t employing spe
c
ific
ty of personality in-
n. It may also be
Ie forced-choice for-
ity inventoty. ]. appl.
on Personal Inventory.
utvey of Interpersonal
ication and eXtension.
: Harcourt, Brace &
:e personality test un.
/Chol., 1956, 40, 258.
,I. Psychol., 1956,40,
Psychological Reports, 1965, 17, 851·868. © Southern Universities Press 1965
Monograph Supplement 3·V17
SELF·CONTROL PROCEDURES IN PERSONAL BEHAVIOR PROBLEMS 1
ISRAEL GOLDIAMOND2
Institute for Behavioral Research, Silver Spring, Md”
CONTENTS
Mariral Case 1 . . .. .. .. .. . . .__…._. . ._______ 856
Marital Case 2 -0 -0 -0 .. • 859
Study Case 1: Handwriting . -0. ._______________________________________ 860
Smdy Case 2: Smdy Problem . . __ 863
References _. . . .. .. -0__ 868
Summary.-A rationale for the use of self·control procedures in counseling
is presented, along with illustrative material from several case studies. Self·
control, as used here, involves specification of rhe behavioral deficit or desired
behaviors which are lacking, and having S himself set up or program the co~,
tions which may produce the desired behavioral modification. The proced~
selected are extensions from laboratory research in operant modification of be·
havior, and the counseling sessions may include training S in behavior analysis,
with his own behaviors as the experimental data.
The present discussion is concerned with the application of self-control
procedures to the solution of certain limited behavioral problems.
Often one person comes for help from another because he cannot cope with
problems that face him. The appropriate behaviors are not available. The means
by which the behavioral deficit can be overcome are varied. Simple instrtlctions
often suffice, as when S cannot study because he does not have the assignment.
On the other hand, S may not be able to study because he cannot allocate his
time appropriately, because he daydreams at his desk, or because he engages in
other behaviors ,,:l11ch come under the general heading of lack of self-contro!’
In these cases, simple instructions will not remedy the deficit since S himself
knows what it is. He has often tried to instruct himself to behave appropriately
but with little success. Indeed, the numerous jokes surrounding New Year’s
resolutions indicate both the prevalence of the problem and the ineffectiveness of
its instructional solution, whether imposed by others or by one’s self in self-
,instruction.
The specific behavioral deficit, or presenting problem, is often parr of
a
larger context of deficits. Rather than trying to overcome the presenting deficit
‘Paper presented at Eastern Psychological Association, April 23, 1965. Written under
contract between the Office of the Surgeon General and the Washington School of Psychi·
atry, DA-49·193·MD·2448. The views expressed herein are those of the author and do
not necessarily reflect rhe views of either contracting agency.
2Research Career Development Award, 1963·1968, at the Institute for Behavioral Research.
Also on appointment as Professor of Psychology, Arizona Srare University, Tempe.
“Address for reprints: 2426 Linden Lane, Silver Spring, Maryland.
directly, the therapist may turn his attention to other, “deeper” behaviors or be-
havioral deficits. In this case, the presenting problem is considered a symptom,
by exactly the same defining operations that make a skin rash a symptom. Here,
the dermatologist states that to get rid of the rash he will treat in addition some-
thing else, possibly a blood imbalance, rather than only treating the rash itself
(Goldiamond, Dyrud, & Miller, 1965). For example, we know of a woman
who assumed a fetal posture for three days after an argument with her husband.
She was restored to mobility by direct modification of this behavior. It can be
argued that a woman who maintains control over her husband by such extreme
behaviors is so lacking in more appropriate behaviors that her treatment will
require considerably more than the two hours which restored her mobility. This
case may be an example of treating a symptom, since behaviors other than the
presenting complaint may also require modification. Ho~ng’.,-,
problem can still be considered as a behavioral one: in this case, the absence of
thos~behavlOrs whereby wives normally comror-melr1iu~ba:nds:—Yef this gen-
eral deficit also~ treated directly, as in our research on stuttering wh~~ew-~
have, withm the labora:rory-;-repia:mt stuttering by fluent and rapid speech in 30
of 30 cases run thus far (Goldiamond, 1965b). Indeed, one of our stuttering
patients, who had been suicidal, became able to read bedtime stories to her chil-
dren at home, and certain other personal problems at home cleared up because
her stuttering cleared up. Some of her other behaviors were accordingJx–symp-
tomatic of stuttering (Goldiamond, 1965a), as w~ have defin~[ “symptom.”
If there is a danger in premature assignment of behavioral deficits as symp-
tomatic, there is also a danger in premature assumption that’ the alteration of the
presenting problem is the final solution. Further analysis in light of current
knowledge will undoubtedly both modify and confirm practice in this area.
Classification of behavior as a problem for treatment or as a symptom may
also be an economic or contractual matter. For example, in a marital problem,
the presenting complaint may be cleared up in a shaft period of time, but other
problems are sometimes uncovered which may require extensive treatment. At
what point is the implicit contract between patient and therapist (d. Sulzer,
1962) to treat the marital behaviors extended to behaviors in other areas? The
answer to this question must depend on the extent to which S can afford the
treatment or can afford not to get it, that is, can do without it. It would be nice
to have a new car when the present one seems to require extensive repairs, but
there may be other considerations such as a piano or a child’s education. For
going to and from work, minor adjustments may be sufficient. The economy
may also be behavioral: is it worth the upset?
The present discussion will be limited to cases where the concern was with
a specified behavioral problem. These cases should be interpreted in the con-
text of the foregoing discussion: namely, that the procedures used are not in-
852 I. GOLDIAMOND
tend
othe
pro(
the
pro
twe
eov
une
cor
ula
wil
wh
St
sel
/)
;/
yo
‘r!r
cl(
I “j< --)
IX……..
IS
m
a
pi
(
SI
tl
t<
I(
a
c
eeper” behaviors or be-
considered a symptom,
rash a symptom. Here,
treat in addition some-
treating the rash itself
we know of a woman
nent with her husband.
lis behavior. It can be
lsband by such extreme
:hat her treatment will
,red her mobility. This
~haviors other than the
i'{ever, the “underlyi~
:lis case, -the absence of
rsbands. YeT this gen-_
on stuttering where we
and rapid speech in 30
, one of our stuttering
ime stories to her chil-
me cleared up because
“ere accordingly-symp_
tineH “symptom.”
“iotal deficits as symp-
at’ the alteration of the
sis in light of current
lcrice in this area.
or as a symptom may
. in a marital problem,
:iod of time, but other
tensive treatment. At
therapist (ct. Sulzer,
s in other areas? The
hich S Can afford the
t it. It would be nice
extensive repairs, but
hild’s education. For
icienr. The eCOnomy
the conCern was with
Iterpreted in the con.
ures useg are not in-
SELF·CONTROL PROCEDURES IN PERSONAL BEHAVIOR 853
tended to question other more extensive procedures, which may be necessary~o!-..,
other kinds of behavioral deficits.
\
The discussion will be concerned with self-control .(Skinner, 1953) and..-l.-
procedures for its establishment. The procedures to be discussed cent~r around \
the position that behavior is not an emergent property of an organism or a
property solely of its environment but is described by a f~mctional relatio~ ~e
tween the two. More technically, given a specified behaVIOr B and a speCIfIed
environmental variable x, a lawful relation can be found, such that B = f(x),
under certain empirical constraining conditions c. This implies that when the
constraints c are set up, and x is set at a stipulated value, then B will have a stip-
ulated value, given by the value of B = f (x). When E sets x at that value, he
will get the B stipulated. This defines the experimental control of behavior
which has been demonstrated repeatedly in operant and other laboratories. When
S himself sets x at that value, he will get his own B, as stipulated. This defines
. self-control.
V If you want a s~ecified behavior from yoJltself, set up tb~~7’~!J
-you ~LcontroL.it.Jor example, if you cannot get up 1fi the mormng by
~ly resolving to do so and telling yourself that you must, buy and set an alarm
clock. Within this context, the Greek maxim, “Know thyself,” ttaos!llli;,S-.IDJO
.
-J.”, “Know thy behaviors, know thy environme!!~nd kn9~~f1ctig~~L~<:1~~ism
/ ~ween the two:7Jt1iougntnereTat1on~tween an alarm clock and waking up
‘is a simple andfu;;;iliar one, other relations are neither this simple nor this fa-
miliar. There have, however, been’developed in laboratories of operant behavior
a body of known functivnal relations between behavior, and programs and other
procedures which can alter even more complex behavior systematically. Self-
control derived from such research can take at least two forms. -One is to in-
struct S to set up the procedures which change his environment and which
thereby bring his behavior under different control. I shall present some cases
to this effect. ~Another form is to train him in the functional analysis of behav-
ior and have him try co determine for himself the procedures which he should
apply. This approach will also appear in the following cases.
