G. BNgCl; “Cycles in Svmbol Production: The Cas” of
‘of)ular Music,” in l)” Record.’ “ock. Pop. and til/’ WrillC11 W,’rd (New York: Pantlwon B”uks, 1(90),
14(1-54.
4. ThClt this ‘\Ivas recognized by African American viewt’rs is substrll1ti.lte-d by the article jrom
hE’ AfrlCrlll American neV\,’:”p<1jx'r, the NCZ(l York Age, reprintt:.'d in this chapter.
5. F(lr
My Bil”y: 11mI’I SlIrl’i””d Masmrll, 1\1il1iskirls, ilJIIi Mildl1ess or A1,1/IA;’ II> il F’II’1I10’I> I\”,,,’lle (New
York H~rperl’ert’nni~J, ] “lc)()) ,
4. I aIn reft’rring to his arn!st for the murder of J ,<1na Clilrkson on Febru£-lr.v 3, 2003, and the
subsequent triul thilt ended ",,'ith a verdict of "mi:-;trial" nn St'F'tl'll1ber 26, 2007. These t'vcnts
set:"lllPd to cap ypars of n:.'\'(,/C1tions (lbout Spector's hizarre bf.hi1\'ior.
5, Thi, is ~ point Ill~de hv linn Wolf" in his cekbr~leJ pmfile of Spector, "TIl<' Firsl Tycoon of
Teen," in TIJ,. Kllluly-f("l"r,.d Ti1l1gl'rill,.-Fll1k,. 5Ir,.,,/IIlil1l' R,lhu (N"w York: Pock,'t l3ooks, 19(6), 47-hl.
Brill Building and the Girl Groups 1'+
she played in Spector's success. While Spector allowed her to make record
ings under her own name, she also appeared on recordings attributed to
any number of other groups whose names existed as trademarks con
trolled by Spector. Both the structure of the music business and the
anonymity-by-design of the performers make it little wonder, then, that
Spector's notoriety has far outstripped that of the people who sang
(and played and arranged and engineered) on the recordings that are
associated with him.
"He's A Rebel" was the highest point of the Crystals' career; but it was also on
of the lowest. Here, Darlene Loye takes up the story. When I visited her, she was ltv
ing in style at the Royal Shakespeare Company in Stratford on Ayon, during the firs
run of the musical Carrie, which later bombed on Broadway. We sat in her dressingl
room oyerlooking the riYer, and she told me:
I first met Phil in Los Angeles through his partner Lester Sill, because I was
d"ing ,1 lot of sessions for Lester singing back-up. I was called in to do "He's A
Rebel." ] went in, he showed me the song, and within three or four days, we
had recorded it.
But why did Phil Spector choose Darlene rather than the real Crystals back in New
York to do the song?
Something had happened with their friendship at the time. Phil owned the
name of the Crystals. During that time, producer, owned groups' names so
they could record anyone they wanted under any name. Phi] gave me mv
name, in fact; at thaI time I was called Darlene Wright. He asked me if] liked
the name 'Love'--there was a gospel singer called Dorothy Love that he
admired-~nJ I said yes ... so] bE'came Darlene Love.
During the sixties, the sc~le for 'after' background singers, for three or
less, was $22.50 an hour. I told Phil I'd do 'He's A Rebel' for him if he paid me
triple scale. So I got about 1,500 dollars.
Iw~s nineteen when I 111<'t Phil, and] was a profession~1 ,Inger. Th~tpr()b
ably gave me the edge on the rest of the girl, he was working with, because
they were really young, ~bout thirteen up. He ~Iway, had to pay me because.
as professionals, me and the Blossoms went through thE' union; we always got
paid session fees, but not necessarily royalties, The only money] ever made in
those days was through sessions.
AftE'r "He's A RebeL" I wanted ~ contract I wanted royalties-they were
three Cl'nts a record in those d~vs, 01' something ridiculous like th~t. Well, J
never got what I felt w~s due to me,
Meanwhile, back in New York, the real Crystals were astonished to find therl1selves
with their first number-one hit, a record that they had not even made. There was
nothing they could do; indeed, they were helpless without Spector. To this day,
Dee Dee Kennibrew of the Crystals, who did finally manage to retrieve the group's
name from Spector and work under it, refuses to acknowledge Darlene Love's part in
the Crystals' career,
Darlene's slory is, howeYer, that Spector, like so many other producers in the
business, paid no regard to anyone's names, including her own:
When we Wf'nt to record with Phil WE' never knew which record was going to
he by who. After "He's A Rebel," the next thing he wanted wa, another record
~ ...v The 1960S
for the Crystals. I said, this time you're going to pay me a royalty, not just no
$1,500. But I didn't get it. Well, the next record was "He's Sure the Boy I Love"
which was supposed to be my Darlene Love record-I was going to record it
under my own name. But no. When I heard it on the radio, they announced
that it was by the Crystals.
I asked for a contract again with "Da 000 Ron Ron." Phil said OK, but I
wasn't convinced and I never gave him a dean finish of the song so he brought
La La Brooks in from the Crystals and put her voice on top of what 1had already
done. We didn't sign contracts in the end until after "Da 000 Ron Ron."
Clearly, Spector's by now very powerful role as the Boy Wonder of the pop industry
gave him carte blanche to override the inconvenient demands of his young singers.
l{ecords were issued by fictitious groups, mere names dreamed up by Spector; pol
ished, experienced session singers like Darlene would be brought in to record, and
then they or others who looked the part would pose for publicity shots. To all intents
and purposes, groups like the Crystals appeared only to exist now in Spector's imag
ination as concepts for the next single.
The public did not seem to mind or notice what was going on. The Crystals
whoever they were-scored big hits in 1963 with "He's Sure the Boy I Love:' "Da
Doo Ron Ron" and "Then He Kissed Me." The records were now usually in the con
fident, romantic boy-meets-girl-they-fall-in-love-and-marry vein that had replaced
the plaintive, adolescent uncertainties of the early girl groups, but writers like Barry
Mann and Cynthia Weil still held out for a bit of social realism in songs like "He's
Sure the Boy 1 Love":
He doesn 'I hang diamond, roultd /Ili/Iteck
al/ lie's got is all uI1clIIl"oymrnl cllcck
HI' 5/11'1' nlf,'t tile /Joy "ve /'1'1'11 dreamil/g '1: but
He's SUI"/' IIII' boy I love
Besides recording as the Crystals, Darlene also then became-with Bobby Sheen and
Fanita James of the Blossoms-Bob B. Soxx and the Blue Jeans:
Phil had this idea l)f recording "Zip-A-Dee-Doo-Dah." We thought that was
the funniest thing we'd ever heard: everybody knew that song, what could he
possibly do with it? But it was a huge hit, and we became Bob B. Soxx and the
Blue Jeans. After that, I finally rf'corded as Darlene LO\'e. Nobody knew who [
was at all. They were trying to figure out if there was one person doing all the
singing on Phil's records. They thought it was Barbara Alston of the Crystals.
Jarlene's wonderful voice put her solo recordings, like "Today I Met the Boy I'm
:;onna Marry" and "Christmas (Baby Please Come Home)," in a class of their own
lmongst Spector's by now unbelievably successful teen pop discs. Yet she still did
lOt emerge as a solo artist in her own right:
I didn't really push my career as Darlene Love. I was a very successful back-up
singer, and that was important, because J had something to fall back on; it was
a job, like being a secretary. Tdidn't just depend on Phil, 1 had my own career.
Also, I had children and I didn't want to tour. I've had a very full career; in the
sixties, I sang with all kinds of people, including Elvis on his comeback special
in 1968. From 1972 to 1981 J sang back-up for Dionne Warwick. In the eighties,
my career has really taken off; I got a part in "Lethal Weapon," then there was
Cnrrie, nnd my new album is coming out too.
lLf'
From Surf to Smile
You know, [ started off in 1959, and in 1981 I started a solo career. That's
kind of unusual. It helps that no one has ever rf'ally seen me. I'm a fresh idea.
Further Reading
Bradby, Barbara. "Do-Talk and Don't-Talk: The Division of the Subject in Girl-Group
Music," in On Rl'cord: Rock, Po/, IIl1d Ihe 1''/rilll'l1 Word, edited by Simon Frith and
Andrew Goodwin, 341-69. New York: Routledge, 1990.
Brown, Mick. Tmring 00i1'11 the Wall or Sound: The Rise and FilII or Phil Spector. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 2007.
Clemente, ]01u1. Girl Grollps: Fa/1ulous Females Thnl Rackl'd fhl' World. lola, Wise.: Krnuse
publications, 2000.
Emerson, Ken. Alwavs Magic in Ihe Air: The Bomp and Brilliance of l/1e Brill BuildillR Era.
New York: Viking, 2005.
Spector, Ronnie (with Vince Waldron). Be Mv HalJlt: How 1 Sllrl'il'ed MnsC/1r11, Miniskir!s,
and Madlless or Mil Life as a Fabulous ROllette. New York Harper Perennial, 1990.
Warwick, Jacqueline. Girl Gralips, Girl Culture: Po/,ulnr M/I'ic lind Idenlity in Ihe 19605.
New York: Routledge, 2007.
Wolfe, Tom. "The First Tycoon of Teen," in Tom Wolfe, TIlt' Knlldy-Kolored Tangeril1l'-Finke
Sirenmlille Boby, 47-11 1. New York: pocket Books, 1966.
Discography
The Best or llie Challiels, The Chantels, Rhino. 1990.
Tile Best ol tilt' Gil"! GrOll/'S, Vals. 1 alld 2. Rhino/WEA, 1990.
Spector, Phil (with various artists). Blick 10 MOllO (195R-1969). Abcko, 1991.
29 .. From Surf to Smile
Concurrent with the dance crazes and girl-group phenomenon, the
American imagination increasingly shifted westward to the land of fruit
and nuts, as California rapidly became the most populous and econom'
ically important of the 50 states. Out of the sun-drenched expanses of
the rapidly growing suburbs in Southern California came surf music,
with its litany of beaches, blondes, and Bonneville sport coupes.
Initially, an instrumental genre led by guitarist Dick Dale (a real, live
surfer) and by guitar-dominated instrumental bands, such as the
Ventures, surf came to be associated most strongly with the Beach
Boys, a band that developed a distinctive, contrapuntal, falsetto-led
vocal style.
I ne 19605
The group was a family affair, consisting of three Wilson brothers
(Brian. Carl, and Dennis), cousin Mike Love, and pal Al Jardine. The eldest
brother, Brian (b. 1942), was the musical mastermind of the group, con
cocting a potent brew of multipart harmony singing (derived from 1950S'
vocal groups, such as the jazz-influenced Four Freshmen and the Hi-Los),
Chuck Berry riffs, trebly guitar timbres (a holdover from surf instrumental
groups), and lyrics extolling the ennui of beach-loving, middle-class,
white teens. The early hits of 1962-63 all hewed close to these themes in
one way or another, although the emotional range and the harmonic
palette ex.panded in ballads like "Surfer Girl" and "In My Room." Their
first major national hit, "Surfin' U.s.A.," owed so much to Chuck Berry's
"Sweet Little Sixteen" that Berry was eventually awarded songwriting
cred it for it.
The following excerpts from Brian Wilson's autobiography describe a
period after Wilson suffered a nervous breakdown in 1964 and subse
quently stopped touring, a move that enabled him to devote more energy
to songwriting and production. While his songs had continuously in
creased in musical complex.ity beginning with the Beach Boys' first
recordings in 1962, the Beatles' Rubber Soul, released in December 1965,
inspired Wilson to try and surpass his earlier efforts. The result? Pet
Sounds, one of the first "concept" albums, and one of the first to feature
overt studio experimentation (including elaborate overdubbing and mix
ing, unusual instruments, and songs with multiple tempi). Although Pet
Sounds did not equal the success of earlier Beach Boys' albums (manag
ing nevertheless to reach the Top 10), it, and the commercially successful
single that followed, "Good Vibrations," subsequently established
critical high-water marks for the band. Here, Wilson describes the
creation of these recordings.'
from WOULDN'T IT BE NICE: My OWN STORY
Brian Wilson (with Todd Gold)
n December, the Bcatles' latest LP, I\I/bber SOlli, hit Number One in Britain and the
J,S. I heard indi\'iduaJ cuts but didn't listen to the entire LP until someone from my
'xpanding circle of frif'nds, most of whom I'd inIwrited from Loren [Loren Schwartz,
close friend of Wilson during this period], brought It over to my house in early 1966
nd insisted 1 list"l1 and give my opinion, as if J were some kind of oracle.
\. ror n portralt of 'Nilson during the F't'riexi following IICood VibratitlllS" while he worked on
HilC'. the imploding f(111(n~'-llp to n'f SmulI/s, see ,rules Siegel, "A Teen-age Hymn to God," in
'illiam McKeen, ed., I'P'hlllld 1,,,11 b fierI' to Stall: 11/1 Al/tholol(ll (New York: W. W. Norton, 211(0).
:7",·QQ. VVrittl'l1 in It)b7.
'1/1'(',': Brian Wil-e'n (with Todd Cold), WOI//dl/'J It BI' ,\lice: MIl Oz,'" SI""y (New York: Harper
,lIins I'tlblislwrs, 19QI). pp. ·12CJ-.lll, 131,1:'\4-35, 13H-41, 145,147-48.
"+7
From Surf to 5mile
Under a cloud of pol smoke, it was a ceremonial event. A bunch of US sat around
the dining room table, gazing out the window at the expanse (If city lights shimmer
ing below, smoking joints as the album played. No one ventured an opinion until I
expressed mine. That was easy. I was knocked out. E\ery song from "Michelle" to
"Norwegian Wood" to "In My Life," and "The Word" was great.
"I'm flipped by it," I exclaimed. "1 can't believe il."
"John and Paul, those guys are geniuses," Loren said,
"That album is just blowing my mind," 1continued, excited bv its amazing con
sistency. "They put only great stuff on the album. That's what 1w~nt to do." .
"What?" he asked.
"I want to make a whole album a gas!" I said.
Around January 1966 J had all these pieces of music, feels? and they needed lyrics. I
remembered that five months earlier Loren had brought a friend of his to Western,
where I was in the midst of laying tracks on the S1IJ1Imrr oalls album. Tony Asher was
a bright young copy-and-jingle writer for Carson/Roberts, an advertising agency,
During a break, I'd played them one of my feels and asked for an opinion. Then Tony
played a little melody he had written.
Among our first songs was "You're So Good to Me," one of Tony'S favorites. He
thought it was a good pop song, light and Illlmmable. 1 agreed but explained that
those qualities were what I wanted to get away from.
"I want to show that the Beach Bovs know 11111S;C," I said. "I don't want to do the
easy stuff" .
"I understand," he said.
Our next song was done with the record company breathing so hard down rny
neck for a new single that I began every day by unplugging the phone. One of the
prettiest, most personal songs I've ever written, "Caroline, No" concerned growing
up and the loss of innocence. I'd reminisced to Tony about my high school crush on
Carol Mountain and sighed, "Jf I saw her today, I'd probably think, God, she's lost
something, because growing up does that to people."
But the song was most influenced by the changes Marilyn [Wilson's wife1 and 1
had gone through since meeting at Pandora's Box. We were young, Marilyn nearing
twenty and l11e closing in on twenty-four, yet I thought we'd lost the innocence of oUI
youth in lhe heavy seriousness of our lives. The lightness that had once been ours
was fading. Subconsciously, I might've sensed that the power allowing me to do spe
cial things naturally might not last too much longer.
All that made me sad.
The first time I plaved the melody of "Caroline, No" he told me the song had sin
gle potential. He took a tape home, embellished on my concept, and completed the
words. The Beach Boys were on the road when il came time to record "Caroline, No,"
though between the pressure Capitol was putting on me to get a single ready, the
song's intensely personal nature, and the creative space I was in at the time, 1 didn't
think about waiting for them to get back to town. Instead, 1 did it myself.
It took seventeen takes before the song sounded the way I wanted, perfect. At the
end of the seventeenth take, tears were streaming down my eyes, and I knew I'd
nailed it. But it still wasn't finished."
2. "feels" wa~ a term that Wilson used to refer to unfinished fragments of tTHJ""ic
I ne 19605
I played "Caroline, No" for my dad. Though our contact W,IS minimal, for some
reason I continued to solicit his opinion. He praised the song but suggested that I
change the key from C to D. The engineer put a wrap around the recording head, a
technique which sped up the playback, and the two of us listened again. My dad was
right, and I took his advice.
As work progressed, I began to consider making the album a solo project. 1 kept
the thought private, but it reflected my growing intuition that the guys, when they
began hearing the music, wouldn't like or understand it. The' songs were a telling
self-portrait of my twubled psyche: "I Just WaSl1't Made for These Times" was a
lament about being too advanced and having to leave people behind; "I.et's Go Away
for a While," a Burt Bacharach tribute, was explained by the title. The track originally
included lyrics but worked better as an instrumental and became one of the most sat
isfying of my songs.
I pulled myself oul of bed, went to the !'ianoto save myself, and resumed work with
Tony. It was mid-February. l played hin, the song I'd written titled "Good, Good,
Cood Vibrations." I had the chorus but no lyrics for the verses. lIe loved the song but
was a little weirded out when [ explained why T'd written the song and what I
wanted it to convey
"My mom told me dogs discriminate between people," I said. "They like some
because the people give off good vibrations. Thev bite others because they give off
bad vibrations. I haw a feeling this is a v.ery spiritual song, and [ want it to give off
good vibrations."
He tried his hand at writing lyrics, and things were going so well that I put
"Good, Goocl. Good Vibrations" on the preliminary list of songs [ told Capitol would
be on the album. Two weeks later, though, I changed mv mind and took the song off.
The time wasn't right. [ couldn't produce it yet.
With plenty of other good songs needing work, Tony and I turned our attention
to "God Only Knows," the song about which j felt the strongest and proudest. The
melody was inspired by a John Sebastian record I'd been listening to, and the idea
summarized ev.erything I was trying to express in a single song. But it began with an
argument. I hated the opening line, "I may not always love you." I didn't think it was
the right way to begin a l(lVE~ song. It was too negath'e.
"Brian, that's rcallife," Tony argued. "People who are in love may not always
stay in love with each other. But consider the next [ine."
Then Tony sang: '''But as long as the stars are abovp yOll, you'll never l1eed to
doubt me. '"
'''The love wp're writing about will last until the stars burn oul."· he sang.'''
'" And that won't ever happpn.'''
That made me feel bdter. Then we had another argument over the word God.
No one had ever recorded it before in a popular song. I W
Cantwell, WiTr”II We Wne Goed: Tllf f”I’/k 1\el,;,>,,1 (Cambridge, Moss.: Harvard L1ni,·””itv PrE’SS,
t 1996); Benj”min Fill’lw, nPIIIIII1<';"S Ille r"ik. PIII,lie MelliI'll/ a"d Americnll RI~)I, MII"C (Chapel Hill:
)iscography The University of North Cornlina I'res5, 2(00); Bryon Carman, A Rnce or Sil1sn" Wllil>1111>1’5
Worki11g-0 ;;s Hero/ro111 GlItJmc hl Sprifl;-:.stl’l’J1 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Pres,;,l
;each Boys. Pet Sounds, The Beach Boys, Capitol. 1966. rl
___. Good ViIJraliolls: Tllirty )/’ars of the Beach Boys. Capitol, 199~. r 20(0).
153
155
l)q
The 1960s
explicitly leFt-wing verses were excised. For example, the often-deleted
fourth verse of “This Land Is Your land” protests the negative effects of
land ownership: “Was a high wall there that tried to stop me/A sign was
painted said: Private Property,'” Guthrie also developed a ramblin’, gam
blin’ persona in many witty talking blues that had much in common with
personae developed later by Beat writers, such as Jack Kerouac, and that
influenced many male singers of the 1960s,
In 1941, Guthrie joined the Almanac Singers, a group that included
among its members, Pete Seeger (b. 1919), son of the noted musicologist
Charles Seeger. The Almanac Singers continued to stress political and
social issues, such as the importance of civil rights and labor unions.
Seeger then Formed the Weavers, a group that continued to be associ
ated with the liberal themes of the Almanac Singers, while their richly
harmonized (and thickly orchestrated) versions of songs, such as Lead
belly’s “Goodnight Irene” (Number One for 13 weeks in 19500 and
Guthrie’s “So long It’s Been Good to Know You” (Number Four in 1951)
were SUfficiently successful to enter the popular music mainstream. Al
though the Weavers’ hits eschewed strong political messages, their left
wing views brought them to the attention of Joseph McCarthy and the
House Un-American Activities Committee, the proceedings of which led
to the group’s demise in 1953.
Despite their blacklisting, the Weavers and other folk musicians like
Burl Ives planted seeds for the popularity of urban folk music that led
some of their fans to an awareness of Guthrie, leadbelly, Josh White, and
others. Although the McCarthy hearings effectively suppressed urban
folk music, artists like Harry Belafonte-who found success with several
Caribbean-flavored recordings in 19s6-57-and the Kingston Trio
whose “Tom Dooley” went to Number One in 19s8-maintained the
mass-mediated presence of folk music, and the music gained popularity
among college-age audiences. Urban folk music also maintained its
paradoxical stature as the anticommercial form of popular music and was
heard by many as the antidote to mainstream pop music and early rock
‘n’roll.
The article that follows describes the links between many of the artists
associated with the urban folk music of the 1930S and 1940S and their
successors in the late 1950S and early 1960s. The article notes how, from
the late 1950S onward, urban folk reasserted its political connotations
(which for many it had never lost) and how distinctions were already
being made between overtly commercial folk groups (the Kingston Trio)
and artists who were viewed (rightly or wrongly) as making few, if any,
concessions to mass taste. The civil rights movement provided the
strongest public Cause for this new confluence of folk music (dubbed by
2. The sixth verse of this song. abo llst1aHy omitted, describes the dC”Elst(lting effects of
povt>rty in the United St<1tE>s.
Urban Folk Revival
historians the urban folk music revival) and politics, and, as the article
notes, the fight for civil rights provided the strongest motivation for the
“nonconformity” exhibited by folk music fans. It is significant that.
despite the prominence of several African American performers within
the movement and its strong commitment to civil rights, the vast majority
of the performers and audience members were white, college educated,
and middle class, thereby forming another link with the 1930S urban
folk scene.
SONGS OF THE SILENT GENERATION
Gene Bluestein
Mademoiselle, the magazine which specializes in telling smart young women what the
bright young men of Madison Avenue think they ought to know, got around to ex
plaining (in its December 1960 issue) what the “folksong fad” is all about. Notwith
standing a brief nod in the direction of anthropology and social psychology
(folksinging proVides students with a sense of “togetherness,” it helps them channel
ize their feelings toward a “brutal and threatening” world), what Mademoiselle wants
to emphasize is the fact that this generation of college students are “hungry for a
small, safe taste of an unslick, underground world” and folksong, like pizza and pop
corn, takes the edge off their appetites.
Mademoiselle’s description of the college “folkniks” as a “student middle class”
which has adapted “the trappings and tastes of a Bohemian minority group” is based
on the assumption that the students draw their main inspiration from the bearded
“beatniks” who inhabit the countless coffee houses which have sprung up around
the country. But as Kenneth Rexroth has been pointing out from the beginning, the
“beatnik” is the creature of Time, Inc; it is a popular dew of the artist as irrE’sponsi
ble, incomprehE’nsible, and “maladjusted.” And, as in the case of the new young
poets, the analogy is false.
NeithE’r does the collE’ge folksong addicl flip over the antics of commercial folk
song groups which have become shmdard property in the stables of such bigtime op
erators as RCA Victor, Decca, and Columbia. (The Kingston Trio was so out of place
at the first Newport Folk Festival that it did not appear at the second onE’.) The reper
toires of these groups do consist mainly of traditional songs but they arE’ adapted,
dislocated, expurgated or, when the occasion is right, turned into popular songs.
Often the appeal of tlw big time night club singers comes Jess from their vocal or in
strumental skill than from the patter ill betHJPl’I7 the songs; the routines are st’cond-rate
imitations of the humor developed by the “sick” comics.
But the interest of large numbers of college students in folksong goes far beyond
the limits of wisecracks accompanied by banjo and guitar. Evpn Madel/miselle noticed
this, for its reporter can’t quite undE’rstand what attracts these middle class kid~ to a
music which evokes “the idpas and emotions of the downtrodden and the heartbro
ken, of garage mechanics and mill workers and miners and backwoods famwrs”-a
lineup of materials which reflects neither the world of the beats nor of thE’ slick trios.
Source: Gene Bluestein, “Songs of tilE’ Silent Cencretion.” Nne r’l’l'”blir, 144, no. II (March 13,
1961), Pl’. 21-22. ReprintE’d by permission of The New Republic.
The 1960s
Here is wllE’re a little historical perspective would hell” As Harold Taylor has
pointed out recently, this generation of college students has begun to react agilinst
being treated like adolescents. If they have not been idpologieal, Mr. Taylor points
out, tlwy have been Willing to associate themselves with non-conformist movements,
despite warnings by parents and teachers that such activities ,.vill endanger their
personal as well as their job security The moral leadership for this so-called “silent
generation,” Mr. Taylor notes, was “established by the ‘\Jegro students in the
South who quietly and courageously began to assert their rights with the sit-in
strikes at lunch counters.” And as TV coverage of events in the South has revealed,
the passive resistance movement of young people and adults is a singing movement
as well. .
Martin Luther King’s meetings with Negro college students almost always con
clude with a song- a popular one has its roots in the spiritual: “We shall ovprcome
Oh Lord, Deep in my heart, I do believe, we shall overcome some day.” A Huntley
Brinkley special on the sit-ins showed students singing a West Indian work song
which they had sung in jail-“Daylight’s mmin’ and I wanna go home.” The same
program featured snatches of a song which told how the “cops went wild over me,
and they locked me up and threw away the key.” The words were up to date, but it
was unmistakably the IWW protest song called the “Popular Wobblv.” Earlier, the
bus-boycotters in Mongomery, Alabama, had sung, “Walk Along Together.”
That spirituals, work songs, and other protest songs should figure prominently
in the expression of the students in the South is not surprising. What is significant is
that the main stream of the song traditions that interest college students in general
derive from similar materials. Almost fifty years ago, John Lomax told a meeting of
academic folklorists that the significance of American folksong was to be seen not in
transplanted ballads, but in songs of the miners, lumbermen, Great Lakes sailors,
railroad men, cowboys, ;md Negroes. (A special category singled out “songs of the
down and out classes-the outcast girls, the dope fiend, the convict, the jail bird and
the tramp.”) It was a shocking revision of the academic approach to American folk
song, for in 1913, as today, the professional folklorist tends to be C!)ncerned mainly
with ballads, and especially the relationship between American and British ballads.
But as Lomax continued to collect in the field the vitality of non-ballad traditions im
pressed upon him. With the help of his son Alan, John Lomax explored the prisons of
the South, uncovering such singers ilS Huddie Ledbetter (I,ead Belly), Vera Hall,
Dock Reed; they were impressed by the songs of the dust bowl songmaker, Woodie
Guthrie, but especially by “the singers who hiwe moved us beyond all others that we
have heard … the Negroes, who in our opinion have made the most important and
original contributions to American folksong … ”
Long before folksongs became mmmercially profitable, singers like Guthrie,
Lead Belly, and Pete Seeger were spreilding the Lomax gospel on picket lines, at
union meetings, and through the recordings made by quixotic Moses Asch, whose
supreme devotion to traditional material kept his record companies producing even
when he had neither a large audience nor a source of capital. Through the thirties
and forties Guthrie kept Cl constant stream of songs flowing like an underground
river-about the dust bowl, hohoes, folk heroes (including the Oklahoma Robin
Hood, Pretty Boy Floyd), the Grand Coulee Dam, New York Citv, mining disasters,
as well as a Whitmanesque catalogue about America called “This Land Is Your
Land.” Lead Belly pt’pularized such songs as “Good Night [rene,” “The Midnight
Special,” The Rock Island Line,” and dozens of blues including “Bourgeois Blues,”
based on his attempt to find housing in Jim Crow Washington, D.C. Seeger, whose
sensitiVity to vocal and instrumental traditions is unril’allC’d, has been, since the
Urban Folk Revival 157
early forties, a Johnny Appleseed encouraging his audience to pick up a banjo and
make music.
Lead Belly died in 1949, just before the Weavers put “Good Night Irene” at the
top of the hit parade, paving the way for a mass folksong audience. But like other se
rious arts in America, folksongs resist the mass production and standardization of
tin-pan alley. (Lee Hays, who sings bass with the Weavers, commented that the suc
cess of “Good Night Irene” made tin-pan alley believe America was ready for a waltz
revival!) Guthrie has become seriously ill and is unable to appreciate fully the re
sponse to his songs and his artistry which has de\-eloped among enthusiasts in
America and in England. Pete Seeger is today the most sough t a fler performer on col
lege campuses, more often through the insistence of student groups than the promo
tion by official university concert bureaus. With obvious respect for his materials and
the people who produced them, Seeger continues in the tradition of the Lomaxes,
Guthrie and Leaclbelly.
This is still a young movement, composed of students who are filled with the
stubborn idealism that permeates the songs of Negro slaves, miners, hoboes, and
blues singers If the Kelmedy ildministration is serious in its proposal to recruit tlwm
into a corps which will work to push the new frontiers, they will respond en masse
and bring thpir guitars with them.
In a manner curiously redolent of the girl group trend, the urban folk
music revival was also more egalitarian in terms of gender than many
genres that preceded and/or followed it. Notable females in the folk re
vival included Judy Collins, Peggy Seeger, Odella, Carolyn Hester, Mary
(of Peter, Paul & Mary), and Sylvia (of Ian & Sylvia), but by far the best
known (and most successful as a solo performer) was Joan Baez
(b. 1941). The following article from Time focuses on Baez and makes
plain that she was beloved by purists even as her success superseded all
but a handful of other folk artists.] The beginning of the article draws a
parallel between the “purity” of Baez’s voice, her unadorned appear
ance, and her commitment to “authentic” folk music; the focus on her
appearance and personal life sets the stage for a profile in which the
article’s anonymous author struggles to make sense of Baez’s persona
within the existing range of available roles for women. While space is
given to Baez’s own comments, which touch on some of her political con
cerns, the overall tone of the article downplays her musical and political
activities using the focus on her lifestyle, romantic life, clothes, and
appearance to accent her eccentricity.
This feature article on Baez in Time, one of the weekly publications
with the widest circulation in the U.s., illustrates the high profile of the
folk revival at the time. Indeed, not long after this article appeared, a
weekly show, Hootenanny, began its run on U.s. national television and
lasted from April 1963 to September 1964.
3. For an account of the folk music re\’j”al that focuses on di”isinns \vithin the movement,
see DlCb. Weissman, Whieh Side Are You 01/’ All [Ilside History of the Folk !’vI1/sic RCl’i1’ll1 ill America
(New York: Continuum, 2006); for a history that conn(‘cts the earlier urban folk movement with
its fevival, set.’ Ronald. D. Cohen, RaiJJbou) Quest: The Fulk A1usic Rcz’hwl L:r Amaicml Society,
1940-] 970 (Amherst and Bosh’ll: University of Massachusetts Press, 2002).