Inherent in both types of self-control is the problem posed by the tremen-
dous gap between theory and practice. The same theory may dictate numerous
alternative methods or solutions, but all may not be equally available, practical, or
applicable. The operant EYadjgm. suggests that there are at least 12 different
ways to maintain or attenuate behavior (d. Holz & Azrin, 1963). Which are
appropriate to the problem?
One way for selecting effective practical measures is to have S report back
to E every week with his results. This hour becomes a session for analysis of data
and discussion of changes in procedure. In the laboratory, operant procedures are
so arranged that relations between ongoing behavior and its conditions are con-
tinuously observed and recorded. Through successes and failures, Es may learn
to analyze behavior and conditions and may develop a “feel” for their data, as do
other behavioral practitioners in interaction with their subject matter, for exam-
ple, skilled psychiatrists. Hopefully, such a program of systematic trial and anal-
ysis will sensitize S to his own behavior and his own conditions. By training S
in control procedures to the extent that these exist and are applicable, we are
providing for self-enhancement and self-actualization (Rogers, 1951). Of the
individuals who can apply control pro<;ed.!!res, S is the one most concerned with
his behavior and is most in contact with it, its conditions, and its consequences.
Initially E is the consultant, and eventually S becomes his own E. The procedures
may be limited to Ss who are intellectually capable of such analysis or who are
not otherwise incapacitated. Our Ss were mainly college students. Where sys-
tematic training in behavior analysis was used, the sessions started with indi-
vidual tutorials in behavior analysis, homework assignments from standard texts
(Holland & Skinner, 1961), and readings. Given this intellectual base, we could
move on to discussions of the problem in question.
Our first cases were referrals from clinical psychologists who felt that we
should work on some of the simpler overt problems, while they tackled their
deeper meanings. One of these was a young man who was overweight, and an-
Otller was a girl who had difficulty studying.
{j/ These two problems yielded, for these Ss, to procedures involving !!.irnuluJ _
;J1ltrol. The program with the young lady started with human engineering of
fier (fe;k. Since she felt sleepy when she studied, she was told to replace a 40-w
lamp with a good one and to turn her desk away from her bed. It was also de-
cided that her desk was to control study behavior. If she wished to write a
letter, she should do so but in the dining room; if she wished to read comic
books, she should do so but in the kitchen; if she wished to daydream, she
should do so but was to go to another room; at her desk she was to engage in her
school work and her school work only.
This girl had previously had a course in behavioral analysis and said, “I
know what you’re up to. You want that desk to assume stimulus control over
me. I’m not going to let any piece of wood run my life for me.”
“On the contrary,” I said, “you want that desk to run you. It is you who de-
cides when to put yourself under the control of your desk. It is like having a
sharpened knife in a drawer. You decide when to use it; but when you want it,
it is ready.”
After the first week of the regimen, she came to me and gleefully said, “1
spent only ten minutes at my desk last week.”
“Did you study there,” 1 asked.
“Yes, I did,” she said.
“Good,” I said, “let’s try to double that next week.”
For the next few weeks we did not meet, but she subsequently reported that
854 1. GOLDIAMOND SELF-CON1
during the last month
her desk for four wed
When she sat at her c
desk. The variable f-
to an end was apparen
With regard to t
withdrawal of reinfor,
—-“.. .——–
~ood (Ferster, Le\
hidden; it is kept in ;
the interests of the m
The initial strate
havior under the cant
stimulus. He was in:
desire. He was, howe
eari~while he watd
to eating when he at
plate and sit down ar
sequences such as wa
engaged in the beha\
span ding to the refrig
sequences, as did gain
studying, and other ~
behaviors and conditi
man CUt out all eatin!
to me. We then wo
attending sessions. 1
slimmer and remarke’
solve his problems. I
No claim is mad
the Ss had no other p
started out with the si
have tried others. Se
An interesting a
very short time Ss ran
In some cases, 1 waul
how clinical psycholo
I attributed the tenur
zade effect. Scheher,
killed each bedmate :
vious wife to all wom
was not completed b)
the rest of the story, a
)p a “feel” for their data, as do
their subject matter, for exam-
1m of systematic trial and anal-
lwn conditions. By training 5
ist and are applicable, we are
tion (Rogers, 1951). Of the
; the one most concerned with
nditions, and its consequences.
1es his own E. The procedures
Ie of such analysis or who are
college students. Where sys-
:he sessions started with indi-
signments from standard texts
this intellectual base, we could
lsychologists who felt that we
1ems, while they tackled their
who was overweight, and an-
procedures involving stimulus—-d with human engineering of
,he was told to replace a 40-w
from her bed. It was also de-
Jr. If she wished to write a
if she wished to read comic
she wished to daydream, she
desk she was to engage in her
,havioral analysis and said, “I
assume stimulus control Over
1y life for me.”
to run you. It is you who de-
our desk. It is like having a
use it; but when you want it,
e to me and gleefully said, “I
k “e .
;he subsequently reported that
SELF-CONTROL PROCEDURES IN PERSONAL BEHAVIOR 855
during the last month of the semester she was able to spend three hours a day at
her desk for four weeks in a row, something she had been unable to do previously.
When she sat at her desk she studied, and when she did other things she left her
desk. The variable maintaining this increase in behavior as the semester drew
to an end was apparently the forthcoming final examinations.
With regard to the young man,,~l!9,Qyer;lt~,gi111,1lIusC:(Jn~r91,,chaining, apd
withdr~walof reinforcement were used. The stimulus for overeating isnorlI)glly
~od7F~l”~rer, Levitt:ii·Yurnb;;r, 196i):-‘I~’~;~~~it~re, food is normally
hidden; ‘it is kept in a refrigerator or cupboard. In the cafeteria, where it is in
the interests of the management to get people to eat, food is exposed.
The ~iti~s,t!ategyfor~limming the I()tlflgl1la[l\V3ls.t(),~£i[}g.~is eating,be- ~ponding to the r~frigerator in between meals resulted in withdrawal of such con- No claim is made that all problems should be treated in this manner, or that An interesting aspect of these and other cases as well was the fact that in a schedule maintained such behavior for 1001 nights, and the result is known as the Few things are more interesting and will Sustain behavior better than slip- 1.5 -‘ 1.0 0.5
2.0
SELF·CONTR
F S S
we discussed a progran “Oh,” he said, “YOll environment where civ I also asked if th Stimulus Control
Since in the absen 1. GOLDIAMOND856
MARITAL CASE 1 master’s degree. His wife was taking my course in behavioral analysis, and they Relation of Behavior to Its Comequences
Early discussions concerned the analysis of behavior in terms of its conse- to be new to many other
Ss as well.
Stimulus Change
Altering the consequences of operant behavior will alter the behavior itself. As part of the program of establishing new stimuli, S was instructed to reo Establishment of New Behavi01″
Since it was impossible for S to converse in a civilized manner with his wife, SELF·CONTROL PROCEDURES IN PERSONAL BEHAVIOR 857
F SSMTWTF SSMTWT FMTWT
1.5 -‘ 1.0 O. 5
FIG. 1. Graph kept of sulking behavior
2.0 we discussed a program of going to one evening spot on Monday, another on “Oh,” he said, “you want us to be together. We’ll go bowling on Thursday.” environment where civilized chit-chat is maintained. Such is not the case at a I also asked if there were any topic of conversation which once started Stimulus Control Since in the absence of yelling at his wife S sulked and since the program behavior better than sup- or in terms of its Conse- There was considerable to be new to many other I the result is known as the
who was working on his etrayal” were an occasion d manner with his wife,
alter the behavior itself. dropping to less than 30 minutes before disappearing entirely. The reported re- Since the bedroom had been the scene of both bickering and occasional Records notes of the discussions with E. These notes were discussed at each weekly One of the notions which S held very strongly was that his wife’s behavior What were these behaviors? They apparently included such dependency A discussion on needs and personality ensued. “If by personality all that is “1 should hope so,” 1 said. me?” he asked.
“Do you have a true behavior?” 1 asked. ing had been in terms of being consistent to his self, and of searching for “thine 858 1. GOLDIAMOND SELF·CC
The next we( These weekI: During the ( “Shouldn’t I “Look,” I sai “The farmer day. Had they 1 At the end This case cc Husband a Various pr ltirely. The reported re-
bickering and occasional 1 and withdraw. Finally, was the graph. 5 took ; that his wife’s behavior )re this message in favor lithering into her tissues I. me?” he asked. ered; his previous train- SELF-CONTROL PROCEDURES IN PERSONAL BEHAVIOR 859
The next week he came in and stated: “1 did something last week that I These weekly sessions continued during ten weeks of the summer term. During the course of one of the sessions, 5 started to talk about his child- “Shouldn’t I talk about this with a psychologist?” he asked. “Isn’t this one “Look,” I said, “a bridge with a load limit of three tons opens in 1903. The “The farmer in 1903,” he said. day. Had they been filled in the preceding day, it would not have collapsed. At the end of the period, there was no sulking in the garage and the part- MARITAL CASE 2
This case concerned a young couple who had been married almost 10 years; Husband and wife were seen separately every week, for one hour each. Various procedures were assayed by 5s, but proved ineffective. Fondling forcements I have. The charaCteristic of good reinforcement is that it can be The husband was a rising business execlltive who took evening courses and Both 5s were extremely well-groomed. Their clothing was always in best The next week, both showed up somewhat bedraggled. Thereafter, they As an incidental effect of the sessions, 5s attempted to apply behavioral anal- “But you’re using aversive control,” one of the participants said. STUDY CASE 1: HANDWRITING was 28th in a class of 28 and whose handwriting waS illegible. He was a re- An example of his early handwriting is given in Fig. 2. Lettered lines of 860 1. GOLDIAMOND SELl
FIG. 2
ior; they had, h At a later FIG. 3. Slin as preceding letter :ement is that it can be Jed to keeping and not lis wife. Hence, the in-
ling was always in best ~gled. Thereafter, they o apply behavioral anal- lry was being discussed. )rmal intelligence, who g. 2. Lettered lines of SELF-CONTROL PROCEDURES IN PERSONAL BEHAVIOR 861
FIG. 2. Sample of initial handwriting; translation appears above line
ior; they had, however, criticized its product. I instructed him to keep his arm At a later session, his letter’ size being erratic, he was asked to letter the n() W IS TA ~Jj’m ~ ALL. the 0. de or:: ,ho.tr ParTy. as preceding letter FIG. 4. Reversal of effect by writing T above line
letter T. In all cases, T is the same size as the preceding letters, and is also a The passage presented is the same as that in Fig. 2. The change in legibility Many letters contain similar forms. For example, the letters a, b, d, 0, p, and were not ev( session and ; His ha Several This G Shad At that
1. GOlDIAMOND862 eceding letters, and is also a above line SELF·CONTROL PROCEDURES IN PERSONAL BEHAVIOR 863
session and a suitable burton was found for him to use for these letters, with other His handwriting improved markedly during this period, and he rose from Several conclusions can be drawn from this case. One is that observation STUDY CASE 2: STUDY PROBLEM his academic record. Inasmuch as I had given him one of his Ds, he came to me S had never actually studied. Accordingly, a self-control regimen for At that time, S studied for an average of six hours a day, but his study hours FIG. S. Daily study charts for class with one examination (upper), and class with This m~ At the er S was tak I asked S \ SEL1. GOLDIAMOND except for one peak. [Guess when the test was given!] This fixed interval curve Every week S brought his notebooks, his examinations, and his weekly rec- S was taught to outline social science texts. He was asked to be a detective In English, we were both at a loss. Several novels were required, and neither FIG. 6. Map of South America drawn SELF.CONTROL PROCEDURES IN PERSONAL BEHAVIOR 865
j:c. Many behaviors require other behaviors as prerequisites for their acquisition and At the end of the first semester, 5’s grades changed from the two Ds and tailed analysis was then undertaken. raphy is requisite. He said that he knew his geography quite well and was asked I asked 5 what grade he would assign himself for this map, and he looked !] This fixed interval curve lressed me that I instituted .arion (upper), and class with
lations, and his weekly rec· By putting words of the ; were required, and neither the attempted behavior are absent, as well as those discriminative behaviors which These behavioral deficiencies were found in one area after another. Since But there were deficiencies here, as well. In the economics texts, Humpty- I had obtained excellent control over 5’s behavior, but this was like success- There are two types of behavioral sequences. In one type of sequencc, 866 1. GOLDIAMOND
Anod Stated
~~i;~~a~ ,§ion of chil though the The G ‘Research be riminative behaviors which area after another. Since nt what he intended them lm of visiting the art gal- In one type of sequence, LIS, Lundin (961) reports SELF-CONTROL PROCEDURES IN PERSONAL BEHAVIOR 867
Another type of sequence, which we shall call the systematic sequence, is Stated otherwtse;there ~behl1yioral curricula involved in almost all be-
~viors ….W.. h…e.re the present-beh~vioral deficitexists-b~t~;~~~~I;;~:havior:J W!S not acqmr~,_aErocedu.t:ewh1Ch attempts to correct the ongoms defiCit must The cases presented here have involved different behavioral deficits. Al- The cases presented here demonstrate a simple application of certain self- ‘Research being performed under Contracts DA-49-193-MD-2628 and DA-49-193-MD- “1 am indebted to Jar! Dyrud for this observation.
REFERENCES expo Anal. Behav., 1964,7,327-331. 1962,1,87-109. (Ed.), Behavior disorders: perspectives and trends. Philadelphia: Lippincott. GOLDIAMOND, 1. Stuttering and fluency as manipulable operant response classes. In GOLDIAMOND, 1. Perception, language, and conceptualization rules. In B. Kleinmtll1l1 GOLDIAMOND, 1., DYRUD, ]., & MILLER, M. Practice as research in professional psych,,1 HOLLAND, ]. G., & SKINNER, B. F. The analysis of behavior. New York: McGr,,,,
~ C=~W..C, & ~. H. ~ comparison of several procedures for eliminating I”, LUNDIN, R. W. Personality: an experimental approach. New York: Macmillan, ]<)1>1 ·).;KINNER, B. F. Scj§1l–‘.Lf!!lj,~–beb-avi-or. New York: Macmillan, 1953. 9,271-276.
Accepted October 27, 1965.
opments in other areas where explicit analysis is utilized may be considered for LaboratOry research has necessarily been characterized by a simplicity of pro- The cases presented here involve behavioral problems which could be an- Rl Th All ROBEl
aff ‘This res Psy.
AD]l 1. GOLDIAMOND868 j.levine j.levine j.levine j.levine j.levine j.levine The Search for an Effective Clinical Behavior Analysis: T. V. Joe Layng This paper has two purposes; the first is to reintroduce Goldiamond’s constructional approach Key words: Israel Goldiamond, nonlinear functional analysis, constructional approach
Israel Goldiamond must have be- tained many times before. They had It has been over 10 years since the death of his work and interests in favor of emphasizing This is the scientific journey that led one of I thank Paul Andronis, Lincoln Gimenes, Address correspondence to the author at The Behavior Analyst 2009, 32, 163 –184 No. 1 (Spring)
163 limits. In this procedure stimuli are Goldiamond and Hawkins had The Formative Years: Graduate Work Our story begins in the 1950s when what was then called operant psy- Psychophysicists were carefully Further, two different response 164 T. V. JOE LAYNG differing results for the same stimulus Investigators were also interested What Goldiamond immediately ception were, of course, operant Over a period of years in the GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 165 it consequences could alter self-re- If the perception (i.e., indicator Another approach to perception other words, SDT was able to sepa- In one of the early experiments in 166 T. V. JOE LAYNG SDT also provided a basis for SDT allowed the separate evalua- ferent response bias. SDT now al- Experiments showed that the more If reports of public events were so It became clear that much of verbal GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 167 as well as other behaviors were more Emerging Clinical Insights
While a graduate student at Chi- Over the next few years, from the approach to moral behavior was Together with colleagues such as Goldiamond often drew on these 168 T. V. JOE LAYNG the pressing was instead facilitated. Sidman (1960) also showed how out reference to its alternatives and Another set of experiments that fur- But why peck at all? The answer GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 169 The Extension of a Functional The promise of the rapidly growing Dyrud quickly came to see the The Goldiamond and Dyrud col- 1
It became clear to Goldiamond 1 A graduate student somehow lost the data 170 T. V. JOE LAYNG tinued therapy. Extrapolating from Stimulus Classes and Abstractional, Goldiamond continued to publish In 1966 Goldiamond elaborated on color naming can be transferred from Goldiamond and Dyrud (1968) GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 171 Often, encouraging a change in Goldiamond and Dyrud (1968) As further work would continue to the disturbing patterns outside the The Return to Chicago: The In 1968, Goldiamond accepted a 2
2 Several papers from this period describe 172 T. V. JOE LAYNG When investigators considered on- 3 mond and his students found that cognitions lost their causal status Goldiamond quickly came to un- She was immobilized thereby and her husband 3 Just as nondiscriminative avoidance may plines that analyzed complex nonlinear rela- GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 173 The Role of Emotion in Clinical Emotion theorists had for some 4
The implications were stunning. It tions evolved to aid us in navigating The Patient As Coinvestigator in But how was this discovered? As 4 This formulation overlaps with one de- 174 T. V. JOE LAYNG work on those occasions. To poten- Records were not, however, simply When the social consequences were quences. The phobic feelings were to If, say, spousal involvement was A range of specialty logs was I shall cite the report of an out-patient upon GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 175 without going to the hospital and having Increasingly, effective treatment re- The Importance of Verbal Behavior
Goldiamond’s work with, and un- future. Analysis and planning contin- Can one deliver reinforcement to behaviors Informed by years of research on 176 T. V. JOE LAYNG to others, and the behavior that In situations outside the laboratory, people He noticed that patients might state became obvious, however, that the Presentation of statements of contingencies For the patient, this means that the GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 177 that history and current consequenc- Other relations were noted as well. No single rule, approach, proce- A. Introduction 2. Background for the program The therapeutic process always began 178 T. V. JOE LAYNG patient records in the form of the logs 5
Extension and Application: Topical As the decade of the 1970s came to The logs also pointed to another reflect contingencies that describe Goldiamond (1975a) published a 5 No surveys, emotional indexes, or other GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 179 those issues (Goldiamond, 1975c, Over the next several years, Gol- serve an entirely different social In 1984, Goldiamond published his Although there were no longer 180 T. V. JOE LAYNG thought. To this end, his students Conclusion
Sigrid Glenn (2002) in a retrospec- In reading again Israel Goldiamond’s ‘‘To- Over many years, Goldiamond and obsessive compulsive disorders, panic REFERENCES
Andronis, P. T. (1987). Spontaneous cooper- Andronis, P. T., Layng, T. V. J., & Goldia- Azrin, N. H., Holz, W., & Goldiamond, I. Azrin, N. H., Holz, W., Ulrich, R., & Goldia- Israel Goldiamond wearing his ‘‘Frank Zappa’’ fishing cap given to him by Paul Andronis.
GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 181 Azrin, N. H., & Nunn, R. G. (1973). Habit- Barth, F. (1969). Ethnic groups and boundar- Baum, W. M. (1974). On two types of Chance, P. (1994). Learning and behavior (3rd Dyrud, J. (1971). Treatment of anxiety states. Estes, W. K., & Skinner, B. F. (1941). Some Flanagan, B., Goldiamond, I., & Azrin, N. H. Flanagan, B., Goldiamond, I., & Azrin, N. H. Gimenez, L. S., Andronis, P. T., & Goldia- Gimenez, L. S., Layng, T. V. J., & Andronis, Glenn, S. S. (2002). Retrospective on Goldia- Goldiamond, I. (1958). Indicators of percep- Goldiamond, I. (1959). The hysteria over Goldiamond, I. (1962). Perception. In A. J. Goldiamond, I. (1964a). A research and Goldiamond, I. (1964b). Response bias in Goldiamond, I. (1965a). Self-control proce- Goldiamond, I. (1965b). Stuttering and fluen- Goldiamond, I. (1966). Perception, language, Goldiamond, I. (1968). Moral behavior: A Goldiamond, I. (1969). Applications of oper- Goldiamond, I. (1970). Human control over Goldiamond, I. (1974a). A diary of self- Goldiamond, I. (1974b). Toward a construc- Goldiamond, I. (1975a). Alternative sets as a Goldiamond, I. (1975b). A constructional Goldiamond, I. (1975c). Singling out behavior Goldiamond, I. (1976a). Protection of human Goldiamond, I. (1976b). Singling out self- 182 T. V. JOE LAYNG Goldiamond, I. (1977). Insider-outsider prob- Goldiamond, I. (1978). A programming con- Goldiamond, I. (1979a). Behavioral approach- Goldiamond, I. (1979b). Emotions and emo- Goldiamond, I. (1984). Training parents and Goldiamond, I., Atkinson, C. J., & Bilger, R. Goldiamond, I., & Dyrud, J. E. (1968). Some Goldiamond, I., Dyrud, J., & Miller, M. Goldiamond, I., & Flanagan, B. (1959). Goldiamond, I., & Hawkins, W. F. (1958). Goldiamond, I., & Malpass, L. F. (1961). Goldiamond, I., & Schwartz, A. (1975). The Goldiamond, I., & Thompson, D. (2004). The Herrnstein, R. J. (1961). Relative and absolute Experimental Analysis of Behavior, 4, Holz, W., & Azrin, N. (1961). Discriminative Homans, G. C. (1958). Social behavior as Isaacs, W., Thomas, J., & Goldiamond, I. Keller, F. S., & Schoenfeld, W. N. (1960). Layng, T. V. J. (1995). Causation and Layng, T. V. J. (2006). Emotions and emo- Layng, T. V. J., & Andronis, P. T. (1984). Layng, T. V. J., Andronis, P. T., & Goldia- Layng, T. V. J., Merley, S., Cohen, J., Andronis, Lee, W. (1971). Decision theory and human Merley, S., & Layng, T. V. J. (1976). In-patient Rayfield, F., Segal, M., & Goldiamond, I. Sidman, M. (1958). By-products of aversive Sidman, M. (1960). Normal sources of path- Skinner, B. F. (1953). Science and human Skinner, B. F. (1957). Verbal behavior. Engle- Skinner, B. F. (1966). An operant analysis of GOLDIAMOND’S NONLINEAR THINKING 183 Problem solving: Research, method and Skinner, B. F. (1977). The force of coinci- Travis, M. (1982). Matching client entry repertoires in a nutrition program. Unpub- Von Neumann, J., & Morgenstern, O. (1944). Zubin, J., & Spring, B. (1977). Vulnerability: 184 T. V. JOE LAYNG
Article Review Calkin examines private and public events as behaviors. In the science of human behavior, inner and outer behavior share much in common. There is no functional difference that has been discovered. These behaviors function in the same way. Inner behaviors have several categories which are thoughts, feelings, and urges. Attitude is also part of the categories which is defined as the blend of outer and inner behaviors. Thought is an idea, feeling is a thought which has physiological components while urges are more of a respondent behavior. It is the compulsion to do something. Feelings are obvious that they become a part of external behaviors. Obtaining information about inner behavior is important. This information can be obtained from statements about private events which are consistent. The author denotes that there is no difference between inner and outer behaviors when they are statistically analyzed. Researchers focus their studies on the functional relationship between behavior and the environment and vice versa. This helps them measure the concurrence between inner and outer behaviors. Research on these behaviors should be based on behaviors that are progressive and not assumptions that are made out of external behaviors only. Research shows that a preceding event of outer behavior can be used to change an inner behavior. This makes it possible to pair both inner and outer behaviors. Through pairing, we can arrive at a better understanding of inner behaviors. The author has come up with two laws that help us to discover truths about inner and outer behaviors. For example, the urge to do a behavior and the behavior accelerate or decelerate independently. These laws state that positive thoughts accelerate and decelerate independently from the negative ones while positive feelings accelerate and decelerate independently from negative ones. Hayes (2009) wrote about the public-private dichotomy and argues that it is based on incorrect assumptions. He argues that even as those activities are complicated, as an interplay of responding and stimulating taking place in the same area of interaction as public activities, they are also available to the external observers. The nature of their observation is described and provides implications for behavioural analysis as a scientific system. The sciences are investigative enterprises organized to determine the nature of particular things, and by their purpose, in this respect, they exhibit a combination of characteristics not found in human enterprises of other kinds. On the other hand, the non-scientific enterprises lack one or more characteristics for example humanity or the new element.
They divided the events into public and private classes, and according to which private class events are characterized, is examined. A conclusion that the public-private dichotomy proposed by Skinner is based on contradictory areas and misconceptions about practicality are made. A proposal on the private class event formulation is raised and it is argued that private facts are not private or biological but are public psychological facts. An address is also made on the factual problem of observations. Events of extreme fineness can be observed as long as the required observational methods are used. Some thoughts about this article was how is verbal behaviour acquired? This is concerning private activities rather than speculating about the nature of such events as psychological events in their own right. How can private activities be talked about aside from the activities being addressed? The author talks about how emotions and emotional behavior are used to understand the social benefits of aggression. What people feel is a private event or emotion that is described as an eminent happening. Emotions tell something about environmental requirements by reflecting a particular type of happening. Emotions are only accessible to the individual experiencing them and they are private events. However, emotions do not necessarily remain private.
Layng (2009) maintains that aggression is often associated with fear and anger. Aggressive behavior is seen to be an attempt to distance from the stimuli causing the emotion of aggression. The social nature and outcomes of aggressive behavior suggest that more aggressive episodes are outcomes of aggression that make analysis and treatment uncertain. For the effective intervention of aggressive behaviors, there is a need to distinguish the emotions which describe the contingencies involved in aggressiveness.
Layng states that aggressive acts such as those directed to properties, fights that do not have a real attempt to cause harm to another indicate that maintaining the aggressive behavior may be a social benefit. The elimination of aggressive episodes in people is important in order to maintain a secure living environment for the community as well as the progress of the aggressive person. Understanding emotions and the role they play in human behavior becomes a challenge due to transitions from emotions to emotional behavior. To get a better understanding of how to suppress aggressive behaviors, describing the behavioral processes that are responsible for aggression should be done for example understanding what evokes this feeling.