159 tOlK SINGING: SIBYL WITH GUITAR
Time
Removed from its natural backgrounds, folk singing has become both an esoteric cult
and a light industry. Folk-song albums are all over the bestseJler charts, and folk
singing groups command as much as $10,000 a night in the big niteries. As a cultural
fad, folk singing appeals to genuine intellectuals, fake intellectuals, sing-it-yourself
types, and rootless root seekers who discern in folk songs the fine basic values of
American life. As a pastime, it has staggeringly multiplied sales of banjos and gui
tars; more than 400,000 guitars were sold in the U.s. last year.
The focus of interest is among the young. On campuses where guitars and ban
JOs were once symptoms of hopeless maladjustment, country twanging has acquired
new status. A guitar stringer shows up once a week at the Princeton University Store.
The people who sit in the urban coffeehouses sipping mocha java at 6U¢ a cup
are mainly of college age. They take folk singing very seriously. No matter how bad
a performing singer may be the least amount of cross talk will provoke an angry
shhhh.
These cultists often display unconcealed, and somewhat exaggerated, contempt
for entertaining groups like the Kingston Trio and the Limeliters. Folk singing is a re
ligion, in the purists’ lexicon, and the big corporate trios are its money-changing De
Milles. The high pantheon is made up of all the shiftless geniuses who have shouted
the songs of their forebears into tape recorders provided by the Library of Congress.
These country “authentics” are the all but unapproachable gods. The tangible sibyl,
closer to hand, is Joan Baez.
Her voice is as clear as air in the autumn, a vibrant, strong, untrained and
thrilling soprano. She wears no makeup, and her long black hair hangs like a drap
ery, parted around her long almond face. In performance she comes on, walks
straight to the microphone, and begins to sing. No patter. No show business. She usu
ally wears a sweater and skirt or a simple dress. Occasionally she affects something
semi-Oriental that seems to have been hand-sewn out of burlap. The purity of her
voice suggests purity of approach. She is only 21 and palpably nubile. But there is lit
tle sex in that clear flow of sound. It is haunted and plaintive, a mother’s voice, and
it has in it distant reminders of black women wailing in the night, of detached madri
gal singers performing calmly at court, and of saddened gypsies trying to charm
death into leaVing their Spanish caves.
Impresarios everywhere are trying to book her. She has rarely appeared in night
clubs and says she doubts that she will ever sing in one again; she wants to be some
thing more than hackground noise. Her LP albums sell so well that she could hugely
enrich herseli by recording many more, but she has set a limit of one a year. Most of
her concerts are given on college campuses.
She sings Child ballads with an ethereal grace that seems to have been caught
and stopped in passage in the air over the 18th century Atlantic. Barbara Allen
(Child 84) is one of the set pieces of folk singing, and no one sings it as achingly as
she does. From Lonesome Road to All My Trials, her most typical selections are so
mournful and quietly desperate that her early records would not be out of place at
a funeral. More recently she has added some lighter material to create a semblance
of variety, but the force of sadness in her personality is so compelling that even the
wonderful and instructive lyrics of Copper Kettle somehow manage to portend a
511″I”ee: “Folk Singing: Sibyl with Guitar,” Time, November 23, 1962: 54-56, 58. Reprinted by
permission of TimE’ Inc.
158
Urban Folk Revival
doom deeper than a jail sentence:
Build yourfire with hickory
Hickorv and ash and oak.
Don’t use 110 greell or rotten wood,
They’ll get you by the smoke.
While yOIl JIIII there by the juniper.
While the m00l1 is bright,
Watch (“I’m jug” n~fillil1g
111 the pille moonlight.
That song is a fond hymn to the contemplative life of the moonshiner, but Joan
Baez delivers it in a manner that suggests that all good lives, respectable or not, are
soon to end.
The people who promote her records and concerts are fDrever saying that “she
speaks to her generation.” They may be right, since her generation seems to prefer
her to all others. If the subtle and emotional content of her attitude is getting through
to her contemporaries, she at least has an idea of what she is trying to say to them and
why they want to hear it. “When I started singing, I felt as though we had just so long
to live, and I still feel thai way,” she says. “It’s looming over your head. The kids who
sing feel they really don’t have a future-so they pick up a guitar and play. It’s a des
perate sort of thing, and there’s a whole lost bunch of them.”
Resentful Stones
After she finished high school, the family moved to Boston, where her father had
picked up a mosaic of jobs with Harvard, M.LT., Encyclopaedia Britannica Films, and
the Smithsonian Institution. They had scarcely settled when Dr. Baez came home one
night and said, “Come, girls, 1h~ve something to show you.” He took them to Tulla’s
Coffee Grinder, where amateur folk singers could bring their guitars and sing.
Joan was soon singing there and in similar places around Boston. She spent a
month or so at Boston University studying theater-the beginning and end of college
for her-and she met several semipro folk singers who taught her songs and guitar
techniques. She never studied voice or music, or even took the trouble to study folk
lore and pick up songs by herself. Instead, she just soaked them up from those
around her. She could outsing anybody, and she left a trail of resentful stepping
stones behind her.
She sang in coffeehouses in and around Harvard Square that were populated
by what might be called the Harvard underworld-drifters, somewhat beat, with
Penguin classics protruding from their blue jeans and no official standing at Harvard
or anywhere else. They pretended they were Harvard students, ate in the university
dining halls and sat in on some classes. Joan Baez, who has long been thought of as a
sort of otherworldly beatnik because of her remote manner, long hair, bare feet and
burlap wardrobe, actually felt distaste for these ilcademic bums from the start “They
just lie in their pads, smoke pot, and do stupid things like that,” she says.
They w(‘re her first audiences, plus Harvard boys and general citizens who grew
in num!wr until the bums were choked out. She was often rough on them all. She ig
nored their requests if she chose to. When one patron lisped a request to her, she cru
elly lisped in reply. When another singer turned sour in performance, Joan suddenly
stood up in the back of the room and began to sing, vocally stabbing the hapless girl
on the stage into silence.
161 160 The 19605
Sometime Thing
She made one friend. His name is Michael New. He is Trinidad English, 2:\ years old,
and apparently aimless-a sulky, moody, pouting fellow whose hair hangs down in
golden ringlets. He may go down in history as the scholar who spent three years at
1iarvard as a freshman. “I was sure it would only last two weeks as usual,” says Joan.
“But then after three weeks there we were, still together. We were passionately, in
sanely, irrationally in love for the first few months. Then we started bickering and
quarreling violently.” Michael now disappears for months at a time. But he always
comes back to her, and she sometimes introduces him as her husband.
In the summer of 1’159, another folk singer invited her to the first Folk Festival at
Newport, KT. Her clear-lighted voice poured over the 13,000 people collected there
and chilled them with surprise. The record-company leg-and-fang men closed in.
“Would you like to meet Mitch, Baby?” said a representative of Columbia Records,
dropping the magic name of Mitch Miller, who is Columbia’s top pop artists-and
repertory man when he isn’t waving to his mother on TV
“Who’s Mitch?” said Joan.
The record companies were getting a rude surprise. Through bunk and ballyhoo,
they had for decades heen turning sows’ ears into silk purses. Now they had found a
silk purse that h<1d no desire to become a sow's ear. The girl did not want to be ex
ploited, squeezed, and stuffed with cash. Joan eventually signed with a little outfit
called Vanguard, which is now a considerably bigger outfit called Vanguard.
Cats and Doctors
Sonwwhere along the line Joan Baez' family became Quakers, but Joan herself is not
a Friend. "Living is my religion," she says. She practices it currently on California's
rugged coast. She has lived there for morE' than a year, induding eight months in the
Big Sur region in a squalid cabin with five cats and five dogs. TIle cabin was a frail
barque adrift on a sea of mud, and sometimes when Joan opened the front door, a
comber of fresh mud would break over the threshold and flow into the living room.
When she couldn't stand it any more, she moved to cleaner quarters in nearby
Cannel.
She does not like to le<1ve the area for much more than a slwrt concert tour, for
her psychiatrist is there and she feels that she must stay near him. He is her fourth
"shrink," as she calls analysts, and the best ever. Mercurial, subject to quickly shifting
moods, gentk sllspicious, wild and frightened as <1 deer, worried about the bugs she
kills, Joan is anything but the harsh witch that her behavior in the C<1mbridge coffee
houses would suggest. Sympathetic friends point out that her wicked manner in
those d<1Ys was in large part <1 cover-up for her small repertory. She could not h<1ve
honored most requests if she had w<1nted to. Actually, friends insist, she is honest and
sincere to a faull, sensitive, kind and confused. She once worked to near exhaustion
at the Perkins School for the Blind near Boston.
Segregation and Sentiment
Like many folk singers, she is earnestly political. She has taken part in peace marches
and ban-the-bomb campaigns. Once in Texas she broke off singing in the middle of i\
concert to tell the <1udience that even at the risk of embarrassing <1 few of them, she
wanted to say that it made her feel good to see some colored people in the room.
"They all clapped and cheered," she says. "I was so surprised and happy."
Urban Folk Revival
She is a lovely girl who has always attracted numerous boys, but her wardrobe
would not fill a hatbox. She wears almost no jewelry, but she has one material bauble.
When a Jaguar auto salesman looked down his nos·e at the scruffily dressed customer
as she peered at a bucket-seat XK-E sports model, she sat down, \vrote a giant check,
and bought it on the spot. Wildly, she dashes across the desert in her Jaguar, <15 unse
cured as a grain of flying sand. "I have no real roots," she says. "Sometimes, wilen I
walk through a suburb with <111 its tidy houses <1nd lawns, I get a real feeling of nos
talgia. I want to live there and hear the screen door slam. And when I'm in New York,
it sometimes smells like when I was nine, and llove it. I look b<1ck with gre<1t nost<11
gia on every place I've ever lived. I'm a sentiment<11 kind of a goof."
Further Reading
Cantwell, Robert. When We Were Good: The Folk I
arguments had previously raged over the quality of Dylan’s voice, now
these arguments were joined to discussions of whether or not his lyrics
were poetry. University classes attempted to parse the meanings of his
songs, and interviewers naively asked him to expound on his philosophy.
These forms of attention signaled a new attitude toward popular music,
as critical stances previously reserved for high art (or perhaps for urban
folk music) were now shifted to certain types of popular music. This new
critical attitude toward popular music is perhaps the most significant
legacy of folk and folk-rock, in general, and of Dylan’s musical career, in
particular: Despite his relatively brief stay in the national media lime
light, Dylan (together with the Beatles) demonstrated that the forms of
rock ‘n’ roll did not forswear the possibility of “serious” content and that
these forms were open to numerous permutations. Almost overnight, as
it were, college audiences now found the most hip and intellectual forms
of popular music to be acceptable listening material for dorm room pot
smoking sessions.2
What this newfound seriousness toward Dylan’s lyrics seemed to
miss at first is that whatever “profundity” the lyrics possessed was due
as much to their delivery (i.e., the fact that they were sung by Dylan) and
surrounding musical context as to their relative complexity compared to
other folk and popular music-which isn’t to say that Dylan didn’t do
more than any other individual to expand the subject matter of popular
music and change notions of what song lyrics could be. 3 As for Dylan’s
singing, the fact that it wasn’t conventionally “pretty” in the vein of many
other folk singers owed much to his early interest in rock ‘n’ roll and
country blues. When his voice is heard with this background in mind, the
“shift” to rock ‘n’ roll does not come as a surprise.
One amusing result of the sudden increase in public interest in Dylan,
much of it by media that had previously avoided popular music or had
condescended to it, was a vast increase in the number of interviews given
by Dylan. These media performances throughout 1965-66 grew increas
ingly surreal as Dylan took a creative approach to the interview situation.
Because his lyrics were more “serious” and “poetic” than those found
in previous pop songs, he was barraged with questions about what
the songs meant, which he steadfastly refused to answer. One of the
most famous interviews from that period, conducted by Nat Hentoff
(a well-known jazz critic, social commentator, and a writer who was not
likely to ask naive questions), provides a particularly amusing exchange
on the subject of “message songs.” When asked why he thought
2. Set’ Nick Brolllt’11., TOll11 J /Tmu Ncz’cr KIl11WS: Rock ami P~,lI(hede’ics i11 the 196()s (Chicago:
Univer,ity of Chicago l’ress, 2UDD).
3. An illu111inuting rontt’m.porary discussion of this phellonlenon is Robert Christgau’s, “Rock
Lyric, Are Poetry (Maybe),”‘ in Jonathan Eisen, ed., The Ase of Rock: SOl/nds at Ihe Amer;can ClIllliral
Re”””ll;ol/ (New York: Random House, 1%9),230-43. First published in Cheelah in December
1967.
1/1
~ I V I ne 1900s
message songs were vulgar, Dylan replied, “You’ve got to respect other
people’s right to also have a message themselves. Myself, what I’m
going to do is rent Town Hall and put about 30 Western Union boys on
the bill. I mean, then there’ll really be some messages. People will be
able to come and hear more messages than they’ve ever heard before in
their life.”4
The following interview, from 1965, occurred after Dylan’s Forest
Hills, New York, concert in August and was conducted by Nora Ephron
and Susan Edmiston. Ephron, who began her career in journalism, is now
well known for her work in films as a screenwriter, director, and producer
(When Harry Met Sally, Sleepless in Seattle, You’ve Got Mail, and many
others). This interview provides glimpses of Dylan’s humor, as Ephron
and Edmiston found him in an unusually agreeable mood. Particular
points of interest are Dylan’s comments on folk music, the value of
contemporary R&B, and his critique of the institutions of high art.
BOB DYLAN INTERVIEW
Nora Ephron and Susan Edmiston
Thi~ intervin!’ took pillce il1 latc ~l/lllmer of 1965 in tile office of Dylan’s manager Albert
Grosslllan. 01/11111 had illst been booed in the hi~toric Forest Hills concert wllere he aban
dOllf. Copyright © 19q3 by Jerry Wexler and David Ritz. Used by permission of Alfred A.
Knopf, a d;”;s]on of Random House, lnc
rlV11l f\OlU tv JUUI
Finally I got an idea-not for a song but for a trip: me and Pickett to Memphis,
whose freshness just might give us the edge. And instead of trying to provide mate
rial, I urged him-with local geniUS Steve Cropper-to create his own. I put the two
of them in a hotel room with a bottle of Jack Daniel’s and the simple exhortation-
“Write!”-which they did. When we got in that beat-up old movie theater on East
McLemore, the place was rocking, the speakers nearly blown by the power of Wayne
Jackson’s punctuated horns. One of the songs was “In the Midnight Hour.” I loved
the lyric and the gospel fervor; Cropper inspired Pickett’s truest passion, Originally
from Prattville, Alabama, the Wicked One was back home, r”ising hell.
I was taken with everything but the rhythm pattern. Jim Stewart was at the
board setting knobs, and I was working the talkback, directing the vocaL when 1 sud
denly realized I was on the wrong side of the glass.
“Jerry amazed us,” Cropper told Jann Wenner for a piece in [(oiling StoHe, “He
ran out of the booth and started dancing.”
“The bass thing was Wexler’s idea,” Duck Dunn said. “We were going another
way when Jerry started doing the jerk dance.”
I was shaking my booty to a groove made popular by the Larks’ “The Jerk,” a
mid-sixties hit. The idea was to push the second beat while holding back the fourth
something easier demonstrated than explained. The boys caught it, put it in the
pocket, and sent Pickett flying up the charts. “Midnight Hour” was a stone smash,
Wilson’s vocal a cyclone of conviction. The song became a bar-band anthem; the
Me’s incorporated the little rhythm variation into their playing from then on.
Further Reading
George, Nelson. Tile Death of Rllytll1l1 and Billes. New York: E. P. Dutton, 19139.
Guralnick, Peter. Sweet 50111 Music: RIll/tllm and Billes and tile Southem Dream o( Freedolll.
New York: Harper & Row, 1986.
Hirshey, Gerri. Nml’11ere to RUI1: Tile Story 0(50111 Music. New York: Penguin Books, 1984.
Ward, Brian. JIlSt My Soul Respollding: RI1ytllm and Billes, Black Consciousness, and Race
Relations. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1998.
Wexler, Jerry, and David Ritz. Rhlltlml alld Billes: A Life in A11leriC17n Music. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1993.
Discography
Atlantic RJlytlml E:” B111es 1947-1974. Atlantic, 1991.
Cooke, Sam. Tlte BeM of Sam Cooke, RCA Victor, 1962.
____. Port mit ora Legl’l1d 1951-1964. Abkco, 2003.
James, Etta. At Lasl! Chess, 1961.
___. Tlte Denilitive Collectioll. Geffen, 2006.
Wilson, Jackie. The Ultimate Jackie Wilson. Brunswick, 2006.
1:
f….’.•….•
“,1
‘
r
10.1
34. No Town Like Motown
As the term “soul music” began to enter mainstream usage, black popular
music increasingly cut its ties with 1950S rhythm and blues to establish a
distinctive 1960s soul genre. At the same time, differences began to
emerge between a down-home, “southern” soul style – identified with the
Stax and Atlantic recording companies and with studios based in Memphis
and Muscle Shoals, Alabama-and a “northern,” “smooth,” or “uptown”
soul style- identified primarily with Motown Records based in Detroit.
The story of Motown is so remarkable as to become the stuff of
myth. Aspiring songwriter Berry Gordy (b. 1929 and the writer of Jackie
Wilson’s biggest hit, “lonely Teardrops”) began the company on a family
loan of $700 in 1959. Gordy’s keen ear for catchy tunes and infectious
rhythms, along with his deft judgment of personnel and his business
sense, combined to establish Motown as both the most Successful inde
pendent record company and the most successful black-owned business
in the United States by the mid- 1960s.
Initially, Motown’s musical style blended in with other developments in
R&B and pop with its successful recordings by girl groups (e.g., the
Marvellettes. “Please Mr. Postman,” 1961) and soulful ballads (e.g., the _
Miracles, “You Really Got a Hold on Me,” 1963). Gradually a distinctive style
began to form; “Heat Wave” (1963) by Martha and the Vandellas provided
a template: Written and produced by the songwriting team of Holland
Dozier-Holland (the most successful of such teams at the company), the
recording features Martha Reeves’s gospel-influenced vocal over an irre
sistably danceable groove and an instantly memorable melody. Between
1964 and 1972, Motown produced an extraordinary number of hits; its roster
of artists included many of the leading names of 1960s soul: (in addition to
those already noted) the Supremes, the FourTops, the Temptations, Marvin
Gaye, Mary Wells, Junior Walker and the All Stars, Smokey Robinson
(songwriter and leader of the Miracles), Stevie Wonder, the Isley Brothers,
and Gladys Knight and the Pips. The sound, while frequently stereotyped as
being only “sweet” and “pop,” actually ranged from the pop stylings of the
Supremes (“Where Did Our Love Go?” “Baby love,” “Come See About Me”
all from 1964-6 5) to the downright fonkiness of Junior Walker and the All
Stars (“Shotgun,” 1965).’
1. For more nn the stylistic range of 1\1oto\\’I1, St-‘e Jon Fitzgerald, “Motown Crossover Hits
1963-196(-, and the Creative rruce.ss,” Pupular A1ll~ic, 14, no, 1 (January tq( 5): 1–12; for a less-than
tlatt~ring account of the cOl1lpany, sec Nelson George, Where Did Ollr I~01’e Go? The Ri,e alld Fall ol
the MotowJI SOU lid (New York: St. M
I’ut Oil your high Ill’eI slioes
Wc’re Roin’ dD/1’1I here 1I(1Z!’ alld listen to ‘011 play tlic Bilies
Wc’re gomlll dig potil toes
WI”re g01l1l1l picA t(lllil/toes.
He broke every rule in the book, but I still loved it.
New people wert’ coming all the time and from everywhere. When I think of the two
young songwriters who came to us from New York around this time one word comes
to mind-TA LENTED! Nickolas Ashford and Valerie Simpson had joined our grow
ing writing staff at ]obde ilfter an earlier hit they’d written for E.ay Charles, “Let’s Go
Get Stoned.” When I first saw them they both seemed warm aud ljuiet. While that
held true, 1 later found out Valerie was a pint-sized ball of dynamite, especially when
working in the studio.
One day Harvey Fuqua, in his quest for material for a duo he had put together
Marvin Caye and Tammi Terrell-listened to a demo of their songs. Liking what he
heard, he and Johnny Bristol produced” Ain’t 1\0 Mountain High Enough” and
“Your Precious Love.” Both songs became big hits.
Sooner or later just about every songwriter, and some performers, want to pro
duce their own records. But talent in one area doesn’t alwilYs mean you have it in an
other. With Nick and Val it did. The success of their songs eClrned them a chance to
produce some of their own materiil1.
Their production of Nick’s lyrics with Valerie’s melodies and arrangements
added a new sophisticated element to our overall sound. When their production on
Marvin and Tammi was brought into the Friday morning meeting there was no de
bilte. “Ain’t Nothing Like the Real Thing” was voted a smash and it was. When their
next record on the same duo, “Yuu’re Alii Need To Get By” was played it sounded so
great to me I didn’t bother to take a vote. No one complained. It is still one of my all
time favorites.
No Town Like Motown 10:>
When selling records to the mainstream market I had learned long before that you
had to deal with people’s prejudices.
I had not forgotten the hurt I felt when my brother’s record, “Everyone Was
There,” had died when the public rf’illized that this white-sounding record was per
formed by a blilck ilrtist.
That was why we released some of our early albums without showing the artists’
faces on them. The Marvelettes’ album Pleasl’ Mr.l’ostmnn had a picture of a mailbox un
it; Bye Byl’ Baby by Mary Wells, a love letter. We put a cartoon of an ape on the cover of
The Miracles’ Voirl!;; Mickey’s Monkey; and an Isley Brothers album had two white lovers
at the beach on its cover.
TI,is practice became less necessary as our music’s popularity started overcom
ing the prejudices
But there were so many other color barriers to overcome. I remember one day sit
ting in Barney’s [Barney Ales, head of the sales department at Motown] offic; in a
meeting when I noticed I was the only black person in the room. My own company’
After the meeting I talked to Barney and Phil [Jones, a member of the promotion
staff]. “How come there’s nothing but white folks in the Sales Department?”
“You just now noticed?” Barney asked.
I smiled. “I guess I never saw black and white, I only saw record sales.”
Of course, I knew the Sales Department was all white. Barney had built it with
experienced people he knew in the business. They were a powerful team. With their
know-how they not only dealt successfully with the distributors with one-stops and
a new sector of the market known as rackjobbcrs-the guys who sold records in large
quantities to supermarkets and drugstores.
“You always told me you wanted a general market company, and that’s what we
got here,” Barney said. “We want to sell our records across the board and when I put
my team togethel~ there were no black salesmen I knew out there that had ever done
that or that could do it the way we needed it done.”
“Have you tried to find any?”
“Well, no.”
“‘Nell I think you should. If black promotion men can get white stations to play
a record, why can’t blacks get white distributors to buy them as well?”
I could see Barney was surprised because he had never known me to challenge
him on the basis of race. I felt a little strange myself.
“Getting radio play is one thing, but selling records is another. The distributors
are going to give you a lot more resistance than any D),” he said. “It would be really
tough-especially in the South.”
“That may be. But I think we’re so strong now we can change things. It’s time.”
“He’s right,’ Phil jumped in. “I think we can.” It was rare for anv of Barney’s peo
pie to side with me-in front of him.
But Barney was all for it. “Let’s get on it,” he told Phil,
“But we can’t hire just any black guy,” Phil said. “He’s got to be real special.
strong.”
They were lucky. They found Miller London. He was shortish and thinnish, with
a pleasant face and a great smile that he used a lot. My first impression was that he
might be too f1’ilgile. I was wrong.
Soon he was joined by otl1E’r black sales and promotion men-Chuck Young,
Eddie Gilreath, Ralph Thompson and Skip Miller.
Phil enjoyed telling about one of the first incidents when he sent Miller London
on a trip to the South.
186 The 1960s
As soon ilS Miller arrived for his first appointment at one of our major Southern
distrihutors, Phil got a hysterical call.
“Phil,” the distributor screamed, “you sent a nigger down here to sell white Pop
accounts? Are vou fuckin’ nuts?”
“How mu~h money do you make a year off Motown?” Phil responded.
“Oh, I don’t know. Quite a bit I guess.”
“Well, if you want to keep making that ‘quite a bit,’ you better get used to look
ing in that nigger’s face.”
Miller had been waiting in an outer office. As soon as the distributor got off the
phone he rushed out smiling: “Miller, nice to see you, come on in, my friend.”
Miller was in. But it took about a year of insults, threats and narrow escapes
before he could breathe easily.
In the next excerpt, Berry recalls his first encounter with the Jackson Five
and the young star of the group, Michael Jackson.
When I look at it today I can still remember the intensity we all felt standing there
that July morning [in 1961\] watching those five young boys from Gary, Indiana, per
form. Nine-year-old Michael, eleven-year-old Marion, fourteen-year-old Jermaine,
and fifteen- and seventeen-year-old Tito and Jackie meant business. All of them
moved, silng and played instruments like winners.
They tore into the Temptations’ “Ain’t Too Proud to Beg” all moving togetlwr
like little David Huffins, with a style all their own. When they sang “I Wish It Would
Rain” and “Tobacco Hoad,” they made the songs sound like they were written just for
them. They wound up with Michael doing James Brown’s “I Got The Feelin’.” His
dazzling footwork would have certainly made the Godfather proud.
This little kid had an incredible knowingness about him that really made me take
notice. He sang his songs with such feeling, inspiration and pain-as if he had expe
rienced everything he was singing about. In he tween songs he kept his eyes on me
the whole time, as if he was studying me.
All the right clues were there-their professionalism, their discipline, their tal
ent. And something else that Michael had, an unknown quality that I didn’t com
pletely understand but I knew was special. Somehow even at that first meeting he let
me know of his hunger to learn, and how willing he was to work as hard as necessary
to be great, to go to the top. He let me know he believed I was the person who could
get him there.
Further Reading
Coffey, Dennis. Guitars, Bars, lind MOtUWl1 Superstars. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan
Press. 2004.
Earl~’, Gerald. 01/(‘ Nation Under a Groo/’e: Motou’n lind Americlln Culture. Ann Arbor: Uni
versity of Michigan Press, 2004.
Cordy, Berry. 7″ Be L,med: The Music, the Magic, the MClllories of MotOll’n: An Autobiogra
pill/. New York: Warner Books, 1994.
Neal, Mark Anthony. What the Music Said: Black Poplilar MII;:i( and Black i’opular Culture.
New York, Routledge, 1999.
Ward, Brian. n,is Is My Soul Respol/diug: Rhythlll aud Rille” Black Cou,ciouslU’SE’, aud Race
F.elations. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991\.
HHThe Godfather of Soul and the Beginnings of Funk
Warwick, Jacqueline. Girl Groups, Gil”! Culture: POf’ular Music and Identity it, the 1960s.
New York: Routledge, 2007.
Werner, Craig. A Clllwge Is GOilIla COllie: Music, Race ami the Soul of America. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press, 2006.
Discography
The Four Tops. F.l’lIcll Oul. Motown, 1967.
Hitsville USA, Tile MotolUn Siugles Collection, 1959-1971. Motowll, 1992.
Martha and the Vandellas. Heatwave. Gordy, 1963.
The Marvelettes. Please Mr. POst17UlI1. Tamla, 1961.
The Supremes. Wlll’re Did Our Love Go. Motown, 1964.
The Temptations. TIl(‘ Tempta!ious Sing Smokey. Gordy, 1965.
Wonder, Stevie. The 12 Year Old Genius. Tanda, 1963.
4> The Godfather of Soul and the
Beginnings of Funk
James Brown (1933-2006) stands out as one of the most influential and
successful musicians in the history of R&B. While his innovations as a
singer, performer, composer. arranger, and bandleader virtually defined
the genre of funk and contributed mightily to the development of hip
hop, his achievements cannot be measured only in terms of his musical
contributions: During the height of his popularity, he became a cultural
icon in the African American community, exploring the limits of economic
self-determination for a black performer and demonstrating how
crossover success could be achieved without forswearing the black ver
nacular.
Born into extreme poverty in the rural South (in Barnwell, South
Carolina, near Augusta, Georgia), Brown began his career as a profes
sional musician with the gospel-based Flames in the early 1950s. By 195 6 ,
the group had recorded the R&B hit, “Please, Please, Please” and
changed their name to “James Brown and the Famous Flames,” This early
recording established what was to become a stylistic trademark: insistent
repetition of a single phrase (in this case consisting of the song’s title)
resulting in a kind of ecstatic trance. This trademark and Brown’s charac
teristic raspy vocal timbre and impassioned melismas display his debt to
the African American gospel tradition. His stage shows, dancing, and in
spired call-and-response interactions with the audience also convey the
fervor of a sanctified preacher.
188 The 1960s
The subsequent highpoints of his career are numerous: the surprising
smash success of his 1962 recording, Live attheApollo; his development of
funk during the years 1964-65 with three successive hits, “Out of Sight,”
“Papa’s Got a Brand New Bag,” and “I Got You (I Feel Good)”; his continued
crossover success with a string of recordings-including “(old Sweat,”
“Say It Loud (I’m Black and I’m Proud),” “Superbad,” “Hot Pants”-that
further defined the funk genre during the years 1967-72. In recordings,
such as “(old Sweat,” verse-chorus structures were replaced by sections
of irregular length, defined by densely overlapping ostinati played by all
the instruments. Brown’s lyrics grew increasingly impressionistic, cele
brating black vernacular speech (often creating slang in the process) and
emphasizing racial pride.’
In a book organized by decades, where does one place a musician who
was active and influential in three of them (the 1950s, 1960s, and
1970S) and who continued to perform and record until his death? While
funk will be discussed at greater length in Part 4, I placed Brown in
this chapter because it was during the 1960s that he developed the
innovations that were felt and continue to be felt across a broad musi
cal spectrum.
The following excerpts come from Brown’s autobiography, The
Godfather of Soul, and detail his early experiences and eclectic influ
ences, his indebtedness to gospel music and charismatic preaching
styles, the importance of audience-performer interaction (also learned in
church), his firsthand experience of the ring shout, and the somewhat
surprising link between minstrel shows (and professional wrestling!) and
the later development of his stage act. He also charts the development of
soul and funk, the circumstances of the famous Live at the Apollo album,
and his business philosophy and profiles several of the well-known
musicians who worked for him.
from THE GODFATHER OF SOUL
James Brown (with Bruce Tucker)
I liked gospel and pop songs best of all. I got all the Hit Parade books and learned all
the pop tunes-Bing Crosby’s “Buttermilk Sky,” Sinatra’s “Saturday Night Is the
Loneliest Night of the Week:’ “String of Pearls.” I also admired Count Basie’s “One
O’Clock Jump:’ but r couldn’t play piano good enough to do it.
I. For an essay exploring how Brown’s funk expressed an African American aesthetic in its
conjunction of music and lyrics, see David Brackett, “lames Brown’, ‘Superbad’ and the Double
Voiced Utterance,” IJllcl’/m’tiIlS P”I’uIII/ Music (Berkeley: Univer,ity of California Press, [1′!95]
2(00), 108-56.