The author has identified several interventions that are aimed at controlling aggressive behaviors. These included coming up with strategies that provide a change in the evocative condition and creating programs that teach individuals how to control the environment through the use of verbal behavior instead of an aggressive one.
During today’s class discussion we talked about the articles, a better understanding of the SCC charts, which some of us are still confused about because it is not something that we use daily. Part of the activities I enjoyed participating in was positive thoughts for one minute, I reached about 8 things and I could not thing of anything anymore instead I started to talk about how people see me or what people thought about me. During today’s class we also talked about our upcoming project and creating a behavior we can start to track. I decided to track how many times in from 6am – 1pm 5 days a week on the amount of fatigue I get, while also increasing my water intake by consuming 5 bottles daily which will eventually decrease my fatigue.
Reference
Calkin, A. B. (2009). An examination of inner (private) and outer (public) behaviors. European Journal of Behavior Analysis, 10(1), 61-75. Hayes, L. J., & Fryling, M. J. (2009). Overcoming the pseudo-problem of private events in
the analysis of behavior. Behavior and Philosophy, 37, 39–57. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41472421 Layng, T. V. J. (2006). Emotions and emotional behavior: A constructional approach to understanding some social benefits of aggression. Brazilian Journal of Behavior Analysis, 2(2), 155-170. Turnitin Report Formatting Title Page Citation Outline
havior under the c~~tl”oCof food’i[O’ne,sincefood is normallynot a”ailable as a
sti~~’-H-;;-~~isOolnstructea to ~~t-toliisheart;s~conte~~-an{rn()tto ‘~~p~~~.th~
~~i;~: ~He w~:ho;~~~;: ~~-;~e~;-f~~d~~ith-~h~~dig~itY i
sequences, as did going to the refrigerator while watching television. Television,
studying, and other stimuli would lose their control of initiating the chain of
behaviors and conditions that terminated in eating. Within one week, the young
man cue oue all eating between meals. “You’ve taken the fun out of it,” he said
to me. We then worked on the contents of the meals as well, and he stopped
attending sessions. I met him about three months later; he was considerably
slimmer and remarked that he needed neither me nor the clinical psychologist to
solve his problems. He could handle them himself.
the 5s had no other problems. The aim was to alter the specified behavior. We
started Out with the simplest procedures. Had these not been effective, we would
have tried others. Some more complex cases will be presented next.
very short time 5s ran off by themselves to apply the procedures they had learned.
In some cases, I would have preferred more extensive interchange and wondered
how c1inica:I psychologists were able to keep 5s coming week after week. Finally,
I attributed the tenure of the relationship to what might be called the Schehera-
zade effect. Scheherazade, as you will recall, became the consort of a king who
killed each bedmate after one night, having generalized the infidelity of a pre-
vious wife to all women. Scheherazade told him a story on the first night, which
was not completed by dawn. The king paroled her for the second night to hear
the rest of the story, and having been reinforced, she repeated her behavior, The
Arabian Nights.
part for talking about one’s self; one is never finished in 50 minutes. Hence,
such discussions may maintain therapy sessions and allow the therapist to interact
with the patient Over an extended period of time. An individual tutorial may
serve the same function.
0
u.J
~
:::J
Vl
Vl
D::
:::J
0
:I:
Tuesday, and another or
“On the concrary,”
bowling alley.”
would maintain itself.
farming. He was then
and to attach a $20 bill
on Thursday, at which
fully would continue in
was designed to reduce
instructed to sulk to hi~
ever he felt like sulkin
stool, and sulk and mu
When he was through
wife. He was instruct(
each session. The graF
as 7 hours on the preo
The husband in this case was a young man, 29, who was working on his
both decided that he should come to see me about their marriage, which both
wanted to maintain. The issue, as S told me, was that his wife had committed the
“ultimate betrayal” two years ago with S’s best friend. Even worse, it was S who
had suggested that the friend keep his wife company while he was in the library
at night. Since that time, whenever he saw his wife, S screamed at her for hours
on end or else was ashamed of himself for having done so and spent hours sulk-
ing and brooding. Since the events that led to the “betrayal” were an occasion
for bringing home the first lesson on the consequences of behavior, we started
from there.
quences. S’s behavior provided stimuli for his wife’s behavior. If he wished
his wife to behave differently to him, then he should provide other stimuli than
the ones which produced the behaviors he did not like. There was considerable
analysis of such interactions. This conceptualization of behavior was apparently
new to S, who took detailed notes; I have discovered it
However, this process may take a considerable amOunt of time. One o(the..m.ost
rapid waysto change behavior is by altering the conditions under whicbiu,lsually
()c:c~lrs. This is calle(Lst~nlttlttLcJ:L4nge or the effects of novel stimuli. If the
novel stimuli are then combined with new behavioral COntingencies designed to
produce different behavior, these contingencies are apt to generate the new be.
havior much more rapidly than they would in the presence of the old stimuli.
arrange the use of rooms and furniture in his house to make it appear considerably
different. His wife wenc one step further and took the occasion to buy herself
a new outfit.
0
L.W
~
::::J
V>
V>
0::
::::J
0
:r:
Tuesday, and another on Wednesday.
“On the contrary,” I said, “I am interested in your subjecting yourself to an
bowling alley.”—
would maintain itself. He commented on his mother-in-law’s crazy ideas about
farming. He was then given an index card and instructed to write “farm” on it
and to attach a $20 bill to that catd. The $20 was to be used to pay the waitress
on Thursday, at which point he was to start the “farm” discussion which hope-
fully would continue into the taxi and home.
was designed to reduce yelling, S’s sulking was in danger of increasing. S was
instructed to sulk to his heart’s content but to do so in a specified place. When-
ever he felt like sulking, he was to go into the garage, sit on a special sulking
stool, and sulk and mutter over the indignities of life for as long as he wished.
When he was through with his sulking, he could leave the garage and join his
wife. He was instructed to keep a daily record of such behavior and bring it to
each session. The graph is presented in Fig. 1. Sulking time had been reported
as 7 hours on the preceding day, and, with occasional lapses, it was reported as
d in 50 minutes. Hence,
IW the therapist to interact
.n individual tutorial may
behavior. If he wished
rovide other stimuli than
behavior was apparently
lavioral analysis, and they
eir marriage, which both
is wife had committed the
Even worse, it was S who
hile he was in the library
screamed at her for hours
so and spent hours sulk-
s of behavior, we started
f time. QQ~_2bhe.J.:ggst
lS.l.11ldeLwhich it :usually
If novel stimuli. If the
Jntingencies designed to
to generate the new be-
ence of the old stimuli.
, S was instructed to re-
(e it appear considerably
occasion to buy herself
versals and drops were occasions for discussions.
lapses, the problem was presented of changing its stimulus value when conjugality
was involved. If this could be done consistently, eventually the special stimuli
might come to control such behavior. The problem was to find a stimulus which
could alter the room entirely and would be easy to apply and withdraw. Finally,
a yellow night light was put in, was turned on when both felt amorous, and was
kept turned off otherwise. This light markedly altered the perceptual configura-
tion of the room.
Daily notes of events were kept in a notebook, as was the graph. S took
session.
stemmed from some inaccessible source within her, and that many of his own
behaviors likewise poured out from himself. In this context, the final sharp rise
in the sulking curve was discussed. “The whole procedure won’t work,” he said,
“my wife doesn’t need me as much as I need her.” The psychiatric message was
that he had no control over his wife, but I chose to ignore this message in favor
of a didactic one on the behavioral definition of needs. He was asked how he
knew what his wife’s needs were. Was he an amoeba slithering into her tissues
and observing tissue needs? Was he a mind reader? After my repeated rejec-
tion of subjective definitions of needs, he redefined the problem behaviorally,
namely, that his wife behaved a certain way less than he did. He said that stated
this way it sounded silly, but I said, “No, it’s a problem to you and not silly.”
behaviors as asking him to do things for her. “When was the last time she
asked you to do something for her?” I asked. He replied that the previous day
she had asked him to replace a light bulb in the kitchen. Had he done so, I
asked. “No,” he said. He was then asked to consider the extinction of pigeon
behavior and took notes to the effect that, if he wished his wife to act helpless,
he should reinforce dependency by doing what she asked.
meant is my behavior,” he said, “then my personality changes from one moment
to the next, because my behavior changes,” he stated.
“Well, what is my true personality, what is the true
He reported this as a viewpoint he had never considered; his previous train-
own self (to which he could) be true.” He took extensive notes.
have never done 1:
manage my studen
allow myself to be
I went to the gara
one-year’s guarant’
scrapper. She can
should I have to 1:
tradespeople I don
After the initial 1
was taking the cc
tered around beha
hood and was SUIT
of the things thai
next day, a farmt
in 1963. What c
“Wrong,” I
Let’s discuss the
ners were able to
their sexual relat
a year. Both hu
were professiona
their friends an<
to maintain the
marital relatiom
might carry itst
Both were instrl
each other, sinct
was repulsed.
husband fell asl.
“I am at my wil
1S value when conjugality
tually the special stimuli
to find a stimulus which
,th felt amorous, and was
the perceptual configura-
!iscussed at each weekly
d that many of his own
Hext, the final sharp rise
lre won’t work,” he said,
psychiatric message was
He was asked how he
After my repeated rejec-
Ie problem behaviorally,
did. He said that stated
) you and not silly.”
:luded such dependency
1 was the last time she
~d that the previous day
en. Had he done so, 1
:he extinction of pigeon
his wife to act helpless,
by personality all that is
lUges from one moment
t of searching for “thine
nsive notes.
have never done before in my life. When I teach in classrooms I am able to
manage my students, but when 1 talk to tradespeople 1 find I am very timid and
allow myself to be cheated. Well, last week my carburetor gave out. I knew if
I went to the garage they would make me buy a new one even though I have a
one-year’s guarantee. I sent my wife down to the garage instead~ She is a real
scrapper. She came back with a new carburetor. It didn’t COSt us a cent. Why
should I have to be all things to all men? In school I control things, but with
tradespeople I don’t. So what?”
After the initial training, 5 was assigned homework along with his wife who
was taking the course in behavior analysis. The weekly discussions were cen-
tered around behavioral analysis and how it might apply to his problems.
hood and was summarily cut off.
of the things that interests you? Doesn’t it affect me now?”
next day, a farmer drives eighteen tons over it; it cracks. The bridge collapses
in 1963. What caused the collapse?”
“Wrong,” I said. “The bridge collapses in 1963 because of the cracks that
Let’s discuss the cracks in your marriage.”
ners were able to commune.
their sexual relations throughout marriage had been limited to about two contacts
a year. Both husband and wife ascribed the difficulty to the husband. Both 5s
were professionals, intelligent, were socially well at ease, and highly regarded by
their friends and the community. They were Roman Catholic and determined
to maintain the marriage, but the wife thought she might be driven into extra-
marital relations. Both felt that, if only they could get started, the behavior
might carry itself.
Both were instructed to discuss with me only that which they could discuss with
each other, since 1 woUld make constant cross reference between the two sessions.
was repulsed. Playboy was recommended to initiate amorous activity, but the
husband fell asleep reading it. During the lesson on deprivation, the wife stated:
“I am at my wit’s end as to how to shape his behavior. I don’t know what rein-
applied immediately and is immediately consumed. I could withhold supper, but
that is not a good reinforcer because I can’t turn it off and on. I can’t apply
deprivation, because that’s my problem. I don’t know what to do.”
whose time was so tight that he had to schedule almost every minllte of his day.
We discussed the possibility of his scheduling his wife in the appointment book
for two evenings a week. He thought this might work, but his wife was a bit
more dubious. These appointments were kept two weeks in a row, but then lost
their control. We then discussed the nature of the control over behavior exerted
by discriminative stimuli, of which instructions are one example (Goldiamond,
in press). There were differential consequences attached to keeping and not
keeping the business appointments, but no differential consequences had been
attached to meeting or not meeting appointments with his wife. Hence, the in-
structions lost their control (Ayllon & Azrin, 1964).
array. The wife visited the beautician once a week and the husband went to the
barber every other week. In the session following the failure of control by the
appointment book, the husband suggested that they might attach the opportunity
to visit the beautician or barber as consequences to keeping the appointments.
In the event that the appointments were not kept, the visits would not be allowed
and could be resumed only when the appointments had been kept. His wife also
felt that this would be extremely effective.
were not bedraggled and the appointments were kept for the rest of that semes-
ter, at least.
ysis to other problems as well. They mentioned a staff party which had been
held at their home. The behavior of an inefficient secretary was being discussed.
“Well, she has no behaviors that I can reinforce her for,” was the answer.
-5 was a seventeen-year-old high school senior of normal intelligence, who
ferral from a school psychologist.
translation alternate with cursive lines of handwriting. During the first session,
I asked 5 to sit at my desk and write from diCtation. He leaned forward to write
but no part of his hand or arm tOuched paper or desk; the entire force of his
shoulder and arm was transmitted to the pencil point, making fine comrol im-
possible. Since the primary grades, no one had ever observed his writing behav-
on the table an
simple physics \
carbon paper, a:
he would go th
was instructed t(
familiar, “Now
paper is lined, a
The writing bel
uld withhold supper, but
= and on. I can’t apply
what to do.”
oak evening courses and
every minute of his day.
n the appointment book
, but his wife was a bit
:s in a row, but then lost
01 over behavior exerted
example (Goldiamond,
consequences had been
:he husband went to the
ailure of control by the
t attach the opportunity
ping the appointments.
ts would not be allowed
~en kept. His wife also
. the rest of that semes-
party which had been
:ipants said.
r for,” was the answer.
[legible. He was a re~
)uring the first session,
.eaned forward to write
the entire force of his
aking fine COntrol im-
‘ved his writing behav-
on the table and to “manipulate his pencil from the wrist and fingers. Some
simple physics were explained to him. Sheets of onion skin were interlaced with
carbon paper, and he was given exercises requiring modulation of force so that
he would go through five sheets, four sheets, three sheets, and twO sheets. He
was instructed to print.
familiar, “Now is the time …” phrase. Fig. 3 presents that initial attempt. The
paper is lined, and the writing starts out filling up the space between the lines.
The writing becomes smaller and smaller. This tendency can be traced to the
Cd 00 d m e,,-ro c..oY\””\e”To
FIG. 3. Stimulus control of ensuing letter size by writing T as capital of same size
capital. Since capital letters are followed by small letters, these Ts control the
size of the small letters that follow them. The first T in the second line pro-
duces a row of smaller letters following it, and the first T in the third line takes
off from this size and again cutS down the size of the following letters until the
final T produces a tinier Y. S was instructed to write his Ts so that they were
larger than the preceding letters. Fig. 4 reiterates the control this letter had over
the following letters. The letters which follow T are smaller than T, but since T
is above the line they stay within the line. The effect has been reversed, dem-
onstrating a causal relation. Incidentally, since T is the second most frequently
used letter in English, it is a powerful source of control. In the later session, S
was instructed to differentiate between capital and small T.
is evident. The numerous spelling errors are of interest. As long as the writing
is undecipherable, spelling errors cannot be noted and corrected.
q all contain a complete circle of the same size. These circles are modified in
letters such as c and e. S was instructed to bring an assortment of buttons to the
curves for t
‘I wish to ex!
ogy major, wI
buttons for
He practice,
tering, S wa
28th in his,
home paid
used, S’ s hal
pay was drc
was’now Cal
not have pr.
upon a pro!
and may res
sistently obI
can be appli
requirement
at home. I-
of the beha\
end product
the behavioJ
that merely
sequences w
consequence
Penalizing I-
that behavic
his academi<
for advice.
himself und
parents wer,
ties. S was
studying wa
earlier. A c
each course ;
. letters, these Ts control the
st T in the second line pro-
first T in the third line takes
he following letters until the
rite his Ts so that they were
Ie control this letter had over
e smaller than T, but since T
feet has been reversed, dem-
; the second most frequently
urol. In the later session, S
;mall T.
. 2. The change in legibility
rest. As long as the writing
lOd corrected.
e, the letters a, b, d, 0, p, and
hese circles are modified in
assortment of buttons to the
buttons for other letters. He was also instructed in other principles of writing.
He practiced at home and brought his material in weekly. After a period of let-
tering, S was instructed to link his letters in an effort to produce cursive writing.
28th in his class to 13th. The undergraduate assistant4 who worked with him at
home paid him money for lines completed and, as long as this procedure was
used, S’s handwriting was legible and showed evidence of training. When this
pay was dropped, the handwriting deteriorated. Although legible handwriting
was’now contingent upon reinforceme~, differential reinforcement alone would
not have produced the new behavior. Indeed, without making them contingent
upon a program to alter behavior, differential consequences may be ineffective
and may result in aversive control, as did theflaggiag and the poor grades he con-
sistently obtained. Now that S has the new behavior, differential consequences
can be applied to maintain it; hopefully, these will be provided by society. The
requirement of extrinsic consequences was probably related to difficult conditions
at home. He had no desk or work place, and he lived alone with his mother.
of the behavior itself mayan occasion be far more useful than observation of its
end product. Another is that behavior may be controlled by the very stimuli that
the behavior itself produces, as in the size of the letters following T. A third is
t!:lat merely establishing a behavior will not necessarily maintain it. The con-
sequences which maintain it must be considered, bur as a fourth conclusion, these
consequences should often be related to a program of behavioral modification.