S”urce: lames Brown with Bruce Tucker, from Tile Codf”!her of SOil I, pp_ 17-19,23-24,106-07,120,
134-36,138–39, 157-51′,178-79,218-19,221-22,224,227,242-43. Reprinted with permission of
Snibner, an imprint of Simon and Schust,’r Adult Publishing Group. Copyright © 1986 by James
Brown and Bruce Tucker.
10:;1The Godfather of Soul and the Beginnings ot Funk
I heard a lot of church music, too, because I went to all the different churches
with a crippled man named Charlie Brown who lived in one of the shacks in
Helmuth Alley. He had to walk with two sticks or with somebody on each side
holding his arms. On Sundays when we weren’t shining shoes, Junior and I walked
Mr. Charlie tn one or another of the churches because they’d take up collections for
people like him.
At the churches there was a lot of singing and handclapping and usually an
organ and tambourines, and then the preacher would really get down. I liked that
even more than the music. I had been to a revival service and had seen a preacher
who really had a lot of fire. He was just screaming and yelling and stomping his
foot and then he dropped to his knees. The people got into it with him, answering
him and shouting and clapping time. After that, when I went to church with
Mr. Charlie, I watched the preachers real close. Then I’d go home and imitate them
because 1wanted to preach. I thought that was the answer to it.
Audience participation in church is something the darker race of people has
going because of a lot of trials and tribulations, because of things that we understand
about human nature. It’s something 1 can’t explain, but I can bring it out of people.
1’m not the only person who has the ability, but I work at it, and 1’m sure a lot of my
stage show came out of the church.
One thing 1 never saw in the churches was drums until I went to Bishop Grace’s
House of Prayer. Those folks were sanctified-they had the beat. See, you got sancti
fied and you got holy. Sanctified people got more fire; holy people are I1’\Ore
secluded-sort of like Democrats versus Republicans. I’m holy myself, but I have a
lot of sanctified in me,
Bishop Grace was a big man, the richest and most powerful of that kind of
preacher in the country, bigger than Father Divine or any of ’em. He had houses
of prayer in more than thirty cities in the East and South, and he had these “Grace
Societies” that just took in the money. Every year when he came back to Augusta
there was a monstrous parade down Gwinnett Street for him, with decorated floats
and cars and brass bands. Everybody in the Terry2 turned out for it, and other
people came from as far away as Philadelphia to march in it. You could join in it
with your car or, if you had a musical instrument, you could fall in with onE’ of
the bands.
He was called “Daddy” Grace, and he was like a god on earth, He wore a cape
and sat on a throne on the biggest float, with people fanning him while he threw
candy and things to the children. He had long curly hair, and real long fingernails,
and suits made nut of money.
His House of Prayer on Wrightsboro Road in Augusta resembled a warehouse. A
sign over the door said: “Great joy! Come to the House of Prayer and forget your
troubles.” And everybody did come at one time or anothel~ even people who didn’t
believe in him, because he put on such a show. Inside there were plank benches, a dirt
floor covered with sawdust, and crepe paper streamers on the ceiling. At one end
there was a stage where Daddy Grace sat on a red throne.
He’d get to preaching and the people would get in a ring and they’d go round and
round and go right behind one another, just shouting. Sometimes they’d fall out right
there in the sawdust, shaking and jerking and having convulsions. The posts in the
place were padded so the people wouldn’t hurt themselves. There was a big old tin tub
sitting there, too, and every time they went by the tub, they threw something in it. See
who could give the most. Later on he had various big vases out there, like urns, Dne for
2. The name for the African American neighborhood where Brown lived.
lYU
The 19605
five-dollar bills, one for tens ilnd twenties, ilnd one for hundreds. It seemed like the
poorest people sacri ficed the most for him.
Daddy Grace had to be a prophet, but seeing him 1 knew I was an outsider
beciluse I couldn’t believe in him. I believed in God so that made me an outsider
right away.
The Lenox [Theater in Augusta] was where I first saw films of Louis Jordan perform
ing. Louis Jordan and His Tympany Five. They played a kind ofjumping R&Band jazz
at the Sinne time, and they were something else. They did a lot of comedy, but they
could playa blues if they had to, or anything in between. The films were shorts of
Louis doing whatever his latest song was, and they showed them before the regular
picture. He played alto sax real good and sang pretty good. Louis Jordan was the man
in those days, though a lot of people have forgotten it. His stuff was popular with
blacks ol1d whites, and he usually had several hits at one time, a lot of ’em that sold a
million. “Choo Choo Ch’Boogie,” “Early in the Morning,” “Saturday Night Fish Fry,”
and”Ain’t Nobody Here but Us Chickens” were all his. When I first saw him I think
he had out “G. I. Jive” and “Is You Is, or Is You Ain’t (Ma’ Baby)?” but the one that
knocked me out W
ning of 1960. I was changing before that, but that’s when you can heaf it. ‘Tll Go
Crazy” came out in January; “Think” and “You’ve Got the Power” were released in
May. ”I’ll Go Crazy” is a blues, but it’s a different kind of blues, up-tempo, a kind of
jazz blues. “Think” is a combination of gospel and jazz-a rhythm hold is what we
used to call it. Sou I really started right there, or at least my kind did. See when peo
ple talk about soul music they talk only about gospel and R & B coming together.
That’s accurate about a lot of soul, but if you’re going to talk about mine, you have to
remember the jazz in it. That’s what made my music so different and allowed it to
change and grow after soul was finished.
Once Mr. [Syd] Nathan [owner of King Records] saw I was going to go ahead with
the livE’ recording [from a performance at the Apollo in 1962], he started cooperating.
Mr. Neely took care of getting the equipment from A-I Sound in New York, the only
ones who had portable stuff-Magnacorders, I think. Matter of fact, Mr. Nathan
started cooperating too much. He sent word that he wanted us to use cue cards to
direct the audience participation. I said, “Now if y’all are going to pay for it, then I’11
do it the way y’all want to, but if l’m going to pay for it, then please leave it alone.
All I want y’aU to do is tape the stuff. ,,4 That was the end of it.
We had opened on the nineteenth and were building up to recording on the
twenty-fourth, a Wednesday, which meant amateur night. I wanted that wild
amateur-night crowd because I knew they’d do plenty of hollering. The plan was to
record all four shows that day so we’d have enough tape to work with. I think
Mr. Neely and Chuck Seitz, the engineers, had six or eight mikes, two crowd monitors
in front, one above the crowd, and then the mikes on me, the band, and the Flames.
The other acts on the bill were Olatunji, the Sensations, Curley Mays, and
Pigmeat Markham. Yvonne Fair had a solo spot, and so did Baby Lloyd. On the
twenty-fourth I was going around backstage telling the Flames and the band not to
get nervous, and I guess I was probably the most nervous of all. I wasn’t worried
4. Brown was paying for the recording because of Nathan’s initio! objections.
l’;lL
The 1960s
about performing; [was worried about the recording coming off good. I had a lot rid
ing on it, not just my own money but my reputation because here I was having to
prove myself to Mr. Nathan dnd them all ()ver again, just like when [ had to demo
“Try Me.” I was standing in the wings thinking about all this when Fats stepped up
to the microphone and did his intro:
“So now, ladies and gentlemen, it is startime. Are you ready for startime?” Yeah!
“Thank you and thank you very kindly. It is indeed a great pleasure to present to you
at this particular time, nationally and internationally known as the Hardest Working
Man in Show Business, the man that sings, ‘I’ll Go Crazy'” … afal1fnre from Ihr hand:
Taaaaa! “‘You’ve Got the Power'” Taaaaa’ “‘Think'” Taaaaa! “‘If You Want
l
Me'” . 7i1llaaa ”’j Don’t Mind'” … Taaaaa! ‘”Bewildered”’ … Taaaaa’ “million
dollar seller ‘Lost Someone'” … Taaaaa l “the v<:'ry latest release, 'Night Train'" .
Taaafla! "Let's everybody 'Shout and Shimmy'" " Tanaaal "Mr. Dynamite, the
amaZing Mr. 'Please Please' himself, the star of the show ... Tames Brown and the
Famous Flames."
Then the band went into the chaser-the little up-tempo vamp we uS<:'d between
songs-and I hit the stage. As soon as I was into ''I'll Go Crazy" I knew it was one of
those good times. That's a hard feeling to describe-being on stage, performing, and
knowing that you've really got it that night.1t feels like God is blessing you, and you
give more and more. The audience was with me, screaming and hollering on all the
songs, and I thought, "Man, this is really going to do it."
[t's a funny thing, though. When I'm up on stage I'm very aware of everything
that's going on around me-what the band and the backup singers are doing. how
the audience is reacting, how the sound system's working, all that. When you work
small clubs you watch the door, check out how rough the crowd looks, listen for lit
tle pitch changes in your one little amplifier that tell you it's about to blowout. You
can't just be thinking about the song or how pretty you look up there. You learn to be
aware.
As the show went along I started noticing little things and filing them away in
my mind. Every now and then the band made a mistake or the Flames were a half
tone off. Sometimes I hollered where I usually didn't in the song, and some of the au
dience down front was too enthusiastic. A little old lady down front kept yelling,
"Sing it motherf--r, sing it!" She looked like she must have been seventy-five years
old. [ could hear her the whole time and knew the overhead crowd mike was right
above her. Mr. Neely had strung it on a wire between the two side balconies. Most
times none of those things would've mattered, but we were recording and I was
thinking, "Oh, Lord, this take's ruined."
During a quiet stretch of "Lost Someone" the woman let out a loud scream, and
the audience laughed right in the middle of this serious song. I thought "Well, there
goes that song, too." Then I thought I had better try to fix it some kind of way so [
started preaching: "You know we all make mistakes sometimes, and the only way we
can correct our mistakes is we got to try one more time. So I gut to sing this song to
you one more time." 1 stretched out the song, hoping we could get something we
could use; then I went into "Please."
Mr. Neely brought the tape into a back room between the first two shows and
played it for us on a little tape recorder. As soon as \ve heard the little old lady, we all
busted out laughing. He didn't understand. All he could hear was her high piercing
voice, but he didn't really understand what she was saying even though it was clear
as a bell. Finally, somebody told him. Then he understood.
"Oh no," IlP said. "[ can't' have that. [ have to get it out of there and make sure
she's not here for the other shows, too. This is terrible."
The Godfather of Soul and the Beginnings ot ~unk l:;'.J
He was getting all worked up, while all the cats were listening to it over and
over, laughing, having a great time, and getting other cats to listen to it. After a while,
watching everybody carryon, Mr. Neely settled himself down and said, "Hey, maybe
we've got something here."
HE' found the lady down front and told her he'd buv her candy and popcorn and
giV<:' Iwr $10 if slw'd stay for the other three shows-he didn't lell her why. He moved
the overhead mike so it wouldn't pick her up so strong. We were using two-track,
which meant practically mixing as we went along. She stayed for the next three
shows and hollered the same thing every time I did a spin or something she liked. It
was like it was on cue. I think the shows got even better as the day went along. By the
end of the last one we had four reels of tape. Mr. Neely was so excited he brought the
master up to the dressing rooms and passed around the headphones for us to listen.
None of us had ever heard ourselves live like that. It sounded fantilstic. We knew we
really had something.
By this time we had completely forgotten about the finale, where all the acts
chilnge clothes and come out on stage together to close till' show. Everybody else had
changed and was waiting backstage, but we were listE'ning to the tape over and over.
Never did do that finale.
A lot of people don't understand about the hollering I do. A man once came up to me
in a hotel lobby and said, "So you're James Brown. You make a million dollars, and
all you do is scream and holler."
"Yes," I said, very quiet, "but I scream and holler on key."
] WilS branching out in a lot of directions. At the end of 1962 I formed mv own
song publishing company, Jim Tam Music, and got King to give me my own label, Try
Me. I had alreadv been producing on Federal and King and Dade and wanted to
bring it all togPlher on Try Me. I wasn't content to be only a performer and be used
by other people; [ wanted to be a complete show business person: artist, busi.ness
man, entrepreneur. It was important to be because people of mv origin hadn't been
allowed to get into the busi/lfsS end of show business before, just the show part.
Bv this time Mr. Keely had finished editing the Live lit tlie Apollo tape. He had a
good mix of the performance and the audience, and he had fixed all the cussing so it
wasn't right up front. He figured it would become an underground thing for people
who knew what the lady was screaming; he was right too. He worked on the tape a
long time and did a fantilstic job of mixing it.
When Mr. Nathan finilily heard the tape he hated it. "This is not coming out:' he
said. "We have a certain standard, and we're going to stick with it." What he didn't
like now was the way we went from one tUI,\(, to another without stopping. He just
couldn't understand that. I gu<:'ss he was expecting exact copiE's of our earlier records,
but with people politely applaUding in between. He had all kinds of theories about
how records should be. He wanted the hook right up front because he knew that disc
jockeys i\uditioned hundreds of records every week by putting the needle down and
playing only the first fifteen or twenty seconds.lf that didn't grab them, thev went on
to the next record. The same thing happened in record stores, where they usually let
you 11E'ar fifte<:'n or twenty seconds on a player on the counter. A lot of my things were
mor<:, like stage numbers, and he couldn't understand that. After more conversntil1n,
he finall y agreed to put the album out. I think Mr. Neely was the one who final! y sold
him On it.
After all the editing and all the arguing it was January 1963 before L,I'/, 11t tile
Apollo was finally released. Then discussion began about what singles to release oU it.
Byrd thought "Think" should be spun off it, especially since the live version W
123-24.
Saurce: Phyl Garland, “Aretha Franklin-Sister Soul: Eclipsed Singer Gains New Heights,” FI'{)IIl/
(October 1967); 47-52. Reproduced by rerm;ssion of Ebmlll Milgazine. © 1%7 Johnson Publ;,11;ng
Company, Tnc. All rights reserved.
lU4
The 19605
full-bodied YOWl/) woman with a chocolate-brown face offset by ;1 pink brocade
gown came onto the stage to be greeted by a chorus of expectant shouts, cheer” and
applause that were soon tTansformed into frenZied hand-clapping and foot-tapping.
It was the sort of unbridled response that is accorded only a star, a favorite, an enter
tainer possessing the uncommon ability to electrify an audience.
For the singel~ Aretha Franklin, the piano-plunking, earthy-sounding daughter
of a Detroit ministel~ it was a resounding “am<>n” to all the words and emotions she
has projected in a series of top-selling record hits that hdv€ added a new dimension
to her precocious but uneven career. Within less than a year, tIlt’ one-time gospel
singer hns returned from near obscurity to achieve a level of popularity where she is
regarded by many a fan as “sister soul herself.” Under a contract negotiated with
Atlantic Records in late ]966, she has released three conspcutive million-selling sin
gles. Her first album on that labeL I Neuer Lm’ed iJ Mall the Way I Luve YOIl, is a certified
million-seller, with a second album, Arrtllll Arriues, nosing its way up on the charts.
Triumph in the recording world has, in turn, brought honors from the arbiters of pub
lic taste-three awards from the National Association of Rad io Announcers for being
the top female vocalist who produced the top single record and top alhum for 1%7;
recognition from Hecord World, Billboard and Cashbox magaZines as a It’ading arlist.
However, her Success can be measured in more thnn monetary terms, for
Aretha’s version of the Otis Redding composition Respect stands, week after week, at
the head of JET magazine’s Soul Brothers Top 20 Tunes poll and is considered by fur
more than a few of those “brothers” to be “th(‘ n(‘w N(‘gro national anthem.” Due to
this magnetic appeal that exceeds simple entertainment, Dr. Martin Luther King’s
Southern Christian Leadership Conference presented her with a special citation at
the organization’s convention in Atlanta, Ga., this summer.
All this sudden ildulation might overWhelm some, but not Ardha, who endured
the experience of illmost making it once before, only to become a comet that appilr
ently burnt out too soon. A reticent person whose basic shyness might be mistaken
for hostility or indifference, she is aware of where she has been and where she wants
to go. “I don’t feel very different,” she stiltes with a quiet simplenpss that belies her
ebullience in song. “People ilsk for my autograph now and that’s real nice, but I don’t
think it puts you up on any pedestal. You can’t get carried away with it.” She is quick
to acknowledge the ups and downs that came in t1w wake of her earlier success, in
] 96], when John Hammond, the man credited with disCllvering 13illie Holiday, said
she had “the best voice I’ve come acmss in 20 years,” and signed her to an exclusive
contrnct with Columbi
money-making level of til<' big hits and, after a while, her public follOWing begim to
fade. "Things wen' kinda hungry then," she savs of tl10 interim years, adding, "J
might just be 25, but I'm an old woman in disgUise ... 25 goin' on 63."
lf till' appeal of her music can be linked lolhe sum of her experiences ns a hUJ1lnn
being, a significilnt portion of it lies in her early background. She WilS born ill
Memphis, Tpnn., one of thn>e dilughters and two sons of a Baptist minister fathcr, the
Rev, C. L. Franklin, who went on to become a noted radio nnd recording artist. and
a lllusiGl1ly gifted mother who died when Aretha was a child. Though- the family
soon moved to Buffalo, N.Y, and filter Detroit, Mich., the South left nn imprint 0;1
her speech wilh its softened endings on words. When An.tha was “about eight or
nine,” she h.>gan trying to teach herself how to play the piano by listening to Eddie
Heywood records, “just bangill’, not playin’, but finding a little somethin’ here and
there.” Her fatlll’r noticed her efforts and hired a piano teacher whose approach was
Aretha ~ranKIJn l:arn~ “”~)J”Ll
scorned by the young Aretha. “When she’d come, I’d hide,” she recalls. “I tried for
maybe a week, but 1 just couldn’t take it. She had all those little baby books and 1
wanted to go directly to thp tunes.” This failure was overcome, shortly afterwards, by
the arrival of James Cleveland, the noted gospel singer, who came to live with the
family. “He showed me some rea] nice chords and I liked his deep, deep sound,”
Aretha remembers. There’s a whole lot of earthiness in the way he sings, and what he
was feelin’, I was feelin’, but I just didn’t know how to put it across. The more I
watched him, the more I got out of it.” Cleveland helped Aretha, her older sister
Erma and two otIwr girls form a gospel group that appeared at local churches hut
lasted only eight months because “we were too busy fuss in’ and fightin.'” But in this
group, Aretha got her first public experience as a singer and sometime pianist. An
other gospel artist who left a deep impression on Ar<>tha was Clara Ward. “1 wasn’t
really that conscious of the gospel sound,” she explains, “but I liked all Miss Ward’s
records. I learned to play ’em because 1 thought one day she might decide she didn’t
want to play and I’d be ready.”
The Franklin household was a fertile one for the development of musical talent.
Because of her father’s prominence as an evangelist Aretha had an opportunity to
meet ilrtists of more than one genre. Mahalia Jackson, Arthur Pryscnck, B. B. King,
Dorothy Donegan and the late Dinah Washington were likely houseguests. She met
Lou Rawls when he was an unknown singer with the Pilgrim Travelers and became
a friend of the late Sam Cooke when he appeared at her father’s churcll with the Soul
Stirrers. She remembers Cooke as being “just beautiful, a sort of person who stood
out among many people.” Along with Sillll Cooke, .lames Cleveland ilnd Claril Ward,
one of the celebrities who impressed Aretha tremendously with “the way he could
just sit down and play” was the blind jazz piilnist Art Tatum. “I just cancelled that out
for me and knew lhat I could never do that, but he left a strong impreSSion on me as
a pianist and a person.” Above all others, Aretha credits her father with having the
greatest ill”tistic influence on her in his singing stvle and his more broadly acknowl
edged fusion of rhythm and words in preaching. “Most of what 1 learned vocally
came from him,” she readily admits. “He gave me a sense of timing in music and tim
ing is important in everything.”
Before entering her teens, Aretha had become a member of the youth choir at
New Bethel Baptist Church, which Rpv. Franklin pastors in the heart of Detroit’s
black ghetto. Occasionally she was soloist and during four important years of her
adolescence, she loured the country with her father’s evangelistic lroupe. During one
of those tours, she recorded her version of NellCJ” Grow Old and Precious l.ord, Take My
HiJlld, which are still regarded as classics in the gospel vpin and established her
reputation as a child singer. However, at the time, she had no dreams of becoming
a star or iln entertainer of any sort. Her primary ambition …vas to become “just a
housewife.”
Fate didn’t play it that way.
When Aretha wns 18, yet another friend, Major “Mule” Holly, bassist for the jazz
pianist Teddy Wilson, convinced her that she had il certain basic style that could be
commercially salable if applied to jazz or popular music. Though rumors persist that
the religiollsly oriented elder Franklin opposed his daughter’s pursuit of a secular
career, he actuilllv escorted her to New York Citv when she made her first demon
striltion records t:J be presented to commercial fir~ms. His ()pinion has been that “onp
shpuld make his own life and take care of his own business. If she feels she can do
what she is doing as successfully as she does it, I have nDthing against it. I like most
kinds of music myself.” He observes that in his congregation there was “at first a
quiet and subdued rpsentment, but now they acclaim her in loud terms.”
207
I he 1960s
For Aretha, the experience of being thrust into a different milieu was, if not trau
matic, somewhat difficult. As she attended classes in New York that were intended to
polish her as a performer and personality, she was confronted with the problems that
face most fledgling entertainers. She was ensnarled in hassles with booking agents
and managers that earned her a reputation for being difficult to handle. As the first
glimmer of success began to vanish, she retreated into silence, returning to Detroit
and a personal life that she secludes from the public. [n 1963, she did appear at the
Newport Jazz Festival and the Lower Ohio Jazz Festival, and in subsequent years
played Bermuda, the Bahamas and Puerto Rico. Yet the plum of a major success had
not come her way. There was some enthusiasm for a European tour, but her current
personal manager, Ted White, who is also her husband, contends that “Her earnings
wouldn’t have made it possible to take along the musicians who could back her up
and show off her talents in the best way. Even in this country, you have to work for
practically nothing if you don’t have a hit, so she just worked less.”
White, a native Detroiter whose experience in show business before his alliance
with Aretha was as “a sandlot” promoter not in the major leagues, contends that part
of his wife’s lag in her previous professional outing was due to the fact that her
Columbia recordings were not geared to the rhythm and blues or rock ‘n’ roll market
and, therefore, received limited jukebox and radio attention. A five-year contract
with a one-year option precluded any drastic change in approach. “We waited out
those years,” says White, “but when the time came to move, we were ready. We knew
we had something to offer.”
When the time did come for a change, Ted and Aretha got a helping hand from
Timmy Bishop, a Philadelphia deejay, and his wife, Louise, who had access to the in
terested ear of Jerry Wexler, vice-president of Atlantic Records. A new contract re
mItI’d and ever since that momentous day, Aretha has been waxing hit after hit. If
there is any key to her resurgence, Wexler believes that it is based in the magnitude
)f her talent as a singer, pianist and prolific song writer.
I’d say that she’s a musical genius comparable to that other great musical genius,
~ay Charles,” says the bearded recording executive who has specialized in “soul”
Irtists for 15 years, having been involved with Wilson Pickett, Solomon Burke, Ruth
3rown and Charles during his earlier efforts. He believes that many parallels can be
lrawn between Aretha and Ray Charles. “Both playa terrific gospel piano, which is
lIle of the greatest assets one can have today,” he states. “Since they have this broader
alent, they can bring to a recording session a total conception of the music and thus
ontribute much more than the average artist.” According to Wexler, Aretha’s record
:1gs evolve out of “head arrangements.” She sets the tone for the whole session.
\fterwards, strings and other instrumental trappings can be built around her effort.
)n her first album, Aretha accompanies herself at the piano, though an arm injury
ustained during a tour with the Jackie Wilson show early this year prevented her
‘om following through on many of the tunes on her second album. Unknown to
llIch of the public, she was backed, on most of her hit records, through a process of
ver-dubbing, by a vocal group consisting of Aretha herself and her two sisters,
rma, a recording artist in her own right, and Carolyn, a singer-composer. On other
utings, the Sweet Inspirations shared the spotlight. The combination seems to work
ld the proof is in the success of the sound.
For some artists, the “soul” sound might be a mere artifice, but for Aretha
‘anklin, it is an element deeply imbedded in herself. She has never learned how to
‘pretentious enough to build a false image and deeply identifies with people on all
vels who hear her music. “Everybody who’s living has problems and desires just as
:lo,” she remarks. “When the fellow on the corner has somethin’ botherin’ him, he
Aretha Franklin Earns Respect
feels the same way [ do. When we cry, we all gonna cry tears, and when we laugh, we
all have to smile.” She is not eager to adopt any image of herself as a new queen of
the blues and asserts, “The queen of the blues was and still is Dinah Washington.”
Though her future engagements will include some of the nation’s top nightclubs,
one-nighters are more suited to her as a rather withdrawn personality. “I dig playin’
at night and leavin’ in the morning,”’ says Aretha.
Away from tile public, she shuns crowds, admitting, “When I’m not workin’, I
like to come in the house and sit down and be very quiet. Sometimes nobody even
knows I’m home. I don’t care too much about gain’ out. By the time I get home, 1’1’1′
had enough of nightclubs.”
Her essential tastes are for the same “soul” things she sings about, and she
makes no bones about the fact that chitterlings are her favorite food, “with maybe
some hot water cornbread and greens or ham.”
In the flush of a new affluence that might reap for her a gross income of $500,000
this year, she anticipates, more than anything, moving into a new house she and Ted
have purchased in a quiet, tree-shaded section of Detroit that is fast becoming a
haven for middle-class Negroes. “I just want a big, comfortable house,” she says,
“where we can lock the door and have a lot of family fun. There she hopes to pursue
a peaceful private life with her mate and her three sons.
While the lure of public acclaim is enticing and she wants to continue selling a
million on all her records, Aretha is, underneath it all, a homebody with interests that
she refuses to compromise in order to comply with public demands. During a previ
ous phase of her career, she provoked controversy by appearing, in 1963, before an
audience in Philadelphia, though eight months pregnant. The shadows of scandal
that enshrouded her at the time were fanned by the fact that her secret marriage to
her manager, Ted White, had not yet been revealed.
To those who might question anything she does onstage or off, she supplies a sin
gIl’ answer: “J must do what is real in me all ways. It might bug some and offend oth
ers, but this is what [ must live by, the truth, so long as it doesn’t impose on others.”
Further Reading
Awkward, Michael. SOIiI C01’ers: Rhl/thm and Blues Remakes tllld the Struggle for Artistic
Identity: Aretlla Franklill, Al Grem. Phoe!>e Snow. Durham, N.C.: Duke Univer~ity
Press,2007.
Dobkin, Matt. [ NeZ’er LoZ’ed a Man the Way I Love You: Aretlm Franklin, Respect, am! Ike
Making ofa Soul Music Masterpiece. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2004.
Franklin, Aretha (and David Ritz). Arl’tl1l1: From These Roots. New York: Villard, 1999.
Guralnick, Peter. Sweet Soul Music: Rlrythm and Blues and the Southern Dream of Freedom.
New York: Harper & Row, 1986.
Wexler, Jerry, and David Ritz. Rhythm and Blues: A Life ill American Mlisic. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1993.
Discography
Franklin, Aretha. Aretha. Columbia, 1961.
____. Lady Soul. Atlantic, 1967.
____ .1 NfZ’fr Loped a Mall the Way 1 Love You. Atlantic, 1968.
____ . Arrtlw LiZ’e at Fillmore West. Atlantic, ] 971.
____. Tire Defillitive SOli I Collectioll. Atlantic/WEA, 1993.
209
38. The Beatles, the “British Invasion,”
and Cultural Respectability
The Beatles’ music emerged with such distinctiveness from the other
popular music of the time that the band’s popularity became a media
sensation, first in the United Kingdom during 1963, then in the United
States in 1964. In the United States, the novelty of a British pop group
contributed to their singularity and set them apart. The energy and en
thusiasm conveyed by their recordings and performances, the variety of
repertoire, the musicality and skill of the singing and playing, all con
veyed with an irreverence toward establishment figures- these qualities
created an effect of overWhelming charisma, especially for the white,
middle-class teenagers who made up the bulk of their early audience.
The Beatles consisted of four members: rhythm guitarist John
lennon (1940-80) and bass guitarist Paul McCartney (b. 1942) wrote most
of the songs and sang most of the lead vocals, while lead guitarist George
Harrison (1943-2001) occasionally contributed songs and sang, with
drummer Ringo Starr (Richard Starkey, b.1940) rounding out the group. In
combining the functions of songwriting, singing, and playing, the band
recalled some ofthe pioneers of rock ‘n’ roll, particularly Chuck Berry, with
the important innovation that they were a band whose recordings repro
duced almost uncannily their sense of camaraderie (in this, they were
preceded to some extent by the girl groups and the Beach Boys). The pro
ducer of all but one of their albums, George Martin, was also an unusually
sympathetic partner; he ensured that the recordings possessed remark
able clarity, gave them a classically trained ear to help with arrangements,
and had a knack for recognizing and capturing peak performances.’
Martin also contributed much to the originality of the Beatles’ use of
orchestral instruments when they began to use them in 1965. Despite the
importance of his contribution, skeptics of the Beatles who assign all
credit for their Success to Martin are surely overstating their case.
In light of the Beatles’ impressive originality, it is easy to (ose sight
of where they came from. Somewhat in the manner of earlier interna
tional, multimedia superstars, such as Bing Crosby and Elvis Presley, at
least Some of that originality resulted from the synthesis of preeXisting
strains of popular music that had been kept more or less separate.
From their start in “skiff/e” (a form of folk music performed in a highly
rhythmic manner borrowed from “trad” jazz, a British adaptation of New
I. C1os” hstening 10 th” Bealles’ Alilhologf! (Ihree double-CD albums filled wlth rilre recordings
and alternate tak”s) sets pnwokes few quibbles about whether the best take of a gil’en song was
included On the official ft’lc8.fiP.
208
The Beatles, the “British Invasion,” and Cultural Respectability
Orleans-style jazz), the Beatles’ early performing repertory in numerous
nightclub and dance performances consisted of liberal doses of 1950S’
rhythm and blues (especially Chuck Berry and Little Richard), rockabilly
(especially Elvis, Carl Perkins, and the Everly Brothers), Brill Building
produced pop music (especially the songs and arrangements of the girl
groups), and the songs and performing style associated with Motown.
The Beatles also occasionally included “standards” from pre-rock ‘n’ roll
pop music, especially those that had been recently rerecorded by other
artists, and influences from British music hall, a style dating back to
the 19th-century, also occasionally appeared in their compositions. The
Beatles’ first two albums, Please Please Me and With the Beatles,
released in the United Kingdom in 1963, mixed cover tunes of their night
club repertory with original compositions.
The significance of the Beatles extends far beyond their popularity or
their ability to create something fresh from a synthesis of previous
styles: The Beatles, along with Bob Dylan, did more than any other pop
musicians to shift the perception of popular music in the mainstream
media. 2 The early article presented here-originally printed unsigned
but later attributed to the London Times music critic William Mann
shows how critics were taking the Beatles seriously even during the first
year of their popularity. Mann, with his musicological terminology, even
compares the Beatles’ musical processes to those used by Austrian com
poser, Gustav Mahler (1860-1911). While some of their most dedicated
fans may dispute the appropriateness of this terminology for the Beatles’
music, the fact that a music critic for the london Times would deign to
analyze the music in this way (and approvingly at that) was significant
and a harbinger of things to come.