Penalizing his poor writing behavior, as his teachers had done, did not eliminate
that behavior. It did, however, bring him in for treatment.
This case involved a junior in college who was being expelled because of
for advice. I told him that I would try to get him reinstated, providing he put
himself under my control. He agreed and was given a conditional year. S’s
parents were professionals. Two siblings were at prominent Eastern universi-
ties. S was alert, and his IQ tests were within the range of college populations.
studying was introduced following some of the procedures which were discussed
earlier. A daily record was kept of the total number of hours spent in study, for
each course and for the total day.
were not evenly distributed among the various classes. Fig. 5 presents the study
curves for two different courses. The upper curve depicts minimal studying,
‘I wish to express my appreciation to Mr. Richard David, then an undergraduate psychol-
ogy major, who brought S to and from sessions and assisted in them.
daily recitations (lower)
Many behavi·
maintenance.
three Es of thl
an improveme
this much sruc
tailed analysis
raphy is requi~
to draw a mal
extends from
nated Lake Mi
at it confident
20 per cent.
with history, I
of map-readir
which have to
864
characterizes the behavior of pigeons as well. The lower patt of the curve repre-
sents the studying pattern for a language class which involved a daily recitation.
S studied at regular intervals. These curves so impressed me that I instituted
daily quizzes in my classes and was gratified to see the averages rise.
ords for inspection and discussion. Different procedures for keeping notes were
developed for each course. In the foreign language, for example, a separate sheet
was kept for masculine and feminine nouns and for each verb class. Grammati-
cal classes represent similar ways of treating a word. By putting words of the
same grammatical class together, there may be generalization from the changes
learned for one word to the changes learned for another. Flash cards which are
uniform may not lend themselves to such generalization.
and resurrect the author’s outline (where he had one). Red and black ink were
used for headings and entries. The outlines were topical rather than sentence
outlines. This required restating the sentences in his words, rather than copy-
ing them from the book.
one of us knew what should be considered. We used the conventional pro-
cedure to find our, namely, the first exam. This told us what the instructor con-
sidered to be the terminal behaviors.
from memory by college junior tak-
ing a course in international trade
This map may be used to exemplify a behavioral definition of stupidity.
maintenance. It is possible that, in one form of stupidity, the prerequisites to
three Es of the preceding semester to two CS and twO Ds. Although this was
an improvement, one class was dropped. I was disturbed since I felt that, with
this much study and careful outlining, 5 should have obtained As. A more de-
5 was taking a course in international trade, for which a knowledge of geog-
to draw a map of South America. Fig. 6 represents the map he drew. Brazil
extends from sea to shining sea. The body of water above Venezuela is desig-
nated Lake Maracaibo, and Bolivia is north of Peru and abuts on Venezuela.
at it confidently and said, “Oh, 75 per cem or a c.” I said that I would give him
20 per cent. Incidentally, in work with other 5s since then who have trouble
with history, I have often found that they lack knowledge of geography, and even
of map-reading. Accordingly, historical movements become disconnected facts
which have to be learned for each case.
wer part of the curve repre·
involved a daily recitation.
he averages rise.
ues for keeping notes were
)r example, a separate sheet
‘ach verb class. Grammati·
‘alization from the changes
iler. Flash cards which are
n.
was asked to be a detective
I . Red and black ink were
)pical rather than sentence
.s words, rather than copy·
lsed the conventional pro-
us what the instructor con·
differentiate the presence of adequate behaviors from their absence. Stated other-
wise, the person we call stupid is lacking certain behaviors but behaves as if he is
not so lacking. He does not know to ask. He confidently undertakes assign-
ments and often starts out successfully. However, where the new behaviors re-
quire older ones and these are missing, we may obtain the egregious blunders
we call stupid. The blunders may be unpredictable to us simply because, in a
long sequence, there are too many places in which deficits can occur for us to
have come across everyone.
5 was taking courses which had as prerequisites other courses, which he had
passed with Ds, he was being required to acquire new behaviors when the pre-
requisite foundation for them was rather shaky. Accordingly, we “regressed” to
the freshman texts in those courses in which he had obtained a D.
Dumpty was quoted to the the effect that words meant what he intended them
to mean. The point here was that the economist’s use of words might differ
from their common usage. Humpty-Dumpty appeared in red in 5’s notes. S
knew that Humpty-Dumpty was an egg who fell. I asked why the egg led his
paragraph and could obtain no answer. It turned our that 5 had not read Alice
in W onderlatzd, nor any of the childhood classics, nor for that matter Tom-Swifl,
nor even comic books. He simply did no home reading as a child.
fully getting someone to work six hours a day copying Chinese letters with a
brush, without his ever having learned how to hold a brush or what the signifi-
cant calligraphic nuances were. I suggested a program of visiting the art gal-
leries, listening to concerts, reading the classics, and otherwise acquiring the be-
haviors relevant to our cultural heritage.
called the chaining sequence, a chain of behavior is maintained by the consc-
quences attached to the last element in the chain. Thus, Lundin (1961) reports
a rat who went through various behavioral gyrations, then up five stories and
down an elevator. All of these behaviors were maintained by the food he [c-
ceived at the end. In this type of sequence, the order of training is the reVeni’
of the chronological order in which the sequence of behavior is performed. The
pressing of the lever for food was established first. This was made contingent
upon manipulation of the elevator. Then the ride in the elevator was made COll-
tingent upon the preceding step and so on. The emire chain was maintained
by the food. Thus, if the product of education is not reinforcing, the behav-
iors which lead to it may not be maintained. Chaining was also exemplified
in the weight reduction case, when watching television no longer served as a COll-
sequence of going to open the refrigerator.
exemplifie,
to a course
upon the 1
depends UI
algebra, w(
of socializ.
subjects bu
sible, for e:
the existen
the existen.
consider se
~h. ~
The c
functional
similar. T
marital or :
differences
these are c
pecking ar,
quences wI-
fering beh,
It is upon t
environmer
tory to the
for research
control pre
earlier, the)
cedures (fo
we are curt
ing that tht
and describ
other form~
2448 betweel
and the Was
tion between
heir absence. Stated other-
‘iors but behaves as if he is
fidently undertakes assign-
Jere the new behaviors re-
lin the egregious blunders
to us simply because, in a
eficits can occur for us to
ler courses, which he had
If behaviors when the pre-
)rdingly, we “regressed” to
btained a D.
economics texts, Humpty-
use of words might differ
‘ed in red in S’s notes. S
asked why the egg led his
: that S had not read Alice
for that matter To.JJLSwift,
ling as a child.
” but this was like success-
tng Chinese letters with a
brush or what the signifi-
therwise acquiring the be-
maintained by the conse-
, then up five stories and
ttained by the food he re-
: of training is the rev~rse
:havior is performed. The
This was made contingent
:he elevator was made con-
tire chain was maintained
ot reinforcing, the behav-
ling was also exemplified
no longer served as a can-
exemplified in the case of this student. A systematic sequence can be compared
to a course or an educational curriculum; the acquisition of one behavior depends
upon the prior existence of another, just as the acquisition of new knowledge
depends upon a grasp of other presupposed knowledge. Thus, in order to learn
algebra, we must know how to read. In order to learn to read, a certain degree
of socialization must first occur. Such curricula exist not only in academic
subjects but are implicit in other types of behavior as well. It is entirely pos-
sible, for example, that certain behaviors necessary for marital success presuppose
the existence of other interpersonal behaviors, whose acgpisition depends upon
the existence of yet other behaviors.
consider some of the earlier deficits of which the present one may be an out-
~:–wheV this is true, in contrast to the first marital case presented,~
‘»pn of childhood may be necessary.
though the content or the topography of these and other behaviors differs, the
functional relations of such differing behaviors to their environment may be
similar. This may be true not only when the differences are in such categories as
marital or academic, both of which involve human behavior, but also where the
differences categorize species. Pigeons peck and people talk. Topographically
these are different behaviors. However, if the consequences which maintain
pecking are sched~led in a ‘certain manner and the (quite different) conse-
quences which maintain speech are scheduled in the same manner, then the dif-
fering behaviors of pecking and speech will undergo similar changes in rate.
It is upon this functional, or dynamic, similarity in the relation of behavior to its
environment that the possibility of the extension of procedures from the labora-
tory to the clinic rests. It also suggests that problems in the clinic may be used
for research in the laboratory.
control procedures derived from the laboratory. As was explicitly indicated
earlier, they are not intended to supplant or question other more complex pro-
cedures (for a more extended analysis see Goldiamond, et al., 1965). However,
we are currently examining some of these complex procedures and are discover-
ing that the explicit language of the laboratory may be very useful in analyzing
and describing some of the behavioral transactions and changes that go on in
other forms of psychotherapy (Goldiamond, Dyrud, & Miller, 1965).5 Devel-
2448 between the Office of the Surgeon General and the Institute for Behavioral Research
and the Washington School of Psychiatry, respectively. These projects involve collabora-
tion between Jad Dyrud, M.D., Miles Miller, M.D., and the author.