WHAT SONGS THE BEATlES SANG •• ,
William Mann
The outstanding English composf’rs oi 1963 must seem to have been John Lennon
and Paul McCartney, the talented young musicians from liverpool whose spngs
have been sweeping the country since last Christmas, whether perionned by their
own group, The BeatIE’S, or by the numerous other teams oi English troubadours that
they also supply with songs.
2. Bernard Gendron tern1E’d this phenolnellon “cultuwl accreditation. ‘.’ This ch€lpt(>r on the
Beatles is much indehted to the chapters in Gl’ndron’, book dealin~ with the band; sel’ From
Montmarlre to the Mudd Club: P0l’ular Music and Ihe A i’I1 II I Gmle (Chica~o: University of Chicago
Press, 2002), chaps. 8-9.
SOl/rce: From Our Music Critic [William Mann], “What Songs the Bf’Jt)es Sang. The Time.”
December 27, 1963. p. 4. © TI,c Ti111es, December 27,1963. Used by permission.
211 210 The 19605
I am not concerned here with the sociJI phenonwnol1 of Beatlemania, which
finds expression in handbags, balloons and other articles bearing the likenesses of the
loved ones, or in the hysterical screaming of young girls whenever the Beatie Quartet
performs in public, but with the musical phenomenon. Fot” several decades, in fact
since the decline of the music-hall, England has taken her popular songs from the
L’nited States, either directly or by mimicry. But the songs of Lennon and McCartney
are distinctly indigenous in character, the most imaginative and inventive examples
of a style that has been developing on Merseyside during the past few yt’ars. And
there is a nice, rather flattering irony in the news that The Beatles have now become
prime fa vouritt’s in America too.:<
The strength of character in pop songs ,eems, and quite understandably, to be
determined usually by the number of composers involved; when three or four peo
ple are required to make the original tunesmith's work publicly presentable, it is un
likely to retain much individuality or to wear very well. 111e \'irtue of The Beatles'
repertory is that, apparently, they do it themselves; three of the four are composers,
they are versatile instrumentalists, and when they do borrow a song from another
repertory, their treatment is idiosyncratic-as whC:n Paul McCartney sings 'Till there
was you' from The Music Man, a cool, easy, tasteful version of this ballad, quite with
out artificial sentimentality.
Their noisy items are the ones that arouse teenagers' excitement. Glutinous
crooning is generally out of fashion these days, and even a song about "Misery"
sounds fundamentally quite cheerful; the slow, sad song about "This boy," which fig
ures prominently in BeatIe programmes, is expressively unusual for its lugubrious
music, but h~rmonically it is one of their most intriguing, with its chains of pandia
tonic clusters, and the sentiment is acceptable because voiced cleanly and crisply. But
harmonic interest is typical of their quicker songs too, and one gets the impression
that they think simultaneously of harmony and melody, so firmly are the major tonic
sevenths and ninths built into their tunes, and the flat-submediant key-switches,
so natural is the Aeolian cadence at the end of "Not a second time" (th"e chord pro
gression which ends Mahler's SOllg of the Eartll).
Those submediant switches from C major into A-flat major, and to a lesser extent
mediant one, (e.g. the octave ascent in the famous "I want tel hold your hand") are a
trademark of Lennon-McCartney songs-they do not figure much in other pop
repertories, or in The Beatles' arrangements of borrowed material-and sllow signs
of becoming a mannerism. The other trademark of their compositions is a firm and
purposeful bass line with a musical life of its own; how Lennon and McCartney di
vide their creative responsibilities I have yet to discover, but it is perhaps significant
that Paul is the bass guitarist of the group. It may also be significant that George Har
rison's song "Don't bother me" is harmonically a good deal nwre primitive, though
it is nicely enough presented.
I suppose it is the sheer loudness of the music that appeals to Beatles admirers
(there is something to be heard even through the squeals), and many parents must
have cursed the electric guitar's amplification this Christmas-how fresh and
euphonious the ordinary guitars sound in The Beatles' version of "Till there was
you"-but parents who are still managing to suryive the decibels ,md, after copious
repetition over several months, still deriving some musical ple
The Beatles, the “British Invasion,” and Cultural Respectability
overhearing, do so because there is a good deal of variety-oh, so welcome in pop
music-about what they sing.
The autocratic but not by any means ungrammatical attitude to tonality (closer to,
say, Peter Maxwell Davies’s carols in 0 Magnum Mysifriu11I than to Gershwin or Loewe
or even Lionel Bart); the texhilarating and often quasi-instrumental vocal duetting,
sometimes in scat or in falsetto, behind the melodic line; the melismas with altered
vowels (“I saw her yesterday-ee-ay”) which have not quite become mannered, and the
discreet, sometimes subtle, varieties of instrumentation-a suspicion of piano or
organ, a few bars of mouth-organ obbligato, an excursion on the claves or maracas: the
translation of African blues or American Western idioms (in “Baby, it’s you,” the Mag
yar 8/8 meter too) into tough, sensitive Merseyside.
These are some of the qualities that make one wonder with interest what The
Beatles, and particularly Lennon and McCartney, will do next, and if America will
spoil them or hold on to them, and if their next record will wear as well as the others.
They have brought a distinctive and exhilarating flavour into a genre of music that
was in danger of ceasing to be music at all.
The following article by Theodore Strongin (music critic for the New York
Times), published two months after Mann’s piece, demonstrates how
the intellectual apparatus of high culture could be marshaled against
pop music. Strongin’s article perpetuates a tradition that goes back to
dismissive academic descriptions of jazz and swing,4
MUSICOLOGICALLY •••
Theodore Strongin
“You can tell right away it’s the Beatles and not anyone else,” is the opinion of a 15
year-old specialist on the subject who saw the Beatles on the Ed Sullivan show last
night. The age of 15 or 16 or 14 or 13 is essential in a Beatles expert.
Taking the above axiom as gospel, this listener made an attempt to find out just
what is musically unique about the British visitors.
The Beatles are directly in the mainstream of Western tradition: that much may
be immediately ascertained. Their harmony is unmistakably diatonic. A learned
British colleague, writing L’n his home ground, has described it as pandiatonic, but I
disagree.
The Beatlt’s have a tendency to bnild phrases around unresolved, leading tones.
This precipitates the ear into a false modal frame that temporarily turns the fifth of
tile scale into a tonic, momentarily suggesting the Mixylydian [sic] mode. But every
thing always ends as plain diatonic all the same.
Meanwhile, the result is the addition of a \’ery. very slight touch of British coun
tryside nostalgia with a trace of Vaughan Williams to the familiar elements of the
4. For numerous t’x(lmp]es of such descripti0ns, S(‘P Walser, Keepins Time; Readinss in ffc:::,
History (New York and Oxford: Oxforn University Press, 19(9).
501lrce: Theodore Strongin, “Musicologically … ” Nell’ York Till1es, February 10, 1%4, p. 53.
Copyright © 1964 bv thl’ \jew York Times Co. Reprinted with permission.
212 The 19605
rock and roll prototype. “It’s just that English rock and roll is more sophisticated,” ex
plained the 15-year-old authority.
As to instrumentation, three of the four Beatles (George Harrison, Paul
McCartney, and John Lennon) play different sizes of electronically amplified
plucked-stringed instruments. Ringo Starr (“He’s just like a little puppy, he’s so
cute,” said our specialist) plays the drums. The Beatles vocal quality can be described
as hoarsely incoherent, with the minimal enunciation necessary to communicate
schematic texts.
Two theories were offered in at least one household to explain the Beatles’ pop
ularity. The’ specialist said “We haven’t had an idol in a few years. The Beatles are
different, and we have to get rid of our excess energy somehow.”
The other theory is that the longer parents object with such high dudgeon, the
longer children will squeal so hysterically.
Further Reading
The Beatles (John Lennon, Paul McCartney, George Harrison, and Ringo Starr). The
Bentles Anthology. San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 2000.
Bromell, Nick. Tomorrow Never Knows: Rock and Psychedelics in tile 1960s. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2000.
Davies, Hunter. The Beatles: The Authorized Biography. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968.
Everett, Walter. The Beatles as Musicians: Revolver through the Anthology. New York:
Oxford University Press, 1999.
____. Tile Beatles as Musicians: The Qllilrry Mm Through l~ubber Soul. New York:
Oxford Univt’rsity Press, 2001.
Gendron, Bernard. Between Montmartre and the Mudd Club: Popular Music and the Avant
Carde. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002.
Spitz, Bob. Tile Bealles: The Biogmphy. Boston: Little, Brown, 2005.
Thomson, Elizabeth and David Gutman, eds. The Lennon Companion: Twenty-Fipe Years of
COlllmrnl. New York: Schirmer Books, 1987.
Rorem, Ned. “The Music of the Beatles.” Music Edumtors Journal 55 (1968): 33-34, 77-83.
Wenner, Jann. LellllOll Remembers: The Rolling Stone Interviews. New York: Popular
Library, 1971.
Discography
The Beatles. Please Please Me. Parlnphone, 1963.
____. Witll Il7e Beatles. Parlophone, 1963.
____. A Hard Day’s Nigili. Parlophone, 1964.
___. Bt’atlesf<,,· Sale. I'arlophone, 1964.
____. licl!,1 f'arlophont" 1965.
____. !
in’A Hard Day’s Night:” Neil’ York Tillles, August 12, 1964, 41.
50″rce: Andrew Sarris, “Br”vo Beatles!” Vilil/gc Voice, August 27,1964, p. 13.
______. Alltlw!o,'(lf 2. Capitol, 1996.
213I
215 214 The 19605
less of a false sabre-toothed, rattling wreck of an old man tagged with sickeningly
repetitious irony as a “clean” old man. The pop movie mannerisms of the inane
running joke about one of the boys’ managers being sensitively shorter than the
other might have been dispensed with at no great loss.
The foregoing are trifling reservations, however, about a movie that works
on every level for every kind of audience. The open-field helicopter-shot sequence
of The Beatles on a spree is one of the most exhilarating expressions of high spirits
I have seen on the screen 2 The razor-slashing wit of the dialogue must be heard
to be believed and appreciated. One as horribly addicted to alliteration as this
otherwise sensible scribE’ can hardly resist a line like “Ringo’s drums loom large in
his legmd.”
I must say I enjoyed even the music enormously, possibly because I have not yet
been traumatised by transistors into open rebellion against the “Top 40” and such.
(I just heard “Hello, Dolly” for the first time the other day, and the lyrics had been
changed to “Hello, Lyndon.”) Nevertheless I think there is a tendency to underrate
rock ‘n’ roll because the lyrics look so silly in cold print. I would make two points
here. First, it is unfair to compare R&R with Gershwin, Rodgers, Porter, Kern, et al.,
as if all pre-R&R music from Tin Pan Alley was an uninterrupted flow of melodious
ness. This is the familiar fallacy of nostalgia. I remember too much brassy noise from
the big-band era to be stricken by the incursions of R&R. I like the songs The Beatles
sing despite the banality of the lyrics, but the words in R&R only mask the pound
ingly ritualistic meaning of the beat. It is in the beat that the passion and togetherness
is most movingly expressed, and it is the beat that the kids in the audience pick up
with their shrieks as they drown out the words they have already heard a thousand
times. To watch The BeatIes in action with their constituents is to watch the kind of
direct theater that went out with Aristophanes, or perhaps even the Australian bush
man. There is an empathy there that a million Lincoln Center Repertory companies
cannot duplicate. Toward the end of A Hard Day’s Night 1 began to understand the
mystique of The Beatles. Lester’s crane shot facing the audience from behind The
Beatles established the emotional unity of the performers and their audience. It is a
beautifully Bazinian deep-focus shot of hysteria to a slow beat punctuated by the
kind of zoom shots I have always deplored in theory but must now admire in prac
tice. Let’s face it. My critical theories and preconceptions are all shook up, and I am
profoundly grateful to The Beatles for such a pleasurable softening of hardening
aesthetic arteries.
As to what the Beatles “mean,” I hesitate to speculate. The trouble with socio
logical analysis is that it is unconcerned with aesthetic values. A Hard Day’s Night
could have been a complete stinker of a movie and still be reasonably “meaningful.”
I like The Beatles in this moment in film history not merely because they mean some
thing but rather because they express effectively a great many aspects of modernity
that have converged inspiredly in their personalities. When I speak affectionately
of their depravity, I am not commenting on their private lives, about which I know
less than nothing. The wedding ring on Ringo’s finger startles a great many people
as a subtle Pirandellian switch from a character like Dopey of the Seven Dwarfs to a
performer who chooses to project an ambiguous identity. It hardly matters.
A Hard Day’s Night and Beatlemania
What interests me about The Beatles is not what they are but what they choose to
express. Their Ish Kabibble hairdos,’ for example, serve two functions. They be
come unique as a group and interchangeable as individuals. Except for Ringo, the
favourite of the fans, the other three Beatles tend to get lost in the shuffle. And yet
each is a distinctly personable individual behind their collective fac;ade of androg
ynous selflessness-a fa<;ade appropriate, incidentally, to the undifferentiated sex
uality of their sub-adolescent fans. The Beatles are not merely objects, however. A
frequent refrain of their middle-aged admirers is that The Beatles don't take them
selves too seriously. They take themselves seriously enough, all right; it is their
middle-aged admirers and detractors they don't take too seriously. The Beatles are
a sly bunch of anti-Establishment anarchists, but they are too slick to tip their hand
to the authorities. People who have watched them handle their fans and the press
tell me that they make Sinatra and his clan look like a bunch of rubes at a county
fair. Of course, they have been shrewdly promoted, and a great deal of the hyste
ria surrounding them has been rigged with classic fakery and exaggeration. They
may not be worth a paragraph in six months, but right now their entertaining mes
sage seems to be that everyone is "people." Beatles and squealing sub-adolescents
as much as Negroes and women and so-called senior citizens, and that however
much alike "people" may look in a group or a mass or a stereotype, there is in each
soul a unique and irreducible individuality.
Previous articles on the Beatles mentioned the remarkable reaction of
the audience to their performances; for the most part, these references
are deprecatory-"hysterical screaming of young girls" (Mann),
"squealing adolescents" (Sarris), and "children [who) squeal so hysteri
cally" (Strongin) -and gendered (hysteria has had clear associations
with femininity at least since Freud's earliest theories). In the next essay,
Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs note that this
intensity had its precedents in the reaction of fans to Frank Sinatra
(see chapter 4) and Elvis Presley, but they then explain what separates
Beatlemania from these previous phenomena in terms of both the audi
ence and the mass media response. 4 In brief, they contend that the
"experts" were slow to recognize the sexual dimension of the fans'
excitement because asserting an active, powerful sexuality was revolu
tionary and because the received wisdom of the day dictated that the
life of the middle-class, white American left nothing to be discontent
about. Yet later in this essay (not reprinted here), the authors connect
the intensity of Beatlemania to an emerging form of female awareness
that began to rebel against the twin dangers of sexuality for middle
class girls: that of being either too sexual or too puritanical. If "publicly
advertis[ing] this hopeless love [represented by Beatlemania] was to
protest the calculated, pragmatic sexual repression of teenage life,"
then it mattered that the Beatles were "while not exactly effeminate, at
least not easily classifiable in the rigid gender distinctions of middle-class
2, This scenf', ac('otnpanied by "Can't Buy Me Love" on the soundtrack, was one of the clear
est antE'cedents of post-MTV music video and of contemporary rock film scoring; see Jeff Smith, 3. Ish Kabibble was a trumpeter and novelty singer with Kay Kyser's swing band during 111~
Tile Sounds a/Coll1l11erce Marketing ro)'ular Filll1 Music (New York: Columbia University Press, 1930s and 1940s. Kabibble wore a distinctive "pudding basin"-style haircut.
1'1'18),15'1-60. 4. The title of this essay refers to Cyndi Lauper's 1983 recording of the same name.
217 216 The 1960S
American life."s It is also surely significant that this androgynous image
was a product of the gay sensibility of the Beatles' manager, Brian
Epstein, providing yet another twist on the strict heterosexual dichotomies
that ruled public perceptions of sexuality.6 In other, more general, terms,
the Beatles represented the freedom the girls wished they could have,
even as these girls celebrated their power in creating Beatlemania.
BEATLEMANIA: GIRLS JUST WANT TO HAVE FUN
Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria jacobs
... witness the birth of eve-she is rising she was sleeping she is fading
in a naked field sweating the precious blood of nodding blooms ... in the
eye of the arena she bends in half in service-the anarchy that exudes
from the pores of her guitar are the cries of the people wailing in the
rushes ... a riot of ray/dios ...
-Patti Smith, "Notice," in Babel
The news footilge shows police lines straining against crowds of hundreds of young
women. The police look grim; the girls' faces are twisted with desperation or, in some
cases, shining with what seems to be an inner light. TI1e air is dusty from a thousand run
ning and scuffling feet. TI1ere are shouted orders to disperse, answered by a rising vol
ume of cha nts and wild shrieks. The young women surge forth; the police line breaks ...
Looking at the photos or watching the news dips today, anyone would guess that
this was the sixties--a demonstration-or maybe the early seventies-the beginning
of the women's liberation movement. Until you look closer and see that the girls are
not wearing sixties-issue jeans and T-shirts but bermuda shorts, high-necked, preppie
blouses, and disheveled but unmistakably bouffant hairdos. This is not] 968 but] 964,
and the girls are chanting, as they surge agilinst the police line, "I love Ringo."
Yet, if it WilS not the "movement," or a deilr-cut protest of any kind, Beatlemania
was the first mass outburst of the sixties to feature women--in this case girls, who
would not reilch full adulthl)()d until the seventies ilnd the emergence of a genuinely
politicill movement for women's liberation. The screilming ten- to fourteen-year-old
filns of 1964 did not riotfi1r anything, except the chance to remain in the proximity of
~. Barbara Ehrpnreich. Elizabeth Hpss, and Gloria Jacobs, "Beatlemania: Cirh; III'{ Wall! 10 Have
FilII. from "c-makillg L(l["" TIIC FClIlilliza!iollofScx (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1987), 27,34.
6. A history "'mains to be written on the impact of gay style on British rock of the 1960s,
wl",ther it be through managers, such as Brian Epstein and Andrew Loog Oldham, or the artists
themselves, such as Ray Da\'ies of the Kinks (in" song like "See My Friends")' or, a little bit later,
David Bowi,' and rlton John.
So/Iree: BarhrHil Ehrenrpich, et (11. "Beatlpmania: Girls lllst \A/ant to f-1m. 1/, FUll, frol11 Rr~1IItlkillg Love:
The Feminization or Sn by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs (Garden City,
N.Y.: Doubled"y, 1YR7),1 \1-19. © IYRb by Barbara Ehrenreich, Elizabeth Hess, and Gloria Jacobs.
Used by permission of D"ubleday, " division of Random House, Inc.
A Hard Day's Night and Beatlemania
their idob imd hence to remain screaming. But they did have plenty to riot against, or
at least to overcome through tlw act of rioting: In a highly sexualized society (one
sociologist found that the number of explicitly sexual references in the mass media
had doubled between] 950 and 1960), teen and preteen girls were expected to be not
only "good" and "pure" but to be the enforcers of purity within their teen society
drawing the line for overeager boys and ostracizing girls who failed in this responsi
bility. To ilbilndon control-to scream, faint, dash about in mobs-was, in form if not
in conscious intent, to protest the sexual repressiveness, the rigid double standard of
femille teen culture. It was the first and most dramatic uprising of 1/I0ll1e11'S sexual
revolution.
Beatlemania, in most accounts, stands isolated in history as a mere craze-
quirky and hard to explain. There hild been hysteria over male stars before, but noth
ing on this scale. In its peak years-]964 and 1965-Beatlemania struck with the
force, if not the conviction, of il social movement. It began in England with a report
that fans had Illobbed the popUlar but not yet immortal group after a concert at the
London Pallildiulll on October 13, ]963. Whether there was in fact a mob or merely a
scuffle involving no more than eight girls is not clear, but the report acted as a call to
mayhem. Eleven days later a huge and excited crowd of girls greeted the Beatles
(returning from a Svvedish tour) ilt Heilthrow Airport. In early November, 400
Carlisle girls fought the police for four hours while trying to get tickets for a Beaties
concert; nine people were hospitalized after the crowd surged forwilrd and broke
through shop windows. In London and Birmingham the police could not guarantee
the Beatles silfe escort through the hordes of fans. In Dublin the police chief judged
that the Beaties' first visit: was "all right until the milnia degenerated into bar
barism.'" And on the eve of the group's first US tour, Life reported, "A BeatIe who
ventures out unguarded into the streets runs the very real peril of being dismem
bered or crushed to death by his fans."t
When the BeiltJes arrived in the United States, which was still ostensibly sobered
by the assassination of President Kennedy two months before, the fans knew wh~t to
d~. Television had spread the word fro~ England: The ilpproach of the Beatles is a
license to riot. At least 4,000 girls (some estimates run as high as 10,000) greeted them
at Kennedy Airport, and hundreds more laid siege to the Plaza Hotel, keeping the
stars virtual prisoners, A record 73 million Americans watched the Beatles on "The
Ed Sullivan Show" on February 9, ] 964, the night "when there wasn't a hubcap stolen
anywhere in America." American Beatlemania soon reached the proportions of reli
gious idolatry. During the Beiltles' twenty-three-city tour that August, local promot
ers were required to provide a minimum of lOO security guards to hold back the
crowds. Some cities tried to ban BeatIe-bearing craft from their runways; otherwise it
took heavy deployments of local police to protect the Beaties from their fans and the
fans from the crush. In one city, someone got hold of the holel pillowcases th~t had
purportedly been used by the Beatles, cut them into ]60,000 tiny squares, mounted
them on certifiCiltcs, ilnd sold them for $1 apiece. The group packed Carnegie Hilll,
Washington's Coliseum and, a year later, New York's 55,600-seat Shea Stildiunl, and
in no setting, at any time, was their music audible above the frenzied screams of the
audience. Tn ] 966, just under three years after the stilrt of Beatlemania, the Beatles
'Frederick Lewis, "Britons Succumb to 'Beatlemania:" NC1i' York Tillles Magazine, D"celnl>“r ],
1963, p. 124.
jTimothy Cre”n, “They Crown Their Country with a Bowl-Shaped Hairdo,” Lit;’, January 3 L
1964, p. 30.
219 218 The 1960s
gave their last concert-the first musical celebrities to be driven from the stage by
their own fans.
In its intensity, as well as its scale, Beatlemania surpassed all previous outbreaks
of star-centered hysteriil. Ypung women had swooned over Frank Sinatra in the for
ties and screamed for Elvis Presley in the immediate pre-BeatIe years, but the Fab
Four inspired an extremity of feeling usually reserved for football games or natural
d.isilsters. These baby bpomers far outnumbered the generation that, thanks to the
censors, had only been ilble to see [Jresley’s upper torso on “The Ed Sullivan Show.”
Seeing (whole) Beatl,,’s on Sullivan was exciting, but not enough. Watching the band
on television was il thrill-particularly the close-ups-but the real goal was to leave
home and meet the Beatles. The appropriate reaction to contact with them-such as
occupying the same auditorium or city block-was to sob uncontrollably while
screaming, ‘Tm gonna die, I’m gonna die,” or, more optimistically, the name of a fa
vorite Beatie, until the onset of either unconsciousness or laryngitis. Girls peed in
their pants, fainted, or simply col1apsed from the emotional strain. When not in the
vicinity of the Beatles-ancl only a small proportion of fans ever got within shrieking
distance of their idols-girls exchanged Beatie magazines or cards, and gathered to
speculate obsessi\’e\y on the details and nuances of BeatIe life. One woman, who now
administers il Washington, D.C.-based public interest group, recalls long discussions
with other thirteen-year-111ds in Orlando, Maine:
I especially liked talking about the Beatles with other girls. Someone would
say, “What do you think Paul had for breakfast?” “Do you think he sleeps with
a different girl every night?” Or, “Is John really the leader?” “Is George really
more sensitive?” And like that for hours.
This fan reached the zenith of junior high school popularity after becoming the only
girl in town tp travel to a BeatIes’ concert in Boston: “My mother had made a new
dress for me to wear [to the concert] and when I got back, the other girls wanted to
cut it up and auction off the pieces.”
To adults, Beatlemania was an affliction, an “epidemic,” and the Beatles them
selves were only the carriers, or even “foreign germs.” At risk were all ten- to
fourteen-year-nld girls, or at least all white girls; blacks were disdainful of the
Beatles’ initially derivative and unpolished sound. There appeared to be no cure
except for age, and the media pundits were fond of reassuring adults that the girls
who had screamed for Frank Sinatra had grown up to be responsible, settled house
wives. H therp was a shortcut to recovery, it certainly wasn’t easy. A group of Los
Angeles girls organizPd a detox effort called “Beatlesaniacs, Ltd.,” offering “group
therapy for those living near active chapters, and withdrawal literature for those
going it alone ilt far-flung nutposts.” Among the rules for recovery were: “Do not
mention the word Beatles (or beetles),” “Do not mention the word England,” “Do
nol sppak with an English accent,” and “Do not speak English.'” In other words,
Beatlemania was as inevitable as acne and gum-chewing, and adults would just
havp to wpather it out.
But why was it happening? And why in particular to an America that prided
itself on its post-McCarthy m,ltmity, its prosperity, and its clear position as the num
ber one world power? True, there were sncial problems that not even Reader’s Digest
”’How to Kick the Beatie Habit,” Life, AllgU,t 28, 1964, p. 66.
A Hard Day’s Night and Beatlemania
could afford to be smug about-racial segregation, for example, and the newly
discovered poverty of “the other America.” But these were things that an energetic
President could easily handle-or so most people believed at the time-and if “the
Negro problem,” as it was called, generated overt unrest, it was seen as having a cor
rective function and limited duration. Notwithstanding an attempted revival by
presidential candidate Barry Goldwater, “extremism” was out of style in any area of
expression. In colleges, “coolness” implied a detached and rational appreciation of
the status quo, and it was de rigueur among all but the avant-garde who joined the
Freedom Rides or signed up for the Peace Corps. No pne, not even Marxist philoso
pher Herbert Marcuse, could imagine a reason for Widespread discontent among the
middle class or for strivings that could not be satisfied with a department store
charge account-much less for “mania.”
In the media, adult experts fairly stumbled over each other to offer the most re
assuring explanations. The New York Times Magazine offered a “psychological, an
thropological,” half tongue-in-cheek account, titled “Why the Girls Scream, Weep,
Flip.” Drawing on the work of the German sociologist Theodor Adorno, Times writer
David Dempsey argued that the girls weren’t really out of line at all; they were
merely “conforming.” Adorno had diagnosed the 1940s jitterbug fans RS “rhythmic
obedients,” who were “expressing their desire to obey.” They needed to subsume
themselves into the mass, “to become transformed into an insect.” Hence, “jitterlmg,”
and as Dempsey triumphantly added: “Beatles, too, are a type of bug … and to
‘beatle: as to jitter, is to lose one’s identity in an automatized, insectlike activity, in
other words, to obey.” If Beatlemania was more frenzied than the outbursts of obedi
ence inspired by Sinatra or Fabian, it was simply because the music was “more fran
tic,” and in some animal way, more compelling. It is generally admitted “that jungle
rhythms influence the ‘beat’ of much contemporary dance activity,” he wrote,
blithely endorsing the stock racist response to rock ‘n’ roll. Atavistic, “aboriginal” in
stincts impelled the girls to scream, weep, and flip, whether they liked it or not: “It is
probably no coincidence that the Beatles, who provoke the most violent response
among teen-agel’s, resemble in manner the witch doctors who put their spells on
hundreds of shuffling and stamping natives.'”
Not everyone saw the resemblance between Beatlemanic girls and “natives” in
a reassuring light however. Variety speculated that Beatlemania might be “a
phenomenon closely linked to the current wave of racial rioting.”t It was hard to
miss the element of defiance in Beatlemania. If Beatlemania was conformity, if was
conformity to an imperative that overruled adult mores and even adult jaws. In
the mass experience of Beatlemania, as fpr example at a concert or an airport, a girl
who might never have contemplated shoplifting could assault a policpman with her
fists, squirm under police barricades, and othenvise invite a disorderly conduct
charge. Shy, subdued girls could go berserk. “Perky,” pony tailed girls of the type
favored by early sixties sitcoms could dissolve in histrionics. In quieter cnntemp la
tion of their idols, girls could see defiance in the Beatles or project it onto them.
Nen’slPcck quoted Pat Hagan, “il pretty, 14-year-old Girl Scout, nurse’s aide,
and daughter of a Chicago lawyer … who pre\’iously dug ‘West Side Story,’ Emily
Dickinson, Robert Frost, and Elizabeth Barrett Browning: ‘They’re tough: she said
‘Dal’id Dempsey, “Why the Girls Scrpam, Weep, Flip,” New York Times M(/snz;I1<', Februarv
23,1964, p. 15.
'Quoted in Nicholas Schaffner. The Brntlrs Forn',,,, (New York: McCraw-Hili, 19 77), p. j f>.
of the Beatles. ‘Tough is like when you don’t conform…. You’re tumultuous when
you’re young, and each generation has to have its idols.”‘* America’s favorite
sociologist, David Riesman, concurred, describing Beatlemania as “a form of protest
against the adult world.”t
There was another element of Beatlemania that was hard to miss but not always
easy for adults to acknowledge. As any casual student of Freud would have noted,
at least part of the fans’ energy was sexual. Freud’s initial breakthrough had been
the insight that the epidemic female “hysteria” of the late nineteenth century
which took the form of fits, convulsions, tics, and what we would now call
neuroses-was the product of sexual repression. In 1964, though, confronted with
massed thousands of “hysterics,” psychologists approached this diagnosis warily.
After all, despite everything Freud had had to say about childhood sexuality, most
Americans did not like to believe that twelve-year-old girls had any sexual feelings
to repress. And no normal girl-or full-grown woman, for that matter-was sup
posed to have the libidinal voltage required for three hours of screaming, sobbing,
incontinent, acute-phase Beatlemania. In an article in Scimce News Letter titled
“Beatles Reaction Puzzles Even Psychologists,” one unidentified psychologist
offered a carefully phrased, hygienic explanation: Adolescents are “going through a
strenuous period of emotional and physical growth,” which leads to a “need for
expressiveness, especially in girls.” Boys have sports as an outlet; girls have only the
screaming and swooning afforded by Beatlemania, which could be seen as “a release
of sexual energy.” j
For the girls who participated in Beatlemania, sex was an obvious part of the
excitement. One of the most common responses to reporters’ queries on the sources
of Beatlemania was, “Because they’re sexy.” And this explanation was in itself a small
act of defiance. It was rebellious (especially for the very young fans) to lay claim to
sexual feelings. It was even more rebellious to lay claim to the active, desiring side of
a sexual attraction: The Beatles were the objects; the girls were their pursuers. The
Beatles were sexy; the girls were the ones who perceived them as sexy and acknowl
edged the force of an ungovernable, if somewhat disembodied, lust. To assert an
active, powerful sexuality by the tens of thousands and to do so in a way calculated
to attract maximum attention was more than rebellious. It was, in its own unformu
lated, dizzy way, revolutionary.
Further Reading
See chapter 38.
Discography
See chapter 38.
”’George, I’aul, Ringo and John,” Newsweek, February 24, J964, p. ,’14.
”’Wh”t the Be”lIes Prove About Tepn,agers,” U.S. Nm’s « World Rc!’tlrl, Febru”ry 24,1964,
p.88.
j “Ikatlps Re”ction [‘uzzlps EVe’n Psychologists,” SeiCllec News Letter, Februmy 29, 1964, p. 141.
40. England Swings, and the Beatles
Evolve on Revolver and Sgt. Pepper
The album A Hard Day’s Night, along with the two that followed
Beatles for Sale (1964) and Help! (1965, also the title of their second
movie)-featured a steady expansion of musical and technological
resources. The Beatles had begun to use four-track recording on A Hard
Day’s Night, which increased the possibilities of overdubbing (j.e.,layer
ing vocal and instrumental parts in succession, rather than recording
everything at once). The expansion of instrumentation was modest on
these albums but nonetheless significant as more songs featured
acoustic guitars, additional percussion instruments, and piano and
organ, as well as unusual instrumental effects, such as the guitar feed
back that opens ‘” Feel Fine” (1964, from Beatles for Sale). One song from
Help!, “Yesterday,” was the first Beatles’ song to feature orchestral
instruments. Compared to the thick texture found in most pop recordings
employing orchestral instruments, the chamber ensemble texture of
the string quartet on “Yesterday” produced a novel and relatively trans
parent sound.
The modest sense of evolution found in the Beatles’ early albums.
regardless of its novelty for a rock ‘n’ roll group, did little to prepare the
public for what was to happen next. On Rubber Soul, released late in
196 5, the combination of subtle instrumentation with introspection of
lyric content and an “artsy” cover photo was novel within the pop music
context of the time.’ The U.s. version of the album enhanced the effect
of seriousness by deleting several of the songs with clearer ties to rock
‘n’ roll and by adding some quieter acoustic tracks that had been left off
the U.S. release of Help.’ Many listeners shared Brian Wilson’s reaction
to Rubber Soul (described earlier in the excerpt from Wilson’s autobiog,
raphy; see chapter 29). On the eve of the explosion of media attention
to the counterculture and psychedelia, Rubber Soul and its successor
Revolver (1966), along with the concurrent albums of Bob Dylan, con,
vinced many that rock could be the music of adults, even those with
intellectual inclinations. While Dylan had primarily brought notions of
artistic sincerity with him from the folk music movement, where such
1. One rpcent artid” described the envpr of Rubber Soul as “the first suggestion of p,;ychedeli, “.
with its hallucinatory photo of the band and distorted Art Nouveau-derived lettering”). Spe Steve
Jones and Martin Sorger, “Covering Music: A Brief Historv and Analysis of Album Cover
Design,” 101/71111/ of Popular Music Studies, 11-12 (1999-2000): 68-102.
2. British albums typically contained 14 songs, rather than 12 in thp United State,;, rpsulting i]l
differpnt versions of albums rplpased on both sidps of the Atlantic.
221
222 The 1960s
notions were connected to creating a sense of community between per
former and audience, the Beatles achieved their sense of authenticity
through their allusions to high art. Sarris’s review, in chapter 39, de
scribed how A Hard Day’s Night helped accomplish this cultural accred
itation, but many of the songs released in 1965-66 achieved a sense
of artiness musically via format complexity, textural variety, and lyrical
introspection.
With Richard Goldstein’s review of Revolver, we enter the realm of a new
form of criticism that arises from a sensibility and milieu similar to that
of the music it describes. While earlier critics. such as Robert Shelton,
Nat Hentoff, and Ralph ). Gleason, had written sympathetically about
popular music, their critical sensibilities were honed in the 1940S and
1950S on jazz and folk music. Goldstein was among the first of a new
breed of critic who had come of age with “rock music” (now distinct
from the earlier “rock ‘n’ roll”) and who were trying to articulate an
alternative aesthetic that might correspond with the new music.
Goldstein asserts his belief in the validity of aesthetic contemplation for
rock when he writes “we will view this album in retrospect as a key
work in the development of rock ‘n’ roll into an artistic pursuit.” That
Goldstein (and other early rock critics) devoted a lot of space to the
Beatles was not fortuitous: he wrote in a later piece (on Sgt. Pepper)
that “Without [the Beatles] there could be no such discipline as ‘rock
criticism.’ The new music is their thing.'”
POP EVE: ON “REVOLVER”
Richard Goldstein
SWINGING LONDON, August 17-As though displaying unswerving loyalty to its
idols, British youth has flipped completely over the new Beatles album “Revolver.”
The single chosen from these songs-“Yellow Submarine b/w Eleanor Rigby”
came on the charts one week ago at number four. Today it is number one. The entire
Ollbum is in the top twenty. Large record stores and tiny street stalls feature mass dis
plays of the art-nouveau-ish album jacket. The sound of “Revolver” blrlres from win
dow after window. John harmonizes with Paul in greengrocers and boutiques.
~eorge plays his sitar from cars stalled in traffic. Ringo ricochets from the dome of
3t. Paul’s. The Beatles are harder to avoid than even the Americans.
But there is more than mere adulation behind the sudden conquest of Britain
Jy this particular LI’. “Revolver” is a revolutionary record, as important to the
~xpansion of pop territory as was “Rubber Soul.” It was apparent last year that the
3. Richard Goldstein. “Pop EyE’: ] Blew My Cool Through the New York Times,” Village Voice.
uly 20, 1967: 14,25-26.
,Ollrce: Richard Goldstpin, “[’01’ Eye: On ‘Revo]wr,'” Village Voice, August 25, ] 966, Pl” 23,25.
Reprintpd with permission by the author.
England Swings, and the Beatles Evolve on Revolver and Sgt. Pepper 223
12 songs in “Rubber Soul” represented an important advance. “Revolver” is the great
leap forward. Hear it once and you know it’s important. Hear it twice, it makes sense.
Third time around, it’s fun. Fourth time, it’s subtle. On the fifth hearing, “Revolver”
becomes profound.
If “Rubber Soul” opened up areas of baroque progression and Oriental instru
mentation to pop commercialization, “Revolver” does the same for electronic music.
Much of the sound in this new LP is atonal, and a good deal of the vocal is dissonant.
Instead of drowning poor voices in echo-chamber acoustics, “Revolver” presents the
mechanics of pop music openly, as an integral part of musical composition. Instead
of sugar and sex, what we get from the control knobs here is a bent and pulverized
sound. John Cage move over, the Beatles are now reaching a super-receptive audi
ence with electronic sound.
Resemble Mantra
The key number on the album is that last track, “Tomorrow Never Knows.” No one
can say what actually inspired the song, but its place in the pantheon of psychedelic
music is assured. The lyrics resemble a mantra in form and message:
Turn off your milld
Relax and float downstream
This is 1I0t dying
This is 1I0t dying
Lay dowlI all thought
Sli rrender to the void
It is shillillg
It is shilling
That you l11aI! see
tlze mealling of wi liz ill
It is being
It is being
Love is all
and love is everyolle
It is knowing
It is kllowing .
While not unprecedented, the combination of acid-Buddhist imagery and rock beat
had never before been attempted with such complexity. At first, the orchestration
sounds like Custer’s last stand. Foghorn-like organ chords and the sound of bird·like
screeching overshadows the vocal. But the overall effect of this hodge-podge is a very
effective suspension of musical reality. John’s vocal sounds distant and God-like.
What he is saying transcends almost everything in what was once called pop music.
The boundaries will now have to be re-negotiated.
“Revolver” also represents a fulfillment of the raga-Beatie sound. A George
Harrison composition, “Love You To,” is a functioning raga, with a natural beat and
an engaging vocal advising: “Make love all day long/Make love singing songs.”
“Eleanor Rigby” is an orchestrated ballad about the agony of loneliness. Its char
acters, Eleanor herself and Father McKenzie, represent sterility. Eleanor “died in the
church and was buried along with her name.” The good father writes “words to the
224 The 1960s
sermon that no one will hear. No one comes near.” As a commentary on the state of
modern religion, this song will hardly be appreciated by those who see John Lennon
as an anti-Christ” But “Eleanor Rigby” is really about the unloved and un-cared for.
When Eleanor makes up, the narrator asks: “Who is it for?” While the father darns his
socks, the question is: “What does he care?”
More Next Door
“Yellow Submarine” is as whimsical and child-like as its Hip side is metaphysical. Its
subject is an undersea utopia where “our friends are all aboard/many more of them
live next door,” and where “we live a life of ease/Everyone of us has all he needs.”
“For No One” is one of the most poignant songs on the record. Its structure ap
proaches madrigal form-with an effective horn-solo counterpoint. Its lyrics are in
an evocative Aznavour bag.
“Tax1llan” is the album’s example of political cheek, in which George enumer
ates Britain’s current economic woes. At one point, the group joins in to identify the
villains. “Tilxman-Mr. Wilson … Taxman-Mr. Heath.” They lay it right on the non
partisan line.
Therp is some mediocre material on this album. But the mystique forming
around “Revolver” is based on more than one or two choice tracks-it encompasses
the record as a whole.
It is a bit difficult to gauge the importance of “Revolver” from this city, where it
has become gospel and where other beat groups are turning out cover copies like
Guttenberg Bibles. But it seems now that we will view this album in retrospect as a
key work in the development of rock ‘n’ roll into an artistic pursuit.
If nothing else, “Revolver” must reduce the number of cynics where the future of
pop music is concerned–even on the violent side of the Atlantic.
The Beatles’ critical acceptance reached new heights with the release of
their next album, Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band (1967). The
album was a loosely organized “concept” album, simulating a concert
given by the Beatles’ alter egos-the namesake of the album. The album
made extensive use of the recording studio, incorporating numerous
sound effects, tape collages, orchestral instruments, and sound process
ing. The brief article that follows appeared in Newsweek and documents
how Sgt. Pepper won over even those middlebrow publications that had
maintained a condescending stance toward popular music until that
point, although the author cannot completely relinquish the patronizing
tone of yore adopted by such publications. While the album won new ad
mirers for the Beatles’ music, and most rock fans and critics were daz
zled, not all agreed. One of the disenchanted, Richard Goldstein, pub
lished a review of the album and a defense of the review; in both cases,
he argued that innovations in instrumentation and recording techniques
were leading formal innovations in songwriting, rather than the other
4. This is probably a reference to Lpnnnn’s remarks, published in March 1966, that the Bealles
were “more populor than Jesus,” a comment that when rep”ated in the United States caused a
furor on tl1<' eve of their 1966 tour.
England Swings, and the Beatles Evolve on Revolver and 5gt. Pepper 225
way around, much to the detriment of the Beatles' music. s The release of
Sgt. Pepper coincided with the Beatles' withdrawal from "live" perfor
mance, a coincidence that suggested to Goldstein that performance has
the potential to rein in excesses that result from the pursuit of dazzling
effects in the recording studio.
IT'S GETTING BETTER ...
Jack Kroll
The problem of choosing Britain's new Poet Laureate is easy. The obvious choice is
the BeatIes. They would be the first laureates to be really popular sine" Tennvson
their extraordinary new LP, "Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Balld," has been out
for two weeks and has already sold 1.5 million copies in the U.S. alone. And the
BeatIes' recent LP's "Rubber Sou!," "Revolver," and now "Sgt. Pepper" are really
volumes of aural poetry in the McLuhan ag"."
Indeed, "Sgt. Pepper" is such an organic work (it took four months to make) that
it is like a pop "Fa<;ade," the suite of poems by Edith Sitwell musicalized by William
Walton. Like "Fa<;ade," "Sgt. Pepper" is a rollicking, probing language-and-sound
vaudeville, which grafts skin from all three brows-high, middle, and low-into a
pulsating collage about mid-century manners and madness.
111e vaudeville starts immediately on the first track, in which the Beatles, adding
several horn players, create the "persona" of the album-Sgt. Pepper's band,
oompahing madly away with the elephant-footed rhythm, evoking the good old days
when music spoke straight to the people with tongues of brass, while dubbed in crowds
cheer and applaud as the BeatIes make raucous fun of their own colossal popularity.
After this euphoric, ironic, nostalgic fanfare, the Beatles leave Sgt. Pepper
polishing his coronet in the wings and go on with the show, creating little lyrics,
dramas, and satires on homely virtues, homely disasters, homely people and a II the
ambiguities of home. "She's leaving home," sing John and Paul, as a harp flutters, a
string group makes genteel aspidistra sounds and a lugubrious cello wraps the soggy
English weather around the listener's ears. The song is a flabby family fiasco in
miniature, spiking the horrors of the British hearth like a stripped down Osborne
play. "Me used to be an angry young man," sings Paul in "Getting Better," and adds
"it's getting better all the time," as the group sarcasticallv repeats "get-ting bet-teT,
get-ting bet-ter" in those Liverpudlian accents.
Vision
Getting better? Well, there's John's vision of a vinyl Arcadia, with it's Sitwellian im
ages: "Cellophane flowers of yellow and green ... Plasticine porters with looking-glass
5. Richard Goldstein, "We Still Need the Beatles, hut .. ," Ntll' )'Jrk Times. June 18,1%7,
sec. II, p. 24; and idem., "Pop Eye: I Blew My Cool Through the New York Times," Village Voice,
July 20, 1967: 14, 2,"-26.
6. This reference to Marshall McLuhan echoes remarks made by Richard Goldstein in an arti
cle reprinted in chapter 48; see "Pnp Eye: Evaluating Media," ViI/age Voice, July 14, 1966,6·-7.
Source: Jack Kroll, "It's Getting Better ... ," Ncu',moeek, June 26,1967, p. 70. © 1967 Newsweek, Inc
All rights reserved. Reprinted by permission.
226 The 1960s
ties" which turns Wordsworth's idealized Lucy into a mod goddess, "Lucy in the sky
with diamonds." And then there's Paul announcing ''I'm painting my room in the col
orful way / And when my mind is wandering/There I will go/ And it really doesn't
matter if I'm wrong I'm right/Where I belong I'm right." But even this manifestation
of psychedelic individualism is undercut as George's sitar boings one note relentlessly
like a giant mocking frog.
"Within You Without You" is George Harrison's beautiful new cuddle-up with
Mother India. Backed by three cellos, eight violins, three tambouras, a dilruba, a
tabla, and a table-harp, George plays the sitar as he chants Vedantic verities such as
"The time will come when you see we're all one, and life flows on within you and
without you." These Himalayan homilies are given powerful effect by the wailing,
undulating cascade of sound which turns the curved, infinite universe of Indian
music into a perfect tonal setting for the new pantheism of the young. But even here,
the Beatles, like Chaplin, deflate their own seriousness as the song ends-to be fol
lowed by a crowd laughing.
Some critics have already berated the Beatles far the supersophisticated elec
tronic technology on this record. But it is useless ta lament the simple old days of the
MersE'Y sound. The Beatles have lost their innocence, certainly, but loss of innocence
is, increasingly, their theme and the theme of a more "serious" new art from the sto
ries of Donald Barthelme to the plays of Harold Pinter.
The new Beatles are justified by the marvelous last number alone: "A Day in the
Life," which was foolishly banned by the BBC because of its refrain ''I'd love to turn
you on." But this line means many things, coming as it does after a series of beauti
fully sorrowful stanzas in which John confronts the world's incessant bad news sigh
ing "Oh boy" with a perfect blend of innocence and spiritual exhaustion. Evoking the
catatonic metropolitan crown (like Eliot's living dead flowing across London Bridge),
John's wish to "turn you on" is a desire to start the bogged-down juices of life itself.
This point is underscored by an over-whelming musical effect, using a 41-piece
orchestra-a growling, bone-grinding crescendo that drones up like a giant crippled
turbine struggling to spin new power into a foundered civilization. This number is
the Beatles' "Waste Land," a superb achievement of their brilliant and startlingly
effective popular art.
Further Reading
See chapter 38.
Discography
See chapter 38.
41. The British Art School Blues
The Beatles hailed from Liverpool, a seaport on England's northwest
coast. Liverpool had long had access to the latest releases from the
United States, and, consequently, other bands (in addition to the Beaties)
developed a blend of rockabilly, pop, and R&B for playing in local dance
halls and nightclubs, resulting in a style dubbed "Merseybeat" by the
British music press. In the wake of the Beatles, other Merseybeat artists,
such as Gerry and the Pacemakers, Billy J. Kramer and the Dakotas, and
Peter and Gordon (not from Liverpool but with a song written by Lennon
and McCartney) had hits in the United States, thus inspiring the media to
coin the term "British Invasion" to describe the phenomenon. It had been
rare for any British artists to penetrate the American pop market until that
time, and this sudden success set off a fad for all things British.
Concurrent with the pop-oriented Merseybeat artists, a more blues
oriented music scene was thriving down in London, fueled by record en
thusiasts and collectors, along with refugees from British art schools.
The role of art schools cannot be underestimated in the development of
a distinctive form of British rock 'n' roll: With no real equivalent in the
United States, art schools in Britain filled a gap somewhere between
university (which during the 1950S and 1960s was still a fairly exclusive
affair) and technical or trade schools. Better-than-average students with
some vague artistic inclination were often sent to art school, where they
would presumably learn a trade, such as graphic design. These schools
became hotbeds for aspiring pop musicians, some of whom even
absorbed some fashionable theories about art along the way.' The
Rolling Stones' lead guitarist, Keith Richards (b. 1942), memorably
described his experience:
I mean in England, if you're lucky, you can get into art school. It's somewhere they
put you if they can't put you anywhere else. If you can't saw wood straight or file metal.
It's where they put me to learn graphic design because I happened to be good at
drawing apples or something. Fifteen ... I was there for three years and meanwhile
I learned how to play guitar. latta guitar players in art school. A lot of terrible artists
too. It's funny.'
Several groups from the London blues and British art school scenes
achieved commercial success during this period, most notably the Kinks,
the Who, the Yardbirds, and the Rolling Stones. The Kinks scored three
1. For an extensive study of the impact of British art school on the development of British
rock, see Simon Frith and Howard Horne, A,-f il1to Pop (London: Methuen, 1987).
2. Robert Greenfield, "Keith Richard: Gotto Keep it Growing:' in Th/' [,,,lIing Sf0111' iI,ten'i"",.
Vol. 2 (New York: Straight Arrow, 1973, 218; first published in Rollil1g Sfonr in August 1971).
227
229 228 The 1960s
hits in a row in the United States in late 1964-early 1965 with "You Really
Got Me," "All Day and All of the Night," and "Tired of Waiting." The first
two of these songs were proto-heavy metal, constructed around primal
riffs played on a highly distorted electric guitar. Subsequent Kinks'
recordings saw them developing a style based on British music hall
influences and ironic, detached personae ("Well Respected Man,"
"Sunny Afternoon"), presenting an interesting antithesis to the "authen
tic" ethos so prevalent during the era. Many have viewed this self
consciousness and the nonblues sound of their later music as peculiarly
representative of a British-identified pop, with main songwriter Ray
Davies (b. 1944) seen as particularly responsible for this sensibility.
The Yardbirds, on the other hand, came out of the same London blues
scene as the Rolling Stones and recorded numerous covers of American
blues recordings, especially songs associated with the Chicago blues.
Their American hits included both bluesy songs, such as "I'm a Man," and
the more pop-oriented "For Your Love." The Yardbirds are also notable for
having featured a succession of guitarists who eventually became famous
on their own or as leaders of other groups: Eric Clapton (b. 1945), Jeff Beck
(b. 1944), and Jimmy Page (b. 1944)·
The Who had a main songwriter, Pete Townshend (b. 1945), who did
time in art school. The band was associated with the Mods, a London
subculture of the mid-1960s that worshipped American R&B and had a
particular fondness for motor scooters, smart clothes, and ampheta
mines. The Who's music included blues influences at times, along with
generous dollops of ironic self-consciousness. Master manipulators of
mass cultural symbols, the band began wearing clothing redolent of "old
England" years before Sgt. Pepper. They were also practitioners of
performance art-their stage act featured a kind of highly theatricalized
violence, which for a time included the destruction of their equipment.
Pete Townshend became one of the more articulate spokespeople for
understanding 1960s rock through the prism of modernist theories about
art. The Who's music presented two somewhat opposed tendencies: an
emphasis on performance and the enduring values of early rock 'n' roll
and the blues, and an exploration of extended forms associated with art
music, which reached its apogee in the "rock opera," Tommy.3
The Rolling Stones were the most famous band to emerge from the early
1960s London blues scene, and they had roots in art school as well. The
Stones were quickly pegged in the press as a scruffy foil to the Beatles'
bohemian charm. The following article is one of the earliest in the British
music press to seize upon the rebellious image of the Stones, an image
that seemed to flaunt its artificiality. The music press did little to hide its
complicity in the production of this image: An article appearing a month
later, in March 1964, featured a headline screaming, "Would You Let Your
3. For Pele Townshend's witty appraisal of the Who's career from 1965 to 1971, see Peter
Townshend, Re\'i,'w of "The Who: MeatII, Bealll, 13iS, lllld BOllI/Cli," R"I/illg StOlle, December 7, 1971.
The British Art School Blues
Sister Go with a Rolling Stone?"; the headline, however, had little to do
with the content of the article, which was little more than a profile of "life
on the road" with the band. 4 The article reprinted here appeared in
Melody Maker, one of the two leading British popular music magazines,
along with the New Musical Express. At a time when no real equivalents
existed in the United States, these magazines mixed informative profiles
with tabloid-style sensationalism. The author, Ray Coleman, who later
went on to write respectable biographies of pop musicians, seems to be
writing with tongue firmly placed in cheek.
REBELS WITH A BEAT
Ray Coleman
"Wasn't that the Rolling Stones you just left?" asked the taxi driver as I left a
restaurant in London's Mayfair.
"Yes. What do you think of them?"
"A bunch of right 'erberts!" he replied with the cutting pertinence so typical of
the London cabbie. '''Ere, aren't they the boys they say are trying to knock the Beatles
off the top?"
While cab drivers are often noted for their lack of tact, some have rare percep
tion. Had [ been an agent or a record chief, I would probably have signed that taxi
driver immediately as my trends adviser.
The Rolling Stones might have had other ideas, like punching him on the nose.
Because they deeply resent any suggestion that they are attempting to overtake the
Beatles.
Yet if the BeatIes are to be knocked from their perch in the future, by a British
group, the popular notion is that the Rolling Stones could easily be their successors.
Why? Their image is perfect ... five disheveled rebels who have already made a
firm imprint on the hit parade, who have gained a huge following among young
people, who never wear stage uniforms, and who JUST DON'T CARE.
There are even rumblings inside show business of a swing against the BeatJes in
favor of the Rolling Stones. Many observers endorse the view of an alert writer to
Melody Maker's Mailbag.
She asserted that young pop fans instinctively turn against an idol whom their par
ents endorse, like the Beatles. Fans actually enjoy hearing their elders spurning their
worship of their heroes. That way, there is an outlet for their emotional involvement.
Horrors
That taxi driver we met earlier was aged 42. He loathed the Rolling Stones. Like cer
tain others he considers them downright scruffy, hairy horrors who need a severe
talking-to from Lord Montgomery.
4. Ray Coleman, "Would You Let Your Sister Go with a Rolling Stone?" Melody Milker, March 14,
1964,8. Note that this article was written by the same author as, and appeared in the same maga
zine a mere montl1later than, the article reprinted in this anthology.
SOllrce: Ray Coleman, "Rebels with a Beat." Melody Milker, February 8, 1964, p. 11. © Ray
Coleman/Melody Maker/IPC Syndication. Used by permission.
231
230 The 19605
I have no psychiatric or sociological qualifications, but I think I can confirm
that the Rolling Stones are 100 percent human beings, acutely aware of what is
going on.
They have no leader, but Mick Jagger. 19-year-old ex-economics student (lead
singel~ harmonica) and Keith Richard (19, ex-art student, guitarist) do most of the
talking.
The others are Brian Jones, aged 2lJ (harmonica, guitar), whom the rest describe
as an ex-Iayabout; Bill Wyman (22, bass guitarist, fonner electronics man); and
22-year-old drummer Charlie Watts, a man of few words who claims to have been a
brilliant advertising executive before turning to music.
They all come from Southern England, and have a close association with Rich
mond, where they played a seven-month residency when started under their present
title 18 months ago.
"Yes!" replied Jagger when I asked if they were jealous of the Beatles' success.
"Nol" said the others. With that formality over, we switched to talk of images and
money, untidiness and fans.
Jagger spoke: "Yeah, we know about the image. 1 think most groups need one.
You see, you can get so far without an image in people's minds, but as soon as you
make a not-so-hot record, you feel it.
"If you've got an image, you sell the records on the image, if you see what I
mean, and you can always rely on a following whatever you do.
Strange
"But we didn't all sit down and say 'right, let's be untidy and let's not have uniforms
and let's grow our hair long like the Beatles' or anything like that'."
Wyman said: "The image was a thing that just happened. We always carried on
like this. People thought, when we started, that we were so strange to look at. Now
we're lumbered with the image."
The difference [between the Stones and the Beatles] is that Keith and Mick do not write
their own material, but work on orders for songs from other groups and solo artists.
Visually, the Rolling Stones are not the prettiest quintet in the land. Although
they dpny it, the truth is that they are angry young rebels who scorn conformity.
Groan
"We're not deliberiltely untidy," says Keith. "We think il lot of this 'rebel' thing has
been brought up by people thinking too much about it. People like you come up to us
and say 'are you rebels?' The answer's no."
To which one could reply that they are either rebels or blatant exhibitionists.
Said Charlie Watts: "We like it this way-we like to please ourselves what we do.
Wl' don't like this 'big star' bit. We get treated by the fans as just ordinary blokes, and
that's good. There's none of this 'fab gear' and all that."
I asked how much they parned today and how much they earned when they
started. At once, their publicist and co-manager, 20-year-old Andrew Oldham,
joined the conversation.
"It's abuut 20 times more than we got when we started," Mick Jagger stated.
"Abuul £1 ,500 a week for personal appearances, that's between them, and exclud
ing record rOyillties," said Andrew, who now sports a Rolling Stone-type hair style.
The British Art School Blues
And what about that hair style? There was a groan of horror at the mere sugges
tion that it had been described as BeatIe-ish.
"Look," said Keith, "These hair styles had been quite common down in London
long before the Beatles and the rest of the country caught on. At art school and years
ago, ours had always been the same."
"Look at Jimmy Savill'," urged Jagger. "He had his like it is long before others
started that style. It's the samp with us."
"And Adam Faith," added Bill Wyman. "He had hair like the Beatles years ago,
didn't he?"
"I dunno," Richard said to Wyman. "J reckon your style came direct from the
Three Stooges."
They talked about extravagancies now they had money, and disclosed that they
had few. "I\obody's gone really mad with money," said Keith, "except that Charlie's
bought a blue suede coat."
"I spend a lot of money on records," said \Vyman "Six new LPs a week." "You
can't," declared Keith. "There aren't six good LPs issued a week." "Well, I do, and
that's where the money goes," said Bill.
"Charlie likes jazz," said Jagger. "He's the only one in the group who does,
really." Wyman said he preferred R&B from Chuck Berry, Jerry Lee Lewis, "and
Fats Waller." "I go for singers like Ben E. King" said Jagger. "So do L," said Keith.
"And Muddy Waters."
Mates
Do the Stones call themselves an R&B group? "We claim to be R&B as much as ill1Y
one," Richard said. "We were playing R&B material long before this beat craze got
going.
"You know, the beat craze that's going on at the mnment will last longer than a
lot of people think. Kids realize that having four or five stars, like a group, is better
than having one star, and groups are improving tremendously all the time.
"The Searchers' 'Needle and Pins' is the best record thev ever made."
Was there any prejudice from promoters because of their dress habits? "Some
times," said Keith. "They used to have this attitude of 'that scruffy lot from London
who don't turn up on time and are nasty to look at."
"But once we appear, we always get re-booked."
"TIley just think we're layabouts," addf'd Wyman.
"Well, they can lump it," announced Keith.
"They callus the ugliest pop group in the country," admitted Wym~n. "We could
name a few uglier people in the business," said Jagger, whose face creases jnto a
mammoth smile at the slightest provocation. "Yes, guite a few more.
"Do you know," said Wyman, "some places we go, they bill us as London's an
swer to the Beatles. TI1ey don't like it when we say we don't do 'Twist and shout.'"
"Yes," said Jagger. "And whatever you do, don't write that article saying we're
knocking the Beatles. They're good mates of ours. We like 'em and they've done so
much good for the whole scene see?"
"The cancer business doesn't scare me," said Wyman, lighting up. They all
smoke about 20 a day and drink moderately. "We not boozers." said Richard, "but we
enjoy a drink and fags like anybody else."
"No, it doesn't scare me at all," affirmed Wyman. "Let's face it, if you have got to
go, you have got to go."
233
LJL
The 1960s
''I'll probably die of electric shock," said Keith, the guitarist. He jit up. They
trailed out of the restaurant.
People eating lunch looked up, aghast at such a sight. Unkempt the
Stones may bp, but their music has Vitality and they are mentally sharp.
AND COMMERCIAL.
further Reading
Booth, Stanley. The Tme Ad"el1ll1fes ofthc Rolling Siolles. Chicago: Chicago Review
200D.
Prith, Simon, and Howard Horne. Art ililo Pop. London: Methuen, 1987.
Groom, Bob. Thc Blues Revival. London: Studio Vista, ]971.
Jagger, Mick, Keith Richards, Charlie Walts, and ROImie Wood (Dora Loewenstein
Philip Dodd. f'ds.). AecordillS 10 the Rolli/zg StOIlI'S. Sail Francisco: Chronicle Books. 20m.
Kitts, Thomas. Ray Davit's: Not Like El'eryvody Else. New York: Routledge, 2007.
Marsh, Dave. BCfj)rr I Gel Old: The Siory of tlze Wizo. Npw York St. Martin's Press, 1983.
Marten, Neville. and Jeff Hudson. The Khlks. London: Bobcat Books, 2007.
Discography
The Kinks. The Kinks. Pye,19M.
----. Tllc SillsleO' Colleeliol1. Sanctuary UK, 2004.
The Rolling Stones. Hoi Nocks, 7964-1971. Abkco, 20021]972).
- ---' MOI'1' !lol Rocks: Big Hits c"Y Fllzed Cookies. Abkco, 2002 [J972j.
The Who. My Gelleration. Brunswick, 1965.
---' Tim/my. Polydor, 1<169.
-~---' Thirlt,1 Yi'lIrs ot'Ala.l'irulllll R&B. MeA, 199,1.
The Vnrdbirds. Havillg 11 Rave Up with Ihe YindlJirds. Epic,I96S.
~. The l'cmfbinls - Greatcst Hil~, Vol. 1: 1964-1966. Rhino/WEA, 1990.
42. The Stones versus the Beatles
The preceding chapter described SOme of the ways in which the Rolling
Stones, especially lead singer Mick Jagger (0. 1942), projected an ironic
detachment, arrogance, and aggressive sexuality that made them seem as
if they were the opposite of the cuter, more polite public image of the
Seatles. The rawer, blues-based Sound of the Stones also seems at odds
with the polished, more conventiona{(y melodic, pop of the Beatles.
The Stones versus the Beatles
This apparent difference masked many similarities: Both bands were
influenced by the rock 'n' roll of the 1950S (the Stones more by Chicago
blues, the Beatles more by rockabilly), and by the soul music of the early
1960s (the Stones more by "down-home" singers, such as Solomon Burke,
and the Beatles more by Motown). As the Stones began writing their own
material, the Beatles' influence became clearer. Although they tended to
retain a less polished sound, the Stones followed the Beattes ctoselyin the
use of strings ("As Tears Go By," late 1965, after "Yesterday"), the sitar
("Paint It Black," 1966, after "Norwegian Wood"), and psychedelia (Their
Satanic Majesties Request, late 1967, after Sgt. Pepper). Following
Satanic Majesties, the Stones began developing their own brand of hard
rock; "Iumpin' Jack Flash" (1968) stands as both the inaugural and arche
typal song in this style, with its hypnotic syncopated riff based on a
fragment of the blues scale.
The following article by Ellen Willis dates from 1969 and explicitty com
pares what were then the two latest releases of the Stones and Beatles,
Beggars Banquet and The Beatles (aka, "The White Album"). Willis
captures welt the Stones' appeal and uniqueness within the pop context.
She also refers to debates about the Stones' imitations of the Beatles
that were rampant at that point and discusses the connection between
rock and politics, another hot topic among critics, fans, and musicians.
Both bands had produced songs that had brought political involvement
into the foreground-the Stones with "Street Fighting Man," the Beatles
with "Revolution"-during 1968, the year when the relationship between
the counterculture and politics began to become more pressing and
contentious. The sources of this shift were numerous: the growth of the
antiwar movement, riots at the Democratic convention in Chicago, and
the assassinations of Dr. Martin Luther King, Ir. and Robert Kennedy all
played a role.
A curious aspect of this article, in retrospect, is Willis's failure to
mention the Stones' misogyny, something she was to comment upon
later. Willis was one of the first female rock critics, and the lack of con
sciousness on this subject was symptomatic of the lack of feminism
within the counterCUlture at this time. The paradox becomes more palpa
ble in that Willis subsequently became better known as a writer about
cultural politics and feminism than as a rock critic.'
1. Curiously, this issue had been debated in a series of articles on the Stones in the l\1arxist
jouma!, Tile New LeFi Repinl'. See Alan Beckett I Richard Merton, "Stones/Comment," in Jonath ..n
Eisen, ed., The Axe or Rock: Sound- or tlte Ame,·tcall Cultllml Re1'''!lIti''ll (New York: Random
House, 1969),109-17; and Michael Parsons, "Rollinp; Stones," in Eisen, cd., The Age "f Rock,
118-20. These articles originally appeared in the Ncll' Lell Review in 1%8. issues 47 and 48. For
more of Willis's wIitings, see BeS{II1Jillg hi Sec 01(' Light: Sex, Hopc, find ]\OCk-011l.f-RofJ (Hano\.'erl
N.H.: Wesleyan University Press and L:niversity Press of New England, 1992).
235 RECORDS: ROCK, ETC.-THE BIG ONES
Ellen Willis
t's my theory that rock and roll happens between fans and stars, rather then be
ween listeners and musicians-that you have to be a screaming teen-ager, at least in
'our heart, to know what's going on. Yet J must admit I was never much of a scream
ng teen-ager myself. I loved rock and roll, but I felt no emotional identification with
he performers. Elvis Presley was my favorite singer, and I bought all his records;
ust tbe same, he was a stupid, slicked-up billbilly, a bit too fat and soft to be really
;ood-looking, and] was a middle-class adolescent snob. Jerry Lee Lewis? More re
'olting than Elvis. Buddy Holly? I didn't even know what he looked like. Fats
)omino? He was cOlllic-and black. When I went to rock shows, I screamed, all
'ight, but only so] wouldn't be conspicuous. Actually, I grooved much more easily
-vith records than with concerts, which forced me to recognize the social chasm sep
lrating me from the performers (and, for that matter, from much of the audience).
rhe social-distance factor became more acute as I got older; that was one reason I
iefected to folk lllusic. By the time the Beatles came on the scene, I wasn't paying
l1UCh attention to rock. Naturally, I was aware of them, but I didn't have the slight
'st inkling of their importance. Their kookiness had the same effect on kids that
Cilvis's dirtiness had had; as far as I was concerned, the twe> phenomena were iden
:ical, and neither had much to do with me. I didn’t realize that Elvis was to the
Beatles as a Campbell Soup can is to an Andy Warhol replica. (Of course, the Beatles
probably didn’t realize it, either.) At first, I reacted to the Stones with equal incom
prehension. Mick Jagger had his gimmick: he was a hood. The j.-d. [juvenile delin
quent] image WilS il filmi]im one, though Mick played the role with more than the
usuill elan. He was so aggressively illiterate, his sexual come-on was so exaggerilted
ilnd tasteless thilt it never occurred to me he might be smilrt. (l didn’t know then thilt
he’d gone to the London Schoo] of Economics.) But his songs, which had all the
energetic virtues of rock ilnd roll, also displayed the honesty and clear-headedness I
expected only from blues. I loved both rock and blues, but in each case my response
was incomplete: rock was too superficial, blues too alien. The Stones’ music was the
perfect blend. And, I came to realize, so was Mick’s personillity; he was an outcast,
but he was also thoroughly indigenous to mass society. Because he was so unequiv
oCillly native, he touched a part of me thilt the blilck bluesmen and alienated folk
singer could never reach. And because I couldn’t condescend to bim-his “vulgar
ity” represented a set of social and aesthetic ilttitudes as sophisticated ilS mine, if not
more so-he shook me in a way Elvis had not. I became a true Stones fan-i.e., an
inward screamer-ilnd T’Vt~ been one ever since.
As il fan, I feel ilmbivillent about “Beggars Banquet.” It’s a good album-the
Stones hilve never put out il bild one-but something of an anti-climax. This is the
first Stones L.P. in il yt’ar, and tht’re have been no miljor performances since 1966.
When stars have as little contilct with their public as this, everyone’s fant<,sies get so
baroque that the eventual reality rarely satisfies. (Bob Dylan hilS got away with this
sort of thing twice; if he tries it again, he'll be pressing his luck.) Besides, "Beggars
Banquet" had an unusually long gestiltion-the rumors of its imminent appearance
began back in August. Through the fall, I followed the Stones' hassle with (British)
Decca over thilt men's-room-with-graffiti-album cover. I took it for granted they'd
S""rc<': Elkn Willis, "Records: l\"ck, Ftc.-the Big Ones," Tile N,'1I' Yorker, 44, 11(1. 5(1, February 1,
1464, Pl'. 55-65. R"printed bv permission of the Charlotte Sheedy Agency.
., ':II.
The Stones versus the Beatles
win. The cover was really pretty innocent, and, anyway, what mere record company
could thwart the Rolling Stones? But they lost. For the first time, I had to think of the
Stones as losers. So even before I heard the record the reality-that black and white
jacket designed to look like an engraved invitation-was a letdown from the fantasy.
There's another reason, ill so having to do with contact, that "Beggar's Banquet"
doesn't quite make it: ] have the feeling- that Jagger is responding more to the Beatles
than to the world, ilnd that the album gets to us only after bouncing off John Lennon.
In a very general way, the Stones' sensibility has always been-at least in part-a
revision of and a reaction to the Beatles. But the symbiosis-or, rather, the
competition-has become more pronounced and specific since "Sergeant Pepper"
forced them to respond with "Their Satanic Majesties Request." I'm not putting down
"Siltanic Majesties" as a mere imitation, or pilrody, or comment. There was nothing
mere about that illbum. The Stones showed they could do the studio thing; they did
it with just the right amount of extravagance ilnd wit, ilnd with beautiful songs.
Anyway, they could scarcely have ignored an event of "Sergeant Pepper's" magni
tude. But "Satanic Majesties" was a special record for a special time. In practice it was
good, in principle very dangerous. While "Satanic Majesties" was still in the works,
the Beatles released" All You Need Is Love," and the Stones countered with "We Love
You," a better-conceived and more powerful song. Now the bt'st track on "Beggilrs
Bilnquet" is "Street Fighting Man," which is infinitely more intelligent thiln "Revolu
tion." I sense an unvvorthy effort to expose John ilS callow. (Cilliowness is part of his
chilrm anyway.) It may be that anything the Beatles do, the Stones can do better, but
it never pays to work on someone else's terms. In this case, there is a special risk.
What has made the Stones the Stones, more than anything else, is il passionilte,
thrusting ego. The Beatles' identity is collective, but the Stones are Mick Jagger. The
Beatles' magic inheres in their glittering surface, the Stones' in Jagger's genius for vis
ceral communication. Yet in this album, as in "Satanic Miljesties," Mick is-the only
word for it is "leashed." "Parachute Woman" ilnd "Stray Cat Blues" do show traces
of the old self-assertion, but in both of them bad production has made the lyrics
nearly impossible to catch. In the other songs thilt have an ''I'' at all, it is weak, even
pilssive--"Take me to the station,/ And put me on a train./I've got no expecta
tions/To pass through here again," or "But what can a poor boy do/'Cept to sing for
a TOck-and-roll bilnd? /Guess in sleepy London town there's just no place for a street
fighting man "-or else, as in "Sympathy for the Devil," it belongs to a stock charac
ter. Most of the songs are impersonal artifacts. The "Factory Girl" is just described,
not loved or sneered at. "Salt of the Earth" is positively alienating, in the Brechtian
sense. What Ciln it mean for Mick Jagger to toast the workers? ]s he being sarcastic? Is
the song just il musical exercise? Or is he making a sincere, if rather simple-minded,
political statement? Like the Beatles, the Stones play with forms: "Prodigal 50n,"
flawless folk blues (another political statement?); "Dear Doctor," a rather overdone
parody of country music; "Jig-Saw Puzzle," proof that Jagger (or Richard) can write
lyrics exactly like Dylan'S. My response to these songs is purely cerebrill. "Street
Fighting Man" is my filvorite, because it really gets down to the ambiguous relation
of rock and roll to rebellion. It does with politics what early rock did with sex. (Are
they deliberately using the tradition, or unconsciously re-creating it?) The lyrics of
the old songs had to be bland enough to be played on the radio, but the beat and
ilrrangements that emphasized a phrase out of context here, a double-entendre there
got th'e message across. Taken together, the words of "Street Fighting Man" are in
nocuous. But somehow the only line that comes though loud and cleM' is "Sumnwr's
here, and the time is rigbt for fighting in the streets." Then, there's the heavy beat and
all that chaotic noise in the background. So Mick leaves no doubt where his instin~ts
The Stones versus the Beatles 237236 The 19605
are. (And he didn't fool the censors, either; the single of "Street Fighting Man" was
virtually boycotted by AM stations, though "Revolution" was played constantly.) But
what can a poor boy do--if he wants to make some bread-'cept to sing for a rock
and roll band? There it is. Rock is a socially acceptable, lucrative substitute for anar
chy; being a rock and roll star is a way of beating the system, of being free in the midst
of unfreedom. And I know Jagger understands the ironies involved and has no
illusions about himself. (Which isn't to say he's cynical-I suspect that his famous
cynicism has always been more metaphor than fact.) Still, there was a time when he
applied equal energy to having no illusions about other people. It's the direct link
between subject and object that I miss.
Apparently, the Stones, too, are worried that all is not right; I hear they're plan
ning an American tour in the spring. Whether that decision stems from a desire for
artistic renewal or from nervousness about declining sales doesn't matter. It's won
derful news. The Stones were never meant to be studio recluses. They need to get out
and face the people.
The Beatles have also found it necessary to define themselves politically. But unlike
the Stones, they have little insight into their situation. Instead, they have taken refuge
in self-righteousness, facile optimism, and status mongering (revolution isn't hip,
you'll scare away the chicks). Not that I believe the Beatles have any obligation to be
political activists, or even political sophisticates. There are many ways to serve
mankind, and one is to give pleasure. Who among the Beatles' detractors has so en
riched the lives of millions of kids? No, all I ask of the Beatles is a little taste. When
Bob Dylan renounced politics, he also renounced preaching. "Revolution," in con
trast, reminds me of the man who refuses a panhandler and then can't resist lectur
ing him on the error of his ways. It takes a lot of chutzpah for a millionaire to assure
the rest of us, "You know it's gonna be alright." And Lennon's "Change your head"
line is just an up-to-date version of "Let them eat cake"; anyone in a position to fol
low such advice doesn't need it.
We may as well facE' it. Deep within John Lennon, there's a fusty old Tory strug
gling to get out. Yet I think "Revolution" protests too much. It had been obvious for
a while-ever since all the Beatles grew beards and/or mustaches and George
announced "WE"re tired of that kiddie image"-that they're suffering growing
pains from the who-am-I-ilnd-where-ilm-I-going-and-how-do-my-money-and-my
fame-fit-in vilriety. When they were four silly kids jumping around on a stage,
making tons of money was a rebellious act-they were thumbing their noses at the
Protestant ethic. But once Leonard Bernstein had certified them as bona-fide artists
they began in the eyes of society to deser"e all that money. They could no longer
accept it as part of the lark. It's no accident that the Maharishi was not only a be
liever in transcendental meditation but a believer in the virtue of material things.
And would John hilve needed to write "Revolution" if on some level he hildn't felt
a little defensive? He can see that all those student revolutionnries ilre sufficiently
well-off to do more or less what he's done, if on a less spectacular scale-that is, to
find a personal solution within the system-yet, they've chosen a far less comfort
able route. 1 notice thilt in the album version of "Revolution" he has put the
ambivalence right into the song: "Don't you know that you can count me out-in?"
And he admitted to a Rolling Stone reporter thilt if he were black, he might not be so
"meek and mild." Good.
Everybody hilS to grow up, but few people have done it as lilte and publicly as
Lennon. Though Dylan also went through a protracted ildolescence in front of a mass
audience, he at least battled the media for every scrap of his private life. John takes us
through illl the changes-LSD, religion, politics, broken marriage, love affilir. 2 In the
context of this openness, the nude pictures of him and Yoko ilre very touching. I'm
sure he didn't analyze what he was doing-isn't everyone undressing these days?
But he certainly gets my most-inspired-whim-of-the-vear-award. What makes the
pictures beilutiful is that the bodies aren't beautiful; by choosing to reveal them, John
is telling his fans that celebrities aren't gods, that people shouldn't be ashamed of
their bodies just because they're imperfect, that e\'en a BeatIe can love a woman who
isn't a pinup. When I think of both of them looking so vulnerable, I don't resent "Rev
olution" so much. How can I expect someone to be right all the time?
About the new album. To get it over with, here's what I don't like:
1. Calling the album "The Beatles" and pilckaging it in a white cover. Everyone's
going back to the basics, and it's getting boring. The right cover should have
been John ilnd Yoko, clothed.
2. The slowed-dmvn version of "Revolution." Aside from the lyrics, the song
was fine: good, heavy hard rock. You could even dance to it. Why do it at half
the speed? So that we can hear the words better? .
3. "Revolution 9." Though I know nothing about electronic music, it sounds to
me like the worst kind of pretentious nonsense. Friends who are more knowl
edgeable than I am concur.
4. The album is just a bit too in-groupy. It pilrodies Bob Dylan, Tiny Tim, the
Beach Boys, fifties gospel, rock, blues, and music-hall songs; a whole song is
devoted to discussing the Beatles' previous work; and one of the songs on the
record alludes to another. But it's all done so well that this is a minor criticism.
Otherwise, this album is very satisfying. The Beatles have always blended senti
mentality with irreverence. Lately, the sentimentality has become fantasy and the ir
reverence a whimsical disregard of linguistic conventions. Whether or not it has any
thing to do with their politics, "The Beatles," even more than "Magical Mystery
Tour," belongs to a private world. And what doesn't work in life works fine as art. By
"private" 1 don't meiln exclusive; the BeatIes' world is one anybody can get into. "The
Beatles" is a terrific children's album-much better than Donovan's "For the Little
Ones"-yet there is nothing prohibitively childish about it. The songs are funny (es
pecially "Piggies" ilnd "Why Don't We Do It in the Road?"), moving ("l'm So Tired"
and "Julia"), clever ("Rocky Raccoon"), singable ("Ob-Ia-di, Ob-Ia-dil" and "Back in
the U.s.s.R."). For sheer fun with language, none of the lyrics quite come up to "lAm
the Walrus," but the general level is high. A special treat is Ringo Starr's first song,
"Don't Pass Me By." It's beautiful, especially the verse that goes, ''I'm sorry thilt I
doubted you,!l was so unfair./You were in a car crash,! And you lost your hair."
Ringo, you keep us all Silne. The Beatles might still be with the giggling guru if you
hadn't turned up your nose at the curry. "Don't Pass Me By" makes up for all George
2. Lennon discussed these topics at great length in a famous interview published in Rolli!lg
Stolle following the Beatles' breakup. See lann Wenner. LCII11011 Rl'lllel1lbers: The Rollillg Stow
[Ilter!';"",s (New York: Popular Library, ]Q71). This interview is also important in that Lennon
goes to great lengths to debunk what he already saw as the dominant myth of the sixties as "
period dominated b\ an ethos of "peace and love." For another contemporary debunking
(albeit an allegorical one), see the "fictional review" by J. R. Young reprinted in chapter 49.
239 238 The 1960s
Harrison's Indian songs, plus "The Fool on the HilL" The screaming teenager in me
wants to know how your Beatie museum is coming along, and sends her love to
Maureen and the kids-and to you.
Further Reading
Eisen, Jonathan, ed. Tire Age of Rock: Sounds or tire American Cultural Rel'o{utio/l. New
York: RandoJll House, 1969.
MacPhail, Jessica Holman Whitehead. Yesterday's Papers: The Rolling Stones in Print,
1963-1984. Ann Arbor, Mich.: Pierian Press, 1986.
See also chapters 38 and 41.
Discography
The Beatles. 1'171' 8mtles. Apple, 1968.
The Rolling Stones. A(temzntlr. Decca, 1966.
____. Tlreir Sat/mic Mn;esties Request. Decca, 1967.
____. Beggars Banqllt'f. Decca, 1968.
43 .. If You're Goin' to San Francisco ...
Psychedelic rock provided rock critics with more evidence (in addition
to the work of Dylan and the Beatles) for their belief that rock music had
become a form of "art" Taking its cue from a hodgepodge of elements
derived from early 20th-century modernism, psychedelic rock was
particularly enamored of notions of the unconscious derived from Freud.
Symbolist poetry of Rimbaud and Baudelaire, filtered through Beat
writers, such as Jack Keroauc and Allen Ginsburg; "stream of conscious
ness" writing as practiced by James Joyce and Virginia Woolf; existential
ist philosophy as espoused by Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus; visual
imagery drawn from surrealism and expressionism; and Eastern philoso
phy: all were cultural threads that the counterculture and psychedelic
music drew upon. The first flowering of psychedelic rock occurred in San
Francisco, also one of the geographic centers for the Beat movement, and
where liberal politics and the lack of a "blue-blood" social hierarchy con
joined to encourage artistic experimentation.
The lyric style of psychedelic rock, while drawing on the literary in
fluences just noted, was filtered most directly through Dylan's work of
If You're Goin' to San Francisco ...
1965-66. In musical terms, psychedelic rock drew from many sources,
most notably from the emphasis on improvisation found in blues, jazz,
and South Asian classical music, particularly that of the North Indian, or
Hindustani, tradition. The earliest songs recognized as psychedelic, such
as the Byrds' "Eight Miles High" or the Beatles "Tomorrow Never Knows"
(both recorded early in 1966), combined surrealistic lyrics with drones
and modal improvisation influenced by Indian classical music. "Tomorrow
Never Knows" used musique concrete (recorded sounds manipulated
with a tape recorder), a technique borrowed from avant-garde art music,
to create an "otherworldly" effect, a technique soon adapted by many
other bands! Dissonance and atonality were other musical elements
derived from avant-garde jazz and classical music that came to connote
the "psychedelic" within the rock music context
Psychedelic rock, as it developed in the San Francisco Bay Area,
London, Los Angeles, and elsewhere, was connected to local hippy sub
cultures through large outdoor concerts and other, more experimental,
performance practices. These performances incorporated multimedia
approaches from the avant-garde and included light shows, projections,
and film. In San Francisco, many of these events were connected to mass
"dosings" of LSD. in which much of the audience ingested the hallucino
gen. Author Ken Kesey (One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest) and his gang
of cohorts, the Merry Pranksters, were important organizers of many of
these events, dubbed the "Acid Tests."2 The "Human Be-In," a public
concert held in San Francisco's Golden Gate Park in January 1967,
brought these happenings into public awareness. The three-day-Iong
Monterey Pop Festival (held in June 1967)3 demonstrated some of the
commercial potential of such gatherings and impressed even the
"straight" press with how peaceful the participants were.
The San Francisco psychedelic rock scene was one of the first
popular music movements ever to receive attention by the mass media
before many people had heard the music or before much of it had even
been recorded. The first group to record, the Jefferson Airplane, was also
the first to achieve commercial success; after an initial album, The
Jefferson Airplane Takes Off (1966) failed to attract many buyers, the
second. Surrealistic Pillow (1967) sold several million copies and, much
to the surprise of the group and its followers, generated two Top 10
singles, "Somebody to Love" and "White Rabbit."
The Airplane. with their backgrounds in folk music and blues; their
modal harmonies and dissonant. contrapuntal textures; and their charis
matic female vocalist, Grace Slick, were only the most public face of
1. The f\.1others of Invention were probably the pioneers in the lise of mlls;quc Ct1llcrcte in
popular music. sine" their Frrnk O"t' was released prior to Rrl'oh'cr (the BeatIe'S' album containing
"Tomorrow Ne"er Knows"). Despite this, it is sate to say that the Beatles did the most !<) expOSE'
the public (and other pop musicians) to this practice. See Richard Goldstein's review of ReI'ole'e,.,
reprinted in chapter 41J.
2. This scene was memorably recorded by Tom Wolfe in his Electric Kool-Aid Acid 7;,,1.
3. And commemorated in a documentary by D. A. Pennebaker, MOllterey Pop.
241 240 The 1960s
the San Francisco scene. The colorful names of other San Francisco
bands caught the fancy of the national media: the Grateful Dead, the
Quicksilver Messenger Service, Moby Grape, Country Joe and the Fish,
Big Brother and the Holding Company. Of these, the Grateful Dead
enjoyed the most sustained success and influence, surviving as primarily
a concertizing unit until leader Jerry Garcia's death in 1995.
The entry on psychedelic rock that follows is an article by Ralph J.
Gleason. Gleason was the jazz and pop music critic for the San
Francisco Chronicle from the 1940S through the 1960S and one of the
first established critics to write about rock music with the seriousness
previously accorded jazz. Gleason became an advocate of the San
Francisco bands and cofounded Rolling Stone with Jann Wenner in 1967.
Gleason's essay portrays the Grateful Dead circa 1967 and reflects
on the development of their style and the San Francisco psychedelic
scene in general.
DEAD LIKE LIVE THUNDER
Ralph}. Gleason
San Francisco has become the Liverpool of America in recent months, a giant pool of
talent for the new music world of rock.
The number of recording company executives casing the scene at the Fillmore
and the Avalon is equaled only by the number of anthropologists and sociologists
studying the Haight-Ashbury hippy culture.
Nowhere else in the country hasa whole community of rock music developed to the
degree it has here.
At dances at the Fillmore and the Avalon and the other, more occasional affairs,
thousands upon thousands of people support several dozen rock 'n' roll bands
that play all over the area for dancing each week. Nothing like it has occurred
since the heyday of Glenn Miller, Benny Goodman, and Tommy Dorsey. It is a new
dancing age.
1he local band with the greatest underground reputation (now that the Jefferson
Airplane has gone national via two LP's and several single records) is a group of
young minstrels with the vivid name, The Grateful Dead.
A Celebration
Their lead guitar player, a former folk musician from Palo Alto named Jerry Garcia
and their organist, harmonica player and blues singer Pig Pen (Ron McKernan) have
SOl/rer: Ralloh J. Gleason, "Dead Like Live Thunder," SnIl Francisco Chroniclc, March 19,1967.
San Francisco Chronicle (1H65- ) [Staff produc"d copy onlyl by Ralph]. GI"ason. Copvright
© 1967 by San Francisco Chronicle. Reproduced with permission ot San Francisco Chronicle in
the format Textbook via Copyright Clearancp Cpnter.
If You're Gain' to San Francisco ...
been pictured in national magazines and TV documentaries. Richard Goldstein in the
Village V"ice has referred to the band as the )\lost exciting group in the Bay Area and
comments, "Together, the Grateful Dead sound like live thunder."
Tomorrow The Grateful Dead celebrate the release of their first album on the
Warner Brothers label. It's called simply "The Grateful Dead" and the group is
throwing a record promotion party for press and radio at Fugazi Hall.
The Deild's illbum release comes on the first day as their first single release, two
sides from the album-"Golden Road" and "Cream Puff War."
The Dead, ilS their filns cilll them, got their exotic name when guitilrist Garcia, a
learned and highly articulate man, was browsing through a dictionary. "It just
popped out ilt me. The phrase-'The Grateful Dead.' We were looking for a name at
the time and I knew that was it."
The Grateful Dead later discovered the name was from an Egyptian prilyer: "We
grateful dead praise you, Osiris.... "
Garcia, who is a self-taught guitarist ("my first instrument was an electrical gui
tar; then I went into folk music and played a flat-top gUllar, a regular guitar. But
Chuck Berrv was my influence l ") is at a loss to dl.'scribe the band's music, despite his
expressiveness.
The Gratl.'ful Dead draws from at least five idioms, Garcia said, including Negro
blues, country and western, popular music, even classical. (Phil Lesh, the bass player,
is a composer who has spent several years working with serial and electronic music.)
"He doesn't play bass like anybody else; he doesn't listen to other bass players,
he listl.'ns to his head:' Garcia said.
Pig Pen, the blues vocillist, "has a style that is the sum of several styles," Garcia
pointl.'d out, including that of country blues singers such as Lightnin' Hopkins, as
well as the more modern, urban blues men.
"When we give him a song to sing, it doesn't sound like someone else, it comes
out Pig Pen's way." Pig Pen's father, by the way, is Phil McKernan, who for years had
the rhythm and blues show on KRE, the predecessor of KPAT in Berkeley.
Bill Sommers Iusually known as Bill KreutzmannJ, the drummer, is a former jazz
and rhythm and blues drummer. "He worked at the same music store I did in Palo
Alto. T was teaching guitar and he was teaching drums," Garcia said. He is especially
good at laying rhythms under a solo line played by the guitars. Bob Weir, the rhythm
guitarist, "doesn't play that much slraight rhythm," Garcia said, "he thinks of all these
lovely, pretty things to do."
The Dead (thev were originillly known as the Warlocks) have been playing to
gether for ll\'er two years now. They spend at least five or six hours a day rehearsing
or playing or "just fooling around," Garcia continued.
"We're working with dynamics now. 'loVe'\'(' spent two years with loud, i1nd
we've spent six months with deafening' I think we're moving out of our loud stage.
We've learned after these past two years, that what's really important is that the
music be groovy, and if it's groovy enough and it's well played enough, it doesn't
have to be too loud."
Dance Band
The Dead's material comes from all the strains in American music. "We'll taKe an
idea and develop it; we're interesIPd in form. We still feel that our function is i1S a
dance band and that's what we like to do; we like to play for dancers. We're trying
to do new things of course, but not arrange our material to death. I'd say we've
stolen freely from eVE'rywhere, and we have no qualms about mixing our idioms.
242 The 1960s
Vou might hear some traditional style classical counterpoint cropping up in the
middle of some rowdy thing, you know!"
The eclectic electric music has won the Dead its Warner Brothers contract, of
fers of work in films, a dedicated group of fans who follow them faithfully and the
prospect of national tours, engagements in New York and elsewhere. But Garcia,
who is universally loved by the rock musicians and fans, is characteristically calm
about it all. ''I'm just a student guitar player," he concluded, "I'm trying to get bet
ter and learn how to play. We're all novices."
Further Reading
Dodd, David G., and Diana Spaulding. The Grate/ill Dead Reader. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2000.
Gleason, Ralph J. The Jeffersoll Airplalle and the Sail FrallCisco SOl/ud. New York: Ballantine
Books, 1969.
Lesh, Phil. Searching for the Sound: My Life with the Grateful Dead. New York: Back Bay
Books, 2006.
Meriwether, Nicholas G., ed. All Graceful Illstruments: The C011lexts of the Grateful Dead
Phenomenon. Newcastle, Engbnd: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2007.
O'Oair. Barb
but the rock bands there didn’t start becausE’ they wanted to make it. They dug get
ting stoned and playing for people dancing. Here they want to MAKE it. What we”ve
had to do is learn to control success, put it in perspectivE’ and not lose tl1(‘ essence of
what we’re doing-the music. Well, we played a gig in Philadelphia recently, and the
minute we walked offstage after the first set, it all fell back into place. We all looked
247
246 The 19605
at each other, like ‘T{emember me?’ We all remembered what it was all about. We’re
learning how to handle New York.”
San Francisco had been a saving place for her. “In Texas, I was a beatnik, a weirdo,
and since Twasn’t making it the way I am now, my parents thought I was a goner.
Now my mother writes and asks what kinds of clothes a 1968 blues singer wears.
That’s kind of groovy, since we’ve been on opposite sides since I was 14. Texas is O.K.
if you want to settle down and do your own thing quietly, but it’s not for outrageous
people, and I was always outrageous. I got treated very badly in Texas.” She smiled
grimly. “1l1ey don’t treat beatniks too good in Texas.”
Janis Joplin didn’t get into music until she was 17, when hard, basic blues
changed her from being a painter. “It was Leadbelly first. I knew what it was all
about from the very front. I was right into the blues.” She moved into a bluegrass
band in Austin, dug Bob Dylan and Woody Guthrie, but the blues were always her
base. She went to San Francisco to stay in 1962, and sang in folk clubs and bars until
she joined the Holding Company.
I told her that she was the first white blues singer (female) I’d heard since Teddy
Grace who sang the blues out of black influences but had developed her own sound
and phrasing. She’d never heard of Teddy Grace, also a Southern girl, but she
beamed. “God, I’m glad you think that. I keep trying to tell people that whites have
soul too. There’s no patent on soul. It’s just feeling things. I sure loved Otis Redding,
and Bessie Smith before him, but I don’t think I copy anybody much. I’ve got coun
try in my music too, but what changed things was singing with an electric band. All
that power behind you-that pulsating power. I had to react to what was behind me,
and my style got different. You can’t sing a Bessie Smith vocal with a rock band, so I
had to make up my own way of doing it.”
Do you categorize yourself at all? I asked. Would you call yourself a jazz singer?
“No, I don’t feel quite free enough with my phrasing to say I’m a jazz singer. I sing
with a more demanding beat, a steady rather than a lilting beat. I don’t riff over the
band; I try to punctuate the rhythm with my voice. That’s why Otis Redding is so
great. You can’t get away from him; he pounds on you; you can’t help butfeel him. He
was a man! Still is! Categories? I regard myself as a blues singer but then I regard my
self as a rock singer. Actually, I don’t feel there’s any separation now. I’m a chick
singer, that’s what I am.”
We had another drink. “You know how that whole myth of black soul came up?
That only they have soul?” She wasn’t asking, she was telling. “Because white people
don’t allow themselves to feel things. Housewives in Nebraska have pain and joy;
they’ve got soul if they’d give in to it. It’s hard. And it isn’t all a ball when you do. Me,
I never seemed to be able to control my feelings, to keep them down. When I was
young, my mother would try to get me to be like everybody else. ‘Think before you
speak.’ ‘Learn how to behave yourself.’ And I never would. But before getting into
this band, it tore my life apart. When you feel that much, you have superhorrible
downs. I was always victim to myself. I’d do wrong things, run away, freak out, go
crazy. Now, though, I’ve made feeling work for me, through music, instead of de
stroying me. It’s superfortunate. Man, if it hadn’t been for the music, I probably
would have done myself in.”
She looked tired, not so much from present feeling as from an all-night record session
the night before. Being made for Columbia, the album, due this spring, will be the
first to fully reflect-she hopes-what Big Brother and the Holding Company are all
about. (A previous, poorly recorded set, made much earlier, was issued despite the
group’s vehement protests.) “Making this record hasn’t been easy,” she said. “We’re
limi HendriX and the Electronic Guitar
not the best technicians around. We’re not the kind of dispassionate professionals
who can go into a studio and produce something quick and polished. We’re passion
ate; that’s all we are. And what we’re trying to get on record is what we’re good at-
insisting, getting people out of their chairs.”
“What also makes it hard for John Simon, who’s producing the album, is that
we’re kinda sloppy at the same time as we’re happy. Last night he was trying to get
something done and said ‘Come on, who’s the head of this band?’ There was a pause
because, well, no one is. We vote on things. We’re democratic. But I think we’re get
ting what we want into the recording.” She sighed. “We’ve got complete control over
this one, and if it’s no good, it’s our fault.”
Janis leaned back, smiled again. “Like I said, it’s hard to be free, but when it
works, it’s sure worth it.”
Further Reading
Dalton, David. Piece of My Heart: A Portmit llf Janis Joplin. New York: Oa Capo Press,
1991.
Echols, Alice. Scars (1f Sweet Paradise: The Life alld Times of Tallis J(1plill. New York: Holt
Paperbacks, 2000.
Joplin, Laura. Love, Jallis. New York: Villard, 1992.
Reynolds, Simon. The Sex Revolts: Gellder, Rebellion, ,md Rock’n’roll. Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1995.
Willis, Ellen. “Janis Joplin,” in Begilming to See the Light: Sex, Hope, and Rock-alld-RolI,
61–67. Hanover, N.H.: University Press, of New England, 1992.
Discography
Big Brother and the Holding Company. Clzeap Thills. Columbia, 1968.
___. Li,’eat Winterlalld ’68. Columbia Legacy, 1991\.
aplin, Janis. I Got Dem 01′ Kozmic Blues Agaill Mama! Columbia, 1969.
___. Pearl. Columbia, 1971.
____. Rax of Pearls. Sony Legacy, 1999.
45. Jimi HendriX and the Electronic Guitar
Like janis joplin, Jimi Hendrix (1942-7 0 ) first achieved prominence
through a form of highly amplified blues merged with psychedelic rock.
Hendrix’s path to that point, however, followed a very different trajectory
from Joplin’s: An African American raised in Seattle, Hendrix toured as a
sideman for R&B artists, such as Wilson Pickett and Little Richard, before
he moved to London, where he launched his solo career. While clearly
249 248 The 1960s
steeped in the blues, Hendrix made the most significant contribution of
any guitarist of his generation toward conceiving of the electric guitar as
an electronic instrument, rather than merely an amplified guitar. Distor
tion no longer occurred as a by-product of turning up an amplifier:
Hendrix made sustain and feedback an integral part of his technique, and
he pioneered the use of electronic devices, such as fuzztones and wah
wah pedals (he may not have been the first to use these, but he was the
first to incorporate them fully as more than gimmicks).
Again, like Joplin, Hendrix first came to the attention of American au
diences during the 1967 Monterey Pop Festival. Early commentaries (in
cluding those about this festival) all center on his highly theatrical stage
performance, which involved playing the guitar behind his head and with
his teeth, licking it (all techniques used by earlier blues and R&B musi
cians, such as T-Bone Walker), lighting it on fire, and finally destroying it
(in a gesture perhaps adapted from the Who’s Peter Townshend). The
highly sexualized performance of a black man in front of a white band
and (mostly) white audience also attracted attention and evoked some
uncomfortable contradictions within the counterculture, which (as I dis
cussed earlier) was almost entirely white despite a professed ethos of
inclusion.’
Hendrix’s compositions drew on blues and R&B, but also on psy
chedelic innovations in sound and recording, as well as on Dylan’s ap
proach to lyrics; as such, he was an innovator and synthesizer with few
previous peers among rock musicians.’ Hendrix freely acknowledged his
indebtedness to Dylan, both in interviews and by recording Dylan’s
“Like a Rolling Stone” (at Monterey Pop) and “All Along the Watch
tower” (which Dylan later said he preferred to his own version). His per
formance of the “Star Spangled Banner” was a highlight of the Wood
stock festival; Hendrix used his guitar wizardry to simulate exploding
bombs and sky-diving aircraft, turning the U.s. national anthem into an
antiwar protest song. Some of his comments to interviewers and his
abandonment of the Jimi Hendrix Experience (which was two-thirds
white) toward the end of his career revealed that Hendrix was wrestling
with the relationship of his music to his identity as an African American. 3
He died in September 1970 in his sleep from an accidental overdose of
barbituates.
1. For a fuller discw;sion of these issues, see Steve Waksman, l11,tnlll1ellts of Desire: Tlie Electric
Gllitnr (/11.1 tlie Shnping oflvll/sienl Experience (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999),
167-206.
2. See Greg Tate’s comments in his interview with George Clinton (rtybolf il1 thc R//ttcnnilk:
bsays on Ctmtelllpornry Alllerica [New York: Fireside/Simon and Schuster, 1992), 39-40, 92-93).
3. Again, see Waksman, l11str1111lCllts oj Desire. for a discussion of Hendrix in thc context of thc
black arts movement; and Samucl A. Floyd, The Power of Black lvI//sic: Interpreting /Is Hfstoryli·(llll
Ali-fca to tlie United States (New York: Oxford University PrpS’, 1995), for a discussion that includes
Hpndrix within a broader, theoretically informed conception of “black music.”
Jimi Hendrix and the Electronic Guitar
The critical response to Jimi Hendrix during his life featured much debate
about whether the highly theatrical performances early in his career were
a “gimmick” or not. Also common in the press were comparisons to Eric
Clapton and Cream, who achieved prominence at roughly the same time
with the same trio format and who also featured long, blues-based im
provisations. While all writers conceded the quality of Hendrix’s guitar
playing, many criticized his singing and his ability as a lyricist. The
English music press viewed him as part of the London scene (as indeed
he was for several years), and this article from the British music maga
zine, Melody Maker, provides a good example of that perspective, The
article also shows Hendrix in transition from the flashy theatrics of his
trio and reveals his awareness of earlier criticisms. Like so many articles
from this period (and after), this article raises the opposition of art to
mass culture. Because the author accepts the terms of this opposition,
“showmanship” of the kind associated with Hendrix must result from an
artistic compromise-appealing to teenyboppers-rather than from
continuity with previous African American approaches to performance.
SECOND DIMENSION: JIMI HENDRIX IN ACTION
Bob Dawbarn
Jimi Hendrix-like Eric C1apton, the Nice, the Pink Floyd and many others-is faced
with one major problem.
He is trying to produce music with claims to permanent value, yet the outlets for
that music are the mass media which, as yet, seem unable to distinguish between a
Jimi Hendrix or a Donald Peers.
This means that a Hendrix must continually compromise in order to conform to
the patterns demanded by his means of communication.
To stay in business he must make singles, he finds he is forced into acts of show
manship to get his music across, he must make use of publicity machines geared to
the needs of teenyboppers.
Before his Albert Hall concert last Tuesday he told me: “1 just hope the concert
turns out all right. We haven’t played in a long time and we concentrate on the music
now.
“As long as people come to listen rather than to see us, then everything will be
all right. It’s when they come to expect to see you doing certain things on stage that
you can get hung up.”
Jimi dislikes miming on TV. “If you play live, nobody can stop you or dictate
what you play beyond setting a time limit.”
A good example was his recent appearance on the Lulu show when he surprised
everybody in the studio by suddenly shifting from “Hey Joe” into “Sunshine Of Your
Love” as a tribute to Cream.
“It was the same old thing,” explained Jimi, “with people telling us what to do.
They wanted to make us play ‘Hey Joe.’ I was uptight about it, so I caught Noel’s and
Mitch’s attention and we went into the other thing.
SOlll’CC: Bob Dawbarn, “Second Dimension: Jimi Hendrix in Action,” Melodylvlnker, March 1, 1969,
pp.14-15
251
L~U The 19605
“I dream about having our own show where we would have all contemporary
artists as guest stars. Everybody seems to be busy showing what polished perform
ers they are and that means nothing these days-it’s how you feel about what you
are doing that matters.
“r just cross off people who are just in it for their own ego scene instead of trying
to show off another style of music.”
Jimi “dmits that he feels a little restricted by the Trio format.
“It restricts everybody-Noel and Mitch, too,” he said. “Now and then]’d like to
break away and do a bit of classic blues. Mitch wants to get into a jazz thing and Noel
has this thing with Fat mattress and wants to go on an English rock thing-how
about Anglo Rock. A patriotic blues-rock music.”
As a performer, Hendrix seems to be going through a period of change at the mo
ment leaning towards extended performances.
Personally, I find his playing has great impact when disciplined by a four minute
track. The longer things on the “Electric Ladyland” album don’t always come off, his
ideas seem to get diffused. But this is no doubt a time of transition.
Nobody is better at conveying an atmosphere in a few phrases-there was the
menace of “Purple Haze,” the raw, immensely masculine “Hey Joe,” the blues influ
ence of “Foxy Lady.” And listen to the way guitar and voice complement each other
on something like “51st Anniversary.” Or the way he shows blues can be utterly con
temporarv on “Voodoo Chile.”
“You have to make people identify with the music,” explains Jimi. “You make a
record in the hope that the public may want to buy it, so you have to make it pre
sentable in some way. They have to have an identification mark.
“The trouble is that a single has to be under six minutes-it used to be under
three, which was a real hang-up. It’s like you used to be able to give them just one
page of a book, now you can give them two or three pages-but never the whole book.
‘T11e music is what matters. If an audience are really digging you on a show, then
naturally you get excited and it helps. But a bad audience really doesn’t bother me
that much because then it is a practice session, a chance to get things together.
“I always enjoy playing, whether it’s before ten people or 10,000. And I don’t
even care if they boo, as long as it isn’t out of key.
“I don’t try to move an audience-it’s up to them what they get from the music.
If they have paid to see us then we are going to do our thing.
“If we add a bit of the trampoline side of entertainment then that is a fringe ben
efit but we are there to play music. If we stand up there all night and play our best
and they don’t dig it, then they just don’t dig us and that’s all there is to it.”
Jimi is rather underrated as a songwriter-the imagery of the lyric of “The Wind
Cries Mary,” for example, could not have been written by anyone else.
”I’ve not written too many heavy things recently,” he told me. “Most of what I
have done will come out on the next LP in the late summer. [don’t trY tll make a thing
about my songs when I put them on record. I try to make them honest and there
doesn’t seem too much point in talking about them.
“The people who listen to them are the ones who will know whether they are
successful or not.”
One of the things Jimi seems to be cutting out of his personal appearances is
playing guitar with his teeth.
“The idea of doing that came to me in a town in Tennessee,” he recalled. “Down
there you have to play with your teeth or else you get shot. There’s a trail of broken
teeth aJl over the stage.
)imi Hendrix and the Electronic Guitar
“It was another way of letting out things and you have to know what you are
doing or you might hurt yourself. The trouble was audiences took it as something
they must see or they don’t enjoy the show. So 1 don’t do it much any more. We don’t
do too much of anything any more, except play music.”
Jimi says it is usually the lyrics that attract him to a song.
“Maybe a lyric has only five wordS and the music takes care of the rest,” he said.
“1 don’t mean my lyrics to be clever. What I want is for people to listen to the music
and words together, as one thing. Sometimes you get wrapped up in the words and
forget the music-in that case I don’t think the song can be completely successful.
“Generally, 1 don’t do other people’s songs unless they really say something to
me.”
Jimi laughed when I said I thought I could detect church music influences in
some of his things.
“Spiritual music, maybe,” he said. “But if you say you are playing electric church
music people go ‘gasp, gasp’ or ‘exclaim, exclaim.”’
“The word church is too identified with religion and n1.usic is my religion. Jesus
shouldn’t have died so early and then he could have got twice as much across.
“They killed him and then twisted SO many of the best things he said. Human
hands started messing it all up and now so much of religion is hogswash.
“So much of it is negative-Thou Shalt Not. Look at sex. It’s been screwed
around so much I’m surprised babies are still being born.
“Don’t get me wrong. I’m not trying to stop people going to church. Hut as long
as I’m not hurting anybody else I don’t see why they should tell me how to live and
what to do.”
Further Reading
Chenoweth, Lawrence. “The Rhetoric of Hope and Despair: A Study of the Jimi HendriX
Experience and the Jefferson Airplane.” American Quarterly 23 (1971): 25-45.
Cross, Charles R. Room Full of Mirrors: A HioSl”aphy of jimi Hmdrix. New York: Hyperion,
2005.
Murray, Charles Shaar. Crosstown Traffic: Ji1l1i Hendrix and The post-War Rock ‘N’ Roll
Revolution. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991,
Waksman, Steve. Instruments of Desin’: Thc Electric Guitar and tile Shaping or Musical
Experience. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999.
Zak III, Albin J. “Bob Dylan and )imi Hendrix: Juxtaposition and Transformation ‘All
along the Watchtower.”’ joumal of the Americall Musicolo:;;ical Society 57 (2004):
599-644.
Discography
The Jimi Hendrix Experience. Are You E:qJerienced. Track Records, 1967.
___ . Axis: Bo/d as Love. Track Records, 1967.
___. Electric Lady/and. Reprise, 1968.
___. Band of Gypsies. Capitol, 1970.
253
46. Rock Meets the Avant-Garde
Frank Zappa
Frank Zappa’s (1940-93) persona presents an imposing conundrum: im
mensely talented and witty to his fans, unbearably obnoxious to his de
tractors. After an involvement in a diverse range of musical activities and
genres, Zappa formed the Mothers of Invention, signed a recording con
tract with Verve Records (known primarily as a jazz label), and recorded
Freak Out! (released in August 1966), one of the first, if not the first,
album to be organized around a concept, rather than simply presenting
an assemblage of songs (the other contender for this distinction is the
Beach Boys’ Pet Sounds, released in May 1966). Freak Out! was also one
of the first rock albums to feature classical avant-garde approaches to
composition, electronics, and sound – in fact, even describing the album
as “rock” demonstrates the breadth of that generic label. Other artists,
primarily the Beatles, received more attention for their incorporation of
such techniques, primarily because their music was heard by a larger au
dience, but none pursued the use of such experimentation within a rock
context as zealously as Zappa.
Zappa’s use of parody also stands out in the context of the time: He
seemed simultaneously to belong to the counterculture and to mock it.
Although it is doubtful that a figure like Zappa could have emerged at any
other time and found an audience even as large as the one he had (mean
ing that he owed something to the social context of the time, and, hence,
to the counterculture), the parodic aspects of his music and his separa
tion from the counterculture became more obvious with the release of
successive albums. His incorporation of an avant-garde classical perfor
mance approach also became more aggressive over time, as did his
guitar pyrotechnics. While not really part of the (mostly British) progres
sive- or art-rock genre per se, Zappa’s concern with integrating art music
approaches to rock overlaps to some extent with that of such progressive
rock bands as King Crimson and Yes.
This 1968 article captures Frank Zappa’s role in his band, the Mothers of
Invention, as analogous to that of a conductor of a classical music en
semble and comments upon and provides examples of Zappa’s ironic ver
bal style. The description of Zappa as a modernist is apt, particularly with
regard to his disdain of the audience; his attitude seems to personify the
modernist credo-“if it’s popular, it must be bad.” Nevertheless, the tone
of general approval in the article reveals the increasing acceptance of
such high-art notions within the public discourse of rock music. At this
252
Rock Meets the Avant-Garde
moment, the rock audience, writ large, was understood to have room for
highly intellectualized parodies of itself.
ZAPPA AND THE MOTHERS: UGLY CAN BE BEAUTIFUL
Sally Kempton
It is 1 A.M. on a Friday night and the Mothers of Invention are recording part of the
soundtrack for their forthcoming movie. Ian is playing the harpsichord and Bunk is
playing the flute. They huddle together in a cluster of microphones, Bunk leaning
over Ian’s shoulder to read the music propped up on the harpsichord stand. Bunk
wears a goatee and a matching moustache, and his long thick hair is gray (in the stu
dio light it looks like a powered [sic] wig). Resembling a figure in an old etching, he
bends closer to Ian, his flute poised, and Ian straightens his back and places his fin
gers on the harpsichord keys. Poised like musicians at a nineteenth-century musicale,
they wait for a signal to begin. One feels they are waiting to playa Mozart sonata.
Inside the control booth Frank Zappa, wearing a T-shirt bearing the legend
“Herzl Camp, Garner, Wisconsin,” is fiddling with knobs on the control board.
“You’re going to have to do the parody notes more staccato, Ian,” he says through the
intercom.
“You want a little bebop vibrato on that too?” calls Ian.
“Yeah, a little bebop a go go,” says Frank. Dick Cunk, the engineer, flips the
“record” switch.
“OK, for fame and stardom,” says Frank. “You ready?”
Ian and Bunk begin to play a series of dissonant, rhythmic, oddly beautiful
chords. The people in the control booth listen intently.
“This is going to be a nice soundtrack,” someone says.
Frank Zappa is bent over a music sheet, writing out the next piece. “Yeah,” he
says. “This is one the folks can enjoy listening to at home.”
Frank Zappa is an ironist. He is also a serious composer, a social satirist, a pro
moter, a recording genius, but his most striking characteristic is his irony. Irony per
meates his music, which is riddled with parodies of Charles Ives and Guy Lombardo,
of Bartok and the Penguins and Bo Diddly and Ravel and Archie Shepp and Stravin
sky and a whole army of obscure fifties rhythm and blues singers. [t permeates his
lyrics, which are filled with outlandish sexual metaphors and evocations of the
culture of the American high school and the American hippie.
Irony is the basis of his public image. In pursuit of absurdity he has had hlmself
photographed sitting naked on the toilet. His latest album is titled We’re Only ill It
for the Money. And he has appeared on television speaking in well-rounded
periods about music and society and The Scene, all the while emanating a kind of
inspired freakishness. Zappa’s is the sort of irony which arises from an immense
self-consciousness, a distrust of one’s own seriousness. It is the most modernist of
defense mechanisms, and Zappa is an almost prototypically modernist figure; there
are moments when he seems to be living out a parody of the contemporary sensibility.
And now he and his group are teenage idols, or anti-idols, and Zappa’s irony,
which, because it is so often expressed through contemporary cliches, is the most
Source: Sally Kempton, “Zappa and the Mothers: Ugly Can Be Beautiful,” Village Voice, January ll,
1968, pp. 1, 10.
255 254 The 19605
ilccessible pnrt of his musicill idiom, turns on audiences and milkes the Mothers, in
addition tLl everything else, a splendid comedy act. Until recently Zappa’s voice,
the paradigm California voice, could be heard on the radio doing “greasy teen-age
commercials” for Hagstrom Guitars. During the Mothers’ live appearances he sits
on a stool, his expression deadpan above his bandillero moustache, and occasion
ally he will lean over and spit on the floor under the bilndstand, saying to the
audience: “Pigs!”
“Actually, we don’t turn on audiences,” he said the other day. “Not in the sense
that other groups do, anyway. I think of that sort of thing as the strobes going and
everybody dancing and love-rock-at-the-Fillmore bullshit-if anybody felt like that
about us it’d be for the wrong reasons. Last week we were playing in Philadelphia and
we got seven requests, so we played them all at once. It was fantastic. Sherwood was
playing the sax part to one song: the whole thing, even the rests. It was really great.
But nobody knew what we were playing. They couldn’t even tell the songs apart. Half
the time, when we’re really doing something, the audience doesn’t know what it is.
Sometimes the guys in the band don’t know.”
But the Mothers’ first album sold a quarter of a million copies and the second has
done almost as well. And when they played a long stretch at the Garrick last summer
they were beset by loyal groupies. Perhaps the groupies sensed the presence of a gov
erning intelligence, perhaps they simply dug perversity. In any case, the Mothers
have an audience.
Frank Zappa is twenty-seven years old. He was born in Baltimore and began
playing drums in a rock-and-roll band in Sacramento when he was fifteen.
“It’s almost impossible to convey what the rand b scene was like in Sacramento,”
he says. “There were gangs there, and every gang was loyal to a particular band. They
weren’t called groups, they were called bands. They were mostly Negro and Mexican,
and they tried to get the baddest sound they could. It was very important not to sound
like jazz. And there was a real oral tradition of music. Everybody played the same
songs, with the same arrangements, and they tried to playas close as possible to the
original record. But the thing was that half the time the guys in the band had never
heard the record-somebody’s older brother would own the record, and the kid would
memorize it and teach it to everybody else. At one point all the bands in Sacramento
were playing the same arrangement of ‘Okey Dokey Stomp’ by Clarence Gatemouth
Brown. The amazing thing was that it sounded almost note for note like the record.”
Zappa was lying in bed, eating breakfast and playing with his three-month-old
baby. He lives with his wife, Gait and the baby, in a long basement apartment in the West
Village. The apartment has a garden and its walls are papered with posters and music
sheets and clippings from magazines; there is a full-length poster of Frank in the hall and
a rocking chair in the living room with a crocheted cover that says “Why, what pigs?”
Frank was in bed because he had been up all night before, recording. “The reason
1 can stand New York is because Tspend all my time here or at the studio,” he said.
“Mostly at the studio,” said his wife, smiling.
“Let’s see, my life,” he said. “Well, when I was sixteen my father moved us to a
little town out in the country. That was terrible, Thated it. 1 was used to Sacramento,
yOLl see. 1 was the strangest thing that ever hit that high school They were so anxious
to get rid of me they even gave me a couple of awards when! graduated. After that
my father wanted me to go to college. I said no, I was interested in music, I didn’t
want to go to college. So I hung out at home for awhile, but there was nobody to talk
to, everybody else being at college, so I finally decided I should go too. That was very
ugly. I stayed for a year. In the meantime I had shacked up with this girl and married
Rock Meets the Avant-Garde
her. We stayed married for five years during which time I held a number of jobs” (he
listed the jobs). “Then in 1963 we were living in Cucamonga and there was a record
ing studio there which I bought for $1000, also assuming the former owner’s debts.
He had hundreds of tapes, among them such big hits as” (he named three or four ob
scure songs) “and 1 took the tapes and the equipment and began fooling around.
About that time I got divorced and moved into the studio. I spent all my time exper
imenting; a lot of stuff the Mothers do was worked out there.”
A year later the studio was torn down to make room for a widened road, but by
that time he had gotten the Mothers together. “We were playing at local beer joints for
like six dollars a night. T finally decided this would not do, so I began calling LIp all
the clubs in the area. This was in 1965, and to get work you had to sound like the
Beatles or the Rolling Stones. You also had to have long hair and due to an unfortu
nate circumstance all my hair had been cut off. I used to tell club managers that we
sounded exactly like the Rolling Stones. Anyway we finally got a booking in a club in
Pomona, and were something of a hit. It was more because of our act than because of
our music. People used to go away and tell their friends that here was this group that
insulted the audience.
“Then M-G-M sent someone around to sign us to a contract. Their guy came into
the club during a set of ‘Brain Police’ and he said, ‘Aha, a protest rhythm and blues
group: so they paid us accordingly. The fee we got for signing was incredibly smaIl,
particularly considering the number of guys in the group.”
Nowadays, of course, Zappa runs something of an empire. He has an advertis
ing agency (“mostly to push our own products, at least so far”), and a movie coming
out which someone else shot but for which they are going to do the soundtrack The
movie is a surrealistic documentary called “Uncle Meat”; it is shot in a style Zappa
refers to as “hand-held Pennebaker bullshit,” and it will be edited to fit the music.
“Then we’re going to do a monster movie in Japan-Japan is where they do the
best monster work. And we’re starting our own record company. We’ll record our
own stuff and also some obscure new groups.”
It was time for him to go to the studio. The Mothers have rented Apostolic Stu
dios on Tenth Street for the entire month of January. “One hundred and eighty
hours-not as much time as the Beatles use, of course, we can’t afford that”-and
that is where Zappa spends most of his time. He puts on a brown leather greatcoat,
pulls a red knitted cap over his ears, and sets out, talking about his music as he walks.
“Stockhausen isn’t really an influence:’ he says. “That is, I have some at his
records but I don’t play them much. Cage is a big influence. We’ve done a thing with
voices, with talking that is very like one of his pieces, except that of course in our
piece the guys are talking about working in an airplane factory, or their cars.
“It was very tough getting the group together in the beginning. A lot of guys
didn’t want to submit to our packaging. They didn’t like making themselves ugly,
but they especially didn’t like playing ugly. It’s hard getting a musician to play ugly,
it contradicts all his training. It’s hard to make them understand that all that ugliness
taken together can come out sounding quite beautiful.”
The studio, when he arrived, was nearly deserted, except for Mother Don
Preston, who sat at the organ wearing earphones and playing a piece audible only to
himself. “Can you run a playback on the violins?” he asked when Frank came ill.
“Sure:’ said Frank. “We recorded this thing last night. I found some violins in a
closet and I gave them to three of the guys. None of them had ever played a Violin
before. They were making all these weird sounds on them, and then in the middle I
got them to add some farts. It’s a concerto for farts and violins.”
257 256 The 1960s
But instead of playing back the violin thing, Dick put on a tape of “Lumpy Gravy,”
one of the Mothers’ new records, an instrumental piece, framed at the beginning and
end with cocktail music, and interspersed with quiet, hollow, surreal voices talking
behind a continuous hum of resonating piano strings. The music has overtones of
Bartok and Ives, but by some stylistic alchemy it ends by sounding like nothing but
Zappa. It is an impressive record. Three or four people had drifted into the control
room while it was playing, and after it was over someone said, “I love that piece.”
“Yeah, but will the kids go for it,” said Frank.
“It’s good to have it out,” said Don, “so people will know what you can do.”
“No, no,” Frank said. “It’s good to have it out so I can take it home and listen to it.”
Further Reading
Ashby, Arved. “Frank Zappa and the Anti-Fetishist Orchestra.” The Musical Quarterly 83
(1999): 557-606.
Koste!anetz, Richard. The Frank Zappa Companion: Four Decades of COl1ll/lelltary. New
York: Schirmer Books, 1997. ”
Lowe, Kelly Fisher. The Words alld Music of Frank Zappa. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2006.
Watson, Ben. Frank Zappa: The Negative Dialectics of Poodle Play. New York: St. Martin’s
Press, 1995.
Wragg, David. “‘Or Any Art at All?’ Frank Zappa Meets Critical Theory.” PopUlar Music
20 (2001): 205-22.
Discography
The Mothers of Invention. Freak Ollt’ Verve, 1966.
Zappa, Frank. and the Mothers of Invention. Lumpy Gravy. Verve, 1967.
____. We’re Only in Ufor the Malley. Verve, 1968.
____. Weasels Ripped My Flesh. Bizarre Records, 1973.
47. Pop/Bubblegum/Monkees
Although the emergence of rock criticism during 1966-67 led to an
unprecedented amount of writing about popular music, this writing fo
cused on only a portion of the popular music circulating at the time.
Omitted from rock criticism was “pop”: music that continued the
tradition of teen idols, of schlock-rock, of “middle-of-the-road,” “easy
listening” pop, resembling nothing so much as the popular music that
antedated rock ‘n’ roll. While rock music and the counterculture were
attracting ever-increasing amounts of media attention, it is important to
Pop/Bubblegum/Monkees
remember that Frank Sinatra (“Strangers in the Night”l, Nancy Sinatra
(“These Boots Are Made forWalkin”’l, Frank and Nancy Sinatra (“Some
thin’ Stupid”l, and Sgt. Barry Sadler (“The Ballad of the Green Berets”)
all had Number One pop hits during the years (1966-67) in which rock
criticism emerged.
Among acts catering to young consumers, the Monkees were by far
the most successful. A made-for-TV group, the Monkees were modeled
on the Beatles, and their television series, which began broadcasting in
1966, adapted aspects of the humor and cinematic style of the Beatles’
early movies. The Monkees’ music represented (at least initially) an at
tempt by some of the best professional songwriters (many of them
holdovers from the Brill Building) to write in the style of the “new rock.'”
Robert Christgau is probably best known to readers as the primary pop
music critic and editor for the Village Voice, a position he held from the
early 1970S until 2006. Christgau was one of the few “new rock” critics
to grapple with the phenomenon of the Monkees or, for that matter, with
unabashedly commercial music in general. Christgau is concerned, in
these essays and others written around the same time, that rock be a
“popular art.” When he states, as he does here, that “good rock is
largely a matter of production and publicity,” or when he compares the
Monkees’ latest single release favorably to the Beatles’ because of its
superior commercial performance, he is implicitly confronting the grow
ing critical orthodoxy that artistry in rock music must be opposed to
commercialism. 2
from ANY OLD WAY You CHOOSE IT: ROCK AND OTHER
POP MUSIC, 1967-1973
Robert Christgau
June, 1967. The Monkees are four young men who star in an adolescent TV comedy
of the same name and make records that rise to the top of the charts like jellyfish.
They were chosen (from a hirsute field of 437) not for musical ability but for
1. For an attempt to view the Monkees as a representation of the counterculture, rather than
its antithesis, see Aniko Bodroghkozy. Gma1’c Tube: Sixties Telc1′;,;on Rnd the YiJuth RelJclliol1
(Durham, N.C: Duke University Press, 2001), 66-75. For a contemporary mainstream account,see
“Romp! Romp’:’ Newsweek, October 24,1966,102.
2. A particularly good example of Christgau’s ecumenical approach may be found in his
“Rock Lyrics Are Poetry (Maybe):’ in Ti,e Age of Rock: Sounds of the American Cultural ReI’oll/liDI1,
ed. Jonathan Eisen (New York: Random House, 1969),230–43 (first published in Cheelah in
December 1967), in which he discusses the work of Dylan and other “heavy rock” artists “Jon!’;’
side the more overtly commercial work of Simon and Garfunkel and the Mamas and the P”pas.
Source: Robert Christgau, A/11{ Old WOlf You Choose It: Rock and Othrr Po!, Music, 1967-197.1
(New York: Cooper Square Press, 2(00), pp. 38–39, 47–41′. Originally published in June 1967
and December 1967 in Esquire. Reprinted by permission of Robert Christgau.
258 The 19605
exuberance and irreverence, qualities salient in the chaps who were in those very suc
cessful Richard Lester movies. You remember.
You’d better, because the Monkees, conceived as a haircut on A Hard Day’s Night
and Help’, find themselves sole inheritors of the great Beatie tradition. The originals
have abdicated, withdrawing from teeny idolatry into their music, which is popular
but personal and exotic. Young fans, confused, miss those nice noppy Englishmen
they fell for three years ago, and the Monkees provide a wholesome American sub
stitute (with an Englishman added for remembrance). They’re not too handsome, not
too pretentious, and every week tbey do silly things for thirty minutes, not counting
commercials. At the moment the kids seem to love them.
For similar reasons, serious rock fans hate them. They know the Monkees are to
gether by happenstance, that they are not too irreverent, too precocious, too sexual
too anything. They know they are lousy singers and can hardly play their instruments.
They note that Micky Dolenz was once “Circus Boy” and forget that Mike Nesmith has
had a respectably bumpy folk-rock career. And they conclude that the music stinks.
It doesn’t. It’s not great, but it is good, better than much of what makes top
ten-an important test if rock is truly a popular art. The group’s second album,
More of the Monkees, is hard to criticize objectively. Do I hear that dishonest edge in
a funny, raucous song like “Your Auntie Grizelda” because it’s there l)1′ because I ex
pect it to be? Who can tell? With a couple of horrible exceptions, the songs sound
OK, testimony to the truth that good rock is largely a matter of production and pub
licity. “Mary, Mary,” which Nesmith wrote and produced, is very successful. He is
their clearest talent and a bit of a real rebel. One would hope that he and not Dolenz
will dominate the group. Something may come of this yet.
But whatever it is, it won’t be the Beatles.
Deccmber, 1967. !tis time for a progress report on the Monkees, who tooka big gamble by
releasing analbum and a single at about the same time as the big fellas from England. The
album, Hmdqllarters, has not done as well as Sgt. Pepper, but “Pleasant Valley Sunday”
blw “Words” is two-sided top ten, whereas” All You Need Is Love” is one-sided.
My original analysis of the group pitted Mike Nesmith (struggling singer, hence
good) against Micky Dolenz (ex-child actor, hence bad). As it turns out, the real bad
die seems to be the other ex-child actor, Davy Jones, a repulsive showbiz type, cute as
a push button. The rest? Peter Tork is an anxiety-prone phonv, Dolenz a likable oaf
with a strong voice, and Nesmith still the most talented of the four, which may not be
saying much. His “You Just May Be the One” and “Sunny Girlfriend” are by h~r the
best songs on Headquarters and would sl)und good anywhere.
The Monkees began, if you’ll remember, as poor vocalists and no musicians at illl,
but now, as a note on the album proclaims, they are Doing It Themselves, This means
they are venturing live performances. I saw them at Forest Hills, and they stank. That
crisp studio sound was weak and ragged on stage, and their Act (they tell the press
that the kids won’t go for “four dots” anymore) was unbelievably (l)rny. The kids
screamed, of course, but the stadium was far from full, and the 01lEo’ lonelv rush at the
stage quickly stymied by a bored and overstaffed security force. Good signs.
Further Reading
Bodroghkozy, Aniko. Gro01’e Tllbe: Sixtin; Tcle1’isio1l and tile YOlltl1 Rcl>rllio1l. Durham,
N.C.: Duke University Press, 2001.
Christgau, Robert. “Rock Lyrics Are Poetry (Maybe).” In 1’11,. Age of R”ck: SOllnds or the
A1I1e,.iC
” recent blurb in tht> Spring 2002 TiIlIC-Li!,’ music c”talog:
During thellJf:'()s, th
Two years lztter, TillIe feCltufl’d an article on the same subject (\\Tith a focus on Joni Mitchell) as
thdr cover storv. “Rock ‘n’ Roll’, Lt’ading L”dy,” Ti111e, Dt’cl’mber 16, ]974,63-66 (the titlt’ on the
cover is “Rock WOl1wn: Songs of Pride (lnd Passion”).
The Sound of Autobiography
housewife.”3 All this highlights how neither the mainstream press
(represented by Stereo Review, the publication where this article orig
inally appeared) nor the publications most associated with rock criti
cism (there are remarkably few articles from this period on female
singer-songwriters) could accommodate the new musical roles af
forded to women by the singer-songwriter genre.
CAROLE KING: “You CAN GET TO KNOW ME
THROUGH My MUSIc”
Robert Windeler
The unquestioned queen of the singer/songwriter phenomenon that has already led
to some quieter sounds and more thoughtful lyrics in the music of the 1970’s is Carole
King. (The question of kingship remains highly debatable and must be taken up an
other day.) And where Carole has led, others have followed. In fact, the disc jockeys
and record buyers of the United States haven’t had such an array of female voice5 to
choose from since the days when Patti Page, Jo Stafford, and Rosemary Clooney were
singing about sand dunes on Cape Cod, jambalaya and crawfish pie in New Orleans,
waltzes in Tennessee, and pyramids along the Nile, and that was so long ago that it
only cost a nickel a song to hear Teresa Brewer on the jukebox. However, there is a
crucial difference between now and those earlier times: most of today’s women write
their own material.
Carole King was a successful songwriter for a dozen years before she released, at
the age of thirty-two, her second solo album as a performer. The record was called
“Tapestry,” and the songs on it do weave a highly subjective view of life. They have
also kept Carole King and half a dozen other singers at the top of music surveys ever
since. “Tapestry” at last count had sold more than 5,500,000 copies in this country
alone and has long since surpassed the movie soundtrack of Thc Sound of Music, the
original Broadway-cast recording of My Fair Ladl/’ and Simon & Garfunkel’s “Bridge
over Troubled Water” as the best-selling record album of all time. Carole won three
Grammy Awards at the 1972 ceremonies of the Academy of Recording Arts and
Sciences in Hollywood. Such artists as Peggy Lee, Barbra Streisand, and James Taylor
sing Carole King songs, as do Blood, Sweat and Tears and Dionne Warwicke, but so
far no one sings You’vc Got a Friend, I Feel the Earth Mopc, or Where You Lead as suc
cessfully as Carole herself does.
Sh~ is a near-recluse who is married for the second time and the mother of three.
She didn’t attend her triple-win Grammy ceremonies because she was still nun;ing her
latest baby. When not rehearsing, performing, or recording, she keeps house in Laurel
Canyon, West Hollywood, and still considers herself a writer rather than a perfDrmer.
Carole’s long climb to the top has been dazzling, but she is most reluctant tD talk
about it. She likes her three dogs, her privacy, and most other musicians. She di~ljkes
interviews, and even the very rare one she grants will have to take place after a whole
3. This description is strangely reminiscent of the profile of Areth” Franklin given in chap leT 37.
Source: Robert Windeler, “Carole King: ‘You Can Get to Know Me Through My Music:” Stm’<7
Review (May 1973): 76~77. Reprinted bv permission of Wright's Rpprints.
282 The 19705
long list of other more important things get done, such as taking empty soda bottles to
the recycling center. cI1w young woman who stuns audiences whenever she appears on
tour, and sits at the piano nearly mesmerized by her own music, says Simply "I want
my music to speak for me. You can get to know me through my music." Music indus
try insiders have been doing just that since 1959 when she wrote (ironically, with her
ex-husband) Will )~'u Still Love Me TimlOrrow?, a Shirelles hit then and a standard now.
She was bom in New York, went to high school in Brooklyn, attended college in
Manhattan (City) and Queens (Queens), married her high-school sweetheart, and had
two children (her third was not born until November 1971). Carole and her husband
collaborator, Gerry Goffin, had a string of hits, including a song they wrote and pro
duced for their maid, who billed herself as Little Eva when she performed her
employers' Loco-Motion. Goffin and King survived rather than participated in the
brasher sounds of the 1960's, and created songs in their own style for Aretha Franklin
(Natural Womou), the Drifters (Up on the Roo!>, and others. cI11e marriage did not survive,
however, and in 1968 Carole left New York for Los Angeles. “I needed to get together a
new identity,” Carole says. “Tt’s very hard to maintain a marriage writing together.” But
the Goffins found they were occasionally able to collaborate after their breakup.
As early as 1961, Carole had auditioned as a recording artist, doing a demon
striltion record of her own It Might O~ Well Rain Until September, which was eventually
recorded by Bobby Vee. And Atlantic Records’ president Ahmet Ertegun says he re
memhers “this little Jewish girl constantly hanging around begging me to let her
make a record.” But Carole didn’t really get the chance to record until she joined with
guitarist Danny Koolch and a drummer in a Los Angeles group called the City in
196R. James Tilylor <'ame to LA., and Kootch, who had worked with him in New
York, introduced Taylor to Carole. Taylor played guitar in jam sessions with the City,
and they produced a nice, straightforward sOlmd that was slightly ilhead of its time.
Tilylor asked Carole to play piano on his second album, "Sweet Baby James,"
which introduced the phenomenal Fire and Rain. Carole then approached Lou Adler,
producer of "Tapestry" and founder Ihead of Ode Records, Carole's label, to help her
do a solo record. She had known him in the late Fifties and early Sixties when she was
under contract to Colgems Music Publishing and he was their West Coast manager.
Although a fan of Carole's who had often tried to persuade her to record, Adler was still
busy with the Mamas and the Papas, so he turned her over to a friend, John Fishback,
who produced her first illbum. "Caroh> King: Writer,” as it was called, contained twelve
King songs and ten lyrics by Gerry Goffin, who also mixed the recording. “Writer” sold
all of eight thousilnd copies, mostly to friends and bns in the business who had been
collecting her old demos and tapes all those years anyway. But the album was critically
acclaimed, ilnd Adler, one of the boy wonders of the music business since his Dunhill
dilys, took personal charge of Carole’s second, third, and fourth albums.
Taylor, Kootch, ilnd Charles Larkey (a bass player with a group called Jo Mama
and Cilrole’s current husband), played on her first album and all subsequent ones.
Cilroll’ began touring with Taylor, at first just playing the piano for him, then doing
an occasional solo, finally as second act on the bill (with .10 Mamil opening the show).
She electrified iludiences, but the album remained il dud commerciallvc Adler, who
speculates that it was because “Writer” was soft-sell and had more of a-jazz feel than
“lilpestry,” which milnilged to be commercial without compromising Carole’s bilsic
musical integrity, said, “Nothing discourilged me. I’m a fan and in love with her.”
Suddenly it was Carole King, performer, and she, for one, was scared. “As a
writer it’s very safe and womb-like,” is Carole’s view, “because somebody else gets
the credit or the blame.” She WilS nervous about performing live, and credits the la
conic country-tinged singer I composer Tilylor with teaching her how to relax. As for
the singer Isongwriter phenomenon she finds herself such an importilnt pilrt of, “It’s
The Sound of Autobiography l~::S
a question of everything moving in cycles. In the Sixties, after President Kennedy’s
death, everything got very ‘anti.’ 111e Beatles in all their glorious insolence were the
start of <1I1ti-heroism, anti-romanticism. Now the cycle has gone back to romanticism.
People got sick of the psychedelic sound and wilnted softer moods."
She counts herself fortunate to have "happened to be there at the right time."
And Carole characterizes herself as not being success-motivated. "I wilnt to play
music, but I have no particular desire for the limelight itself."
"I have always written more in the direction of my friends and family," she says. "1
like to touch them with my songs; touching a mass of people is a whole other trip-it is
a high-energy trip and it's very exciting, but it's another trip. I don't want to be a Star
with a capital S. 111e main reason I got into performing and recording on my own \vas
to expose my songs to the public in the fastest way. I don't consider myself a singer."
Carole's husband Charles is several years her junior (Carole is quite hung up on
being 34, an advanced age for a pop heroine, and wishes she were a good deal
younger). She lives with him, her two daughters by Goffin, who are now eleven and
thirteen, and the Larkeys' own child in her white frame house in Laurel Canyon.
When she writes a song (now often serving as her own lyricist), Cilrole has a general
idea about what she wants, discusses it with Adler, and then sits down with the mu
sicians selected, illways including Taylor and her husband. "We play it a couple of
times and we learn it just by listening because we are all so close," she says. "Then it's
only a question of polishing and refining it, until it has a degree of spontaneity about
itbut is still tight."
Carole's third and fourth albums, "Music" and "Rhymes and Reasons," have
come ilnd gone. Although "Music" did not come close to the sales total for "Tapestry,"
it sold 1,200,000 copies, hardly an embarrassment in an industry in which $1,000,000
in sales is recognized by a gold record award. The ilcceplance she's received as a com
poser is whilt keeps her going as il perfnrmeL And it is in writing that she really ex
presses herself, as in her poignilnt Child of Mille (which Anne Murray and others have
also recorded), a song written to and rejoicing in her daughter. If others like to listen
and tnday's incrmsingly sophisticated and honest audiences apparently do-that's
fine too.
"But she's still bilsically a writer," SilyS Lou Adler. "The performing part is amaz
ing to her. All of those artist trips don't interest her at all. She's a Laurel Canvon
housewife. She's always been writing ilnd thinking in much the same way; the only
differencE' is that now, with a different kind of music listener, she's being heard."
Further Reading
Emerson, Ken. A!
Mitchell,” P0I'”lllr !I·ll”i,., 21, no. 2 (May 20(2); 17:l~94; and jeffrey Pepper Rodgprs, “My Secret
Plore; The Cui”‘r Udys5<>v of joni Mitchell,” in The fo”i Ivlildlell COI1lI'”niml, 21’J-:1O.
3. Timothy Crouse, “Review of Rille.” Rollins Siolle, August 5, 1971; reprinted in Tile Rolling
Shille Ileeord Rel’in”, VollI”,e /I, by the editors of Roil/liS Stone (New York: Pocket Books, 1974), 471.
?R4
joni Mitchell journeys Within
interviewer in the piece that follows, the words “free” and “freedom”
probably occur more often than any others in her lyrics from this period.
The following conversation with the Israeli folksinger, MaIka,
comes from the height of her fame in 1974. Mitchell touches on the auto
biographical nature of her work and on the importance of introspection
and analysis, but also gives a nuanced view of the interaction of these
autobiographical elements with values that she shares with musicians
working in other genres.
JONI MITCHELL: SELF-PORTRAIT OF A SUPERSTAR
Maika
MaIka: YOl/’re Oil tlJr rOl1d perforl11illg I1gl1in. Will/ the silence of tW(1fl/1I years’
Joni Mitchell: J like to retire a lot, take a bit of a sabbatical to keep my life alive and
to keep my writing alive. If I tour regularly and constantly, I’m ahaid that my ex·
perience would be too limited, so 1 like to lay back for periods of time and come
back to it when 1 have new material to play. I don’t like to go over the old periods
that much; I feel miscast in some of the songs that 1 wrote as a younger woman.
Maika: How do youfed, tl1en, u/ltmllislening to Llour records?
Joni: I don’t enjoy some of the old records; 1 see too much of my growing stage; I’ve
changed my point of view too much. There are some of them that I can still bring
life to, but some that 1 can’t. Let’s take the Lndies (1f II/(‘ Call1/on album; there are good
songs on there which I feel still stand up and which I could still sing. TIlere’s a song
called “The Arrangement” which seemed to me as a forerUlUler and I think has
more musical sophisticalion than anything else on the album. And the Bluf’ album,
for the most part, holds up. But there are some early songs where there is too much
nalvete in some of the lyrics for me to be able now to project convincingly.
MaIka: Your /lalile has f’ce/l lillked 10 S(11lle li(1werflll people in the business, {allles Till/1M
Il/ld Gmhalll Nl1sh, for illslallce. Do l!ou{t’f’I tl1t11 YOla frif’llds llaw helped your CI11’eer
inllnyway’
Joni: 1don’t think so, not in the time that James and I were spending together anyway.
He was a total unknown, for one thing-maybe 1 helped his career? … But [ cia
think that when creative people come together, the stimulus of the relationship is
bound to show. The rock and roll industry is very incestuous, you know; we have
all interactf’d and we have all bt’en the source of many songs for one another. We
have all been close at one time or another, and 1 think that a lot of beautiful music
came from it. A lot of beautiful times came from it, too, through that mutual under
standing. A lot (If pain too, because, inevitably, different relationships broke up.
Maika: But iSII’1 there a certailll1J1l(1Zmt ofdall;;;er, luhen 1/0/1 SII!TUl/lld ljOUrse!f luitli I/Il/si
cil1W; alld troubadollrs doillg tlte ,l1i/le killd o( work liO/I arc doill;;;, thl1t ljOl1 renlhi creat”
YOIIr UU’IT special world alld arc 1/01 so o/””’ 10 lullal’s happenillg ill Ihf’ resl or tlze world?
SOlll’ce: MaIka, “joni Mitchell: Self-Portrait of” Superstar:’ Madml1’s, june 1974. Rqninted 11\
Stacy Luffi!” ed., Till’ lOl1i Mitchell CO”‘!’aJllOIl; FOllr Decades OfCo)/l1llcI1lary (New York; Schirmer
Books, 2(00), 66-74.
287 286 The 1970S
]oni: A friend of mine criticized me for that. He said that my work was becoming
very “inside.” It was making reference to roadies and rock ‘n’ rollers, and that’s
the very thing I didn’t want h) happen, why 1like to take a lot of time off to travel
some plJce where I have my anonymity and I can have that day-to-day en
counter with other walks of life. But it gets more and more difficult. That’s the
wonderful thing about being a successful playwright or an author: you still
maintain your anonymity, which is very important in order to be sompwhat of a
voyeur, to collpct your observations for your material. And to suddenly often be
the center of attention was … it threatened tlw writer in me. The performer
threatened the writer.
MaIka: MallY [if your sonss arc biogmphiml-do yOll think tllI/t the change il1 your
lifestyle /1011′ has affected yOIl r songs?
]oni: I don’t know. I had difficulty at one point accepting my affluence, and my
success and even the expression of it seemed to me distasteful at one time, like
to suddenly be driving a fancy car. I had J lot of soul-sE’arching to do as 1 felt
sonlE’how or other that liVing in elegance and luxury canceled creativity. I still
had that stereotyped idea that success would deter creativity, would stop the
gift, luxury would make you too comfortable and complacent and that the gift
would suffer from it. But I found the only way that [ could reconcile with my
self and my art was to say this is what I’m going through now, my life is chang
ing and 1 am tl)O. I’m an extremist as far as lifestyle goes. [ need to live simply
and primitively sometimes, at least for short periods of the year, in order to
keep in touch with something more basic. But I have come to be able to finally
enjoy my success and to use it as a form of self-expression, and not to deny.
Leonard Cohen has ,1 line that says, “Do not dress in those rags for me, I know
you are not poor,” and when I heard that line [ thought to myself that I had
been denying, which was sort of a hypocritical thing. I began to feel too sepa
rate from my audience and fro[11. my times, separated by affluence and conve
nience from the pulse of my times. I wanted to hitchhike and scuffle. I felt
maybe that I hadn’t done enough scuffling.
Maika: On your /lPW albul/l, Court and Spark,for the first time you’ve recorded a song
that iS/I’t [lOllI’S, “T’clstcd.” Why did .’1011 decide to record “ol71etiJing tilat i” not your
OZ(ll1 ?
]oni: Because I love that song, I always have loved it. I went through analysis for a
while this year, and the song is about analysis. I figured that J earned the right to
sing it. I tried [() put it on the last record, but it was totally inappropriate. It had
nothing to do with that time period, and some of my friends feel it has nothing
to do with this album either. It’s added like an encore.
MaIka: I hope 1’111 /lot e/lcroaehi/lg 011 YOllr primcy, but why the analysis /lOW7
Joni: I fPlt I wanted to talk to someone about the confusion which we all have. I
wanted to t,llk to someone and I was willing to pay for his discretion. [ didn’t
expect him to have any answers or that he was a guru or anything, only a
sounding bonrd for a lot of things. And it proved effective because simply by
confronting parJdo”es or difficulties within your life several times a week, they
seem to be not so important as they do when they’re weighing on your mind in
the middlt’ of the night, by yourself, with no one to talk to, or someone to talk
to who probably will tell another friend, who will tell another friend, as friends
do. I felt that [ didn’t want to burden people close to me, so r paid for profes
sional help. And I went thrOlIl!;h a lot of changes about it, too. It’s like driving
joni Mitchell Journeys Within
out your devils-do you drive out your angels as well? You know that whole
thing about the creative process. An artist needs a certain amount of turmoil
and confusion, and I’ve created. out of that. [t’s been like part of the creative
force—even out of severe depression sometimes there comes insight. It’s sort of
masochistic to dwell on it, but you know it helps you to gain understanding. I
thil1k it did me a lot of good.
MaIka: When I listen to ym/l’ s’1I1gs ] notice tl/(/t there are certain the1lles tI/(/t keep a~)J’em’
ing: Ollt’ theme that comes III’ often is loneliness.
Joni: I suppose people have always been lonely but this, [ think, is an especially
lonely time to live in. So many people are valueless or confused. I know a lot of
guilty people who are living a very open kind of free life who don’t really bE’
lieve that what they’re doing is right, and their defense to that is to totally ad
vocate what they’re doing, as if it were right, but somewhere deep in them
they’re confused. Things change so rapidly. Relationships don’t seem to have
any longevity. Occasionally you see people who have been together for six or
seven, maybe 12 years, but for the most part people drift in and out of relation
ships continually. There isn’t a lot of commitment to anything; it’s a dispos
able society. But there are other kinds of loneliness which are very beautifut like
sometimes I go up to my land in British Columbia and spend time alone 11l the
country surl’l’unded by the beauty of natural things. There’s a romance which
accompanies it, so you generally don’t feel self-pity. In the city when you’re sur
rounded by people who are continually interacting, the loneliness makes you
feel like you’ve sinned. All around you you see lovers or families and you’re
alone and you think, why? What did I do to deserve this? That’s why [ think the
cities are much lonelier than the country.
MaIka: Another theme r think is predominant in YOllr sOl1gs is loue.
]oni: Love … such a powerful force. My main interest in life is human relation
ships and human interaction and the exchange of feelings, person to person,
on a one-to-one basis, or on a larger basis projecting to an audience. Love is a
peculiar feeling because it’s subject to so much … change. The way that love
feels at the beginning of a relationship and the changes that it goes through
and I keep asking myself, “What is it?” It always seems like a commitment to
me when you said it to someone, “J love you,” or if they said that to you. It
meant that you were there for them, and that you could trust them. But know
ing from myself that I have said that and then reneged on it jn the
supportive-in the physical-sense, that [ was no longer there side by side
with that person, so I say, well, does that cancel that feeling out? Did I really
love? Or what is it? [ really believe that th€ maintenance of individuality is so
necessary to what we would call a true or lasting love that people who say “I
love you” and then do a Pygmalion number on you are wrong, you Imow.
Love has to encompass all of the things that a person is. Love is a very hard
feeling to keep alive. It’s a Verv fragile plant.
MaIka: 1son/climes fiJld myself C/1UlIing Jieople that sccm to be able to handle lout’, J’cople
who !lapcfolll1d af01’1l1lllafor marriage. YOIl were 11/arried at Ol1e IJoil1t yourself; IlOro do
YOllfeell1bout marriage 1l0W?
]oni: I’ve only had one experience with it, in the legal sense of the word But
there’s a kind of marriage that occurs which is almost more natural through a
bonding together; sometimes the piece of paper kills something. I’ve talked to
so many people who said, “Our relationship was heautiful until we got
288 The 1970S Sly Stone 289
married.” If I ever married again, I would like to create a ceremony and a ritual
that had more meaning than I feel our present-day ceremonies have, just a de
claration to a group of friends. If two people are in love and they declare to a
room of people that they are in love, somehow or other that’s almost like a mar
riage vow. It tells everybody in the room, “I am no longer flirting with you. I’m
no longer available because I’ve declared my heart to this person.”
Maika: Do yOIl til ink YOII’1I get lIlarricd again.’
Joni: I really don’t know. I wouldn’t see a reason for marriage except to have chil
dren, and I’m not sure that I will have children, you know. I’d like to and 1 have
reillly strong maternal feelings, but at the same time I have developed ilt this point
into a very transient person and not your average responsible human being. I
keep examining my reasons for wanting to have a child, and some of them are re
ally not very sound. And then I keep thinking of bringing a child into this day and
age, ilnd what values to instill in them that aren’t too high so they couldn’t follow
them and have to suffer guilt or feelings of inadequacy. I don’t know. It’s like I’m
still trying to teach myself survival lessons. 1 don’t know what I would teach a
child. I think about it … in terms of all my talk of freedom and everything.
Maika: Freedom, and in particillar tile wllrd ‘free,” is allotller tlll’lnc in YOllr mllsic. What
docs frcedom meall to yOll’
Joni: Freedom to me is the luxury of being able to follow the path of the heart. I
think that’s the only way that you maintain the magic in your life, that you keep
your child alive. Freedom is necessary for me in order to create, and if I cannot
create, 1 don’t feel alive.
Maika: Do yOIl ever f/11’isio/l or fear that the well of creath1itJ/llIigllt dry lip?
Joni: Well, every year for the last four years I have said, “That’s it.” I feel often that
it has run dry, you know, and all of a sudden things just come pouring out. But I
know, I know that this is a feeling that increases as you get older. I have a fear that
I might become a tunesmith, that I would be able to write songs but not poetry. I
don’t know. It’s a mystery, the creative process, inspiration is a mystery, but I
think that as long as you still have questions the muse has got to be there. You
throw a question out to the muses and maybe they drop something back on you.
Maika: Sittingfrolll the olltside, it seellls that as a crcati!’c persoill/oll have attained qllite
a Int: you havc all avenlle in which to express .110111′ talellt, affillencc, recognition. What
lilT .110111′ aims now?
Joni: Well, I really film’t feel I’ve scratched the surface of my music. I’m not all
that confident about my words. Thematically 1 think that I’m running out of
things which 1 feel are important enough to describe verbally. I really think that
as you get older life’s experience becomes more; I begin to see the paradoxes re
solved. It’s almost like most things that I would once dwell on and explore for
an hour, I would shrug my shoulders to now. In your twenties things are still
profound and being uncovered. However, I think there’s a way to keep that
alive if you don’t start putting up too many blocks. I feel that my music will
continue to grow-I’m almost a pianist now, and the same thing with the gui
tar. And I also continue to draw, and that also is in a stage of growth, it hasn’t
stagnated yet. And I hope to bring all these things together. Another thing I’d
like to do is to make a film. There’s a lot of things I’d like to do, so I still feel
young as an artist. I don’t feel like my best work is behind me. I feel as if it’s
still in front.
Further Reading
Luftig, Stacey, cd. Ti,e loni Mitchell Companion: FOllr Decade, of CO/1//1/clltary. New York:
Schirmer Books, 2000.
O’Brien, Karen. [lmi Mitchell: Slwdows alld Light. London: Virgin, 2001.
“Rock ‘n’ Roll’s Leilding Lady.” Ti/1/e, December 16, 1974: 63-66.
WhiteselL Lloyd. The Music of loni Mitdlcll. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.
Discography
Mitchell, Joni. Song to a SCI/gull. Warner Bros./WEA, 1968.
___. Blue. Warner Bros./WEA, 1971.
___. Court alld Spark. Elektra/WEA, 1974.
___. Dmz [uall’s Reckless Daugliter. Elektra/WEA, 1977.
___. Hits. Warner Bros./WEA, 1996.
Both Sides Now. Warner Bros./WEA, 2000.
The Very Best of Singers and SOllgH’riters. Time Life Records, 2003.
_Sly Stone5
“The Myth of Staggerlee”
The phenomenal popularity of Aretha Franklin, the ongoing success of
James Brown along with the grittiest practitioners of Southern Soul, and
the continued ubiquity of the pop-oriented productions of Motown at
tested to soul music’s continued relevance to a broad cross section of
the u.s. audience in the late 1960s. However, the activity and popularity
of many of the first wave of soul practitioners declined after 1968•
Producer /songwriters Holland-Dozier-Holland, who had been responsi
ble for the bulk of the hits for the Supremes and the Four Tops during the
peak 1964-67 period left Motown, while Stax, following the death of Otis
Redding, underwent administrative reorganization and became increas
ingly inconsistent in both artistic and commercial terms (by 1975, the
company filed for bankruptcy).
Nevertheless, soul music was far from finished; instead it split in
two directions: a “sweet” soul style taking its cue from Motown and
balladeers, such as Curtis Mayfield, and a “funky” soul style, taking its
cue from James Brown, the “Southern Soul” practitioners, and Aretha
Franklin. The discussion of funk rightfully began in chapter 35 with the ex
cerpts from James Brown’s autobiography. Brown’s innovations and their
adoption by other artists in the late 1960s also had an explicit political
290 The 1970S
component, since these musical innovations coincided with a shift in
African American politics from the integrationist stance of the civil rights
movement (associated with the rise of soul music) to the more radical
stance of the black power movement, a shift heralded by Brown’s record
ing, “Say It Loud, I’m Black and I’m Proud” (1968).’ These shifts were dis
cussed in Part 3 in conjunction with artists like Aretha Franklin and songs
such as “Respect.”
Concurrent with the developments in Brown’s band, other bands
created their own forms of funky soul music, including Booker T. and
the MGs, the Bar-I
Books USA, Inc., Ii 97511(40), pp. 7R–BJ, 84-86. © 1975, 1’J97 by Greil Marcus. Used bv permission.
292 The 19705
without the p(1Wpr to movp an audipnce, but always leaving the audience (and the artist)
a way out. In retrospect, records mil de in this spirit often seem like reverse images of
narcissism. Rio/ is the real thing: scary and immobilp. It wears down other records, turn
ing thpm into unintpntional splf-parodies. 111e negative of Riot is tough enough to make
solutions seem tri\’ial and alternatives false, in personal life, politics, or music.
Rock ‘n’ roll may matter becausp it is fun, unpredictable, anilrchic, a neatly pack
agpd and amazingly intense plurality of good times and good ideas, but none save
the very yOlll1gest musicians and fans can still takp their innocpnce for granted. Most
have si I11ply seen and done too much; as the Rolling Stones have been proving for ten
years, you have to z(‘ork for innocence. You have to win it, or you end up with noth
ing more than a strainpd na·lvpte.
Because this is so pop needs an anchor, a reality principle, especially when the
old ideas-thp joy of the Beatles, the simple toughness of the Stones-have run their
coursp and the music has begun to repeat its nlPssages without repeating their im
pact. Rock ‘n’ roll may escape cOtwpntional reality on a day-to-day level (or remake
it, minute-to-minute), but it has to have an intuitive sense of the reality it means to
escape; the audience and the artists have to be up against thp wall before they can
climb over it. When the Stones made “Gimmie Shelter,” they had power because
their toughnpss had taken on complexity: they admitted they had doubts about
finding pven something ‘1S simple as shelter, and fought for it anyway But because
the band connected with its audience when they got that across, and because the
music that did it was the best they ever made, the song brought more than shelter;
it brought life, providpd a metaphor that allowed the Stones to thrive when
Altamont proved toughness was not the point, and gave them the freedom to go on
to sing about other things-soul survivors, suffocation, a trip down a moonlight mile.
Riot matters bpcause it doesn’t just define the wall; it makes the wall real. Its sen
sibility is h