AYLLON, T., & AZRIN, N. H. Reinforcement and instructions with mental patients.
FERSTER, C B., NURNBERGER, ].1., & LEVITT, E. B. The control of eating. ]. Matheli(l.
GOLDIAMOND, 1. Justified and unjustified alarm over behavioral control. In O. Milton
1965. Pp.237-262. (a)
1. Krasner and 1. P. Ulmann (Eds.), Research in behavior modification. Nt””
York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston, 1965. Pp.106-156. (b)
(Ed.), Cognition symposium: problem solving. New York: Wiley, in press.
og;y. Canad. Psychologist, 1965, Ga, 11 0-128.
‘1 –~ –
—~Behat., 1963,6,399-406.
ROGERS, C B. Client-centered therapy. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1951.
SULZER, E. S. Reinforcement and the therapeutic contract. ]. consult. Psychol., 1′)I •.’,
their relevance to psychotherapy, and psychotherapy, by a reverse lend-lease, may
suggest areas for study under more controlled procedures (Goldiamond, in press) .
cedures and concepts, and their extension to the solution of complex human
problems requires considerable precaution and careful examination. Neverthe-
less, these procedures and concepts may provide methods for the analysis and re-
statement of complex problems in observable and manipulable terms and may
thereby assist in the explicit assessment of behavioral change and effectiveness.
alyzed by 5s themselves. This training of 5 to become his own therapist is one
of the goals of most branches of psychotherapy. The method used to accomplish
this will depend on the state of the art, the nature of the problem, S’s past
history, and social and other constraints upon 5’s behavior. In some cases, these
factors may dictate a strategy of not instructing S, or not having him define the
problem or discover its solution immediately, since such a procedure may disrup!
other behaviors and the consequences currently maintaining themY The course
of treatment might then be considerably different from any of those discussed
here. Other problems and possible procedures could be cited as well. But the
cases presented here suggest that, in some areas at least, simple procedures call
lead to complex changes.
23-hr. j
tion sel
ules to
fort &
adjust 1
howevf
water f
prived
veals nt
to have
Es fail
water r
schedul·
ditions.
water d
of time.
were id
gether.
the basi
schedull
For Gre
during t
Measun
P.M., at
riod for
5s
30
College.
“Now at 1
SeRE]
Highlight
Cross-Out
Cross-Out
Cross-Out
Cross-Out
Cross-Out
The Nonlinear Thinking of Israel Goldiamond
Headsprout
to clinical behavior analysis and to the field of behavior analysis as a whole, which,
unfortunately, remains largely unaware of his nonlinear functional analysis and its implications.
The approach is not simply a set of clinical techniques; instead it describes how basic, applied,
and formal analyses may intersect to provide behavior-analytic solutions where the emphasis is
on consequential selection. The paper takes the reader through a cumulative series of
explorations, discoveries, and insights that hopefully brings the reader into contact with the
power and comprehensiveness of Goldiamond’s approach, and leads to an investigation of the
original works cited. The second purpose is to provide the context of a life of scientific discovery
that attempts to elucidate the variables and events that informed one of the most extraordinary
scientific journeys in the history of behavior analysis, and expose the reader (especially young
ones) to the exciting process of discovery followed by one of the field’s most brilliant thinkers.
One may perhaps consider this article a tribute to Goldiamond and his work, but the tribute is
really to the process of scientific discovery over a professional lifetime.
come excited as he looked at his data.
He and William Hawkins had just
replicated results that had been ob-
been very careful to follow the
procedures precisely. The experimen-
tal subjects had been given a series of
words made up of nonsense syllables
to study. Some of the words were
studied for a brief period of time,
others for longer periods of time.
Once studied, the stimuli were pro-
jected on a screen using a procedure
known as the ascending method of
Israel Goldiamond. Unfortunately, references
to his work are rare. This would not be such a
concern if his work was not of such impor-
tance to behavior analysis as a field and
clinical behavior analysis as a profession. Part
of the reason for this lies in the non-behavior-
analytic publications in which much of the
work appeared, and part lies in the complexity
of the work itself. Goldiamond was one of the
earliest advocates of a functional analytic
approach to behavior. Indeed, his 1967
textbook, which was recently published in
slightly edited and revised form (2004, Andro-
nis, Ed.) by the Cambridge Center for
Behavioral Studies was titled The Functional
Analysis of Behavior. He later extended that
work to a very sophisticated nonlinear func-
tional analysis that provides a unique perspec-
tive on understanding complex behavior, and
particularly behavior of clinical significance.
Equipped with this analysis, behavior analysts
can understand, treat, and make sense of the
seemingly irrational or maladaptive patterns
observed in the clinic without resort to
hypothetical mediating variables such as
emotional avoidance, governance by self-
generating misrules, or defective cognitions.
This paper is an attempt to provide the
foundation of the approach through the
personal journey of Israel Goldiamond. It is
necessarily circumspect, leaving out much of
that which is most relevant to the current
topic. (For a broader treatment of Goldia-
mond’s impact on behavior analysis, see
Gimenez, Layng, & Andronis, 2003.)
behavior analysis’ greatest thinkers to his
many discoveries, and to his scientifically
derived and compassionate constructional
approach to human problems based on a
nonlinear contingency analysis. This nonlinear
analysis provides the basis for sophisticated
topical and systemic interpersonal, social, and
societal interventions.
Russell Layng, Zachary Layng, Marta Leon,
Charles Merbitz, Edward Morris, Joanne
Robbins, Jesús Rosales-Ruiz, Melinda Sota,
and Janet Twyman for their encouragement
and very helpful comments.
4705 S. Dakota St., Seattle, Washington 98118
(e-mail: joe@headsprout.com).
presented at increasing intensity or at
slower speeds until a response
matches the stimulus presented, as
indicated by a score sheet. The
investigators recorded each utterance
of a word, and each score-sheet entry
that corresponded to a stimulus
presentation was scored as a correct
identification. The score sheet was
carefully constructed such that it
contained the nonsense words care-
fully studied as well as those only
briefly examined. Perception ap-
peared to improve as a function of
the training, producing what psycho-
physicists refer to as lower thresh-
olds. The more the training a subject
received, the more frequently the
studied responses matched the score
sheet, a complete replication. Almost
everything was the same. The non-
sense words studied were the same,
the presentation method was the
same, the speed of presentation was
the same, and the score sheet used by
the experimenter was the same. In
fact, they had produced the familiar
logarithmic function relating fre-
quency of prior exposure to recogni-
tion threshold.
made only one change to the proce-
dure. No nonsense words had ever
been presented. The subjects had
been presented only smudges. The
increasingly correct identifications
that occurred as a function of train-
ing, as measured by matches to the
experimenter’s score sheet, had been
obtained in the total absence of
nonsense words. The result could
not be attributed to perception, for
there was nothing there to perceive.
at Chicago
Israel Goldiamond obtained a copy
of Keller and Schoenfeld’s (1950/
1995) Principles of Behavior. It was
his first in-depth introduction to
chology, and it would change his life.
Goldiamond, a graduate student at
the University of Chicago, had be-
come keenly interested in percep-
tion and its study through what is
called psychophysics. Psychophysics is
one of the foundational areas of early
experimental psychology. Great
names in psychology such as Wundt,
Fechner, Weber, and Stevens had led
the way in building a behavioral
science based on precise presentation
of stimuli and equally precise measure-
ment of human responses to those
stimuli. Early on, it was referred to,
often with a little hint of derogation, as
‘‘brass instrument psychology’’ be-
cause of the elaborate apparatus fre-
quently required for work in the area.
studying the relation between chang-
es in stimuli and corresponding
changes in behavior. The changes in
behavior were taken to indicate
changes in perception. The problem,
however, was that the same stimuli
appeared to be perceived differently
as a function not only of a change in
the stimulus but also of the way
observers were asked to respond. One
method of having an observer indi-
cate whether or not a stimulus was
seen frequently produced a different
threshold from another method for
exactly the same stimuli. A threshold
was defined as a stimulus value, light
intensity for example, at which 50%
of the time an observer would say it
was there and 50% of the time that it
was not there. Often, unanticipated
responses, considered errors by in-
vestigators, would occur. These er-
rors required mathematical correc-
tion, specific to the procedure used,
in order to get comparable results.
For detailed reviews see Goldiamond
(1958, 1962, 1964b) and Goldiamond
and Thomas (1967/2004).
modalities, such as saying ‘‘yes’’ or
‘‘no’’ versus touching or not touching
something, to indicate the presence or
absence of a stimulus could produce
presentations. At times, an observer
would not report, or even emphati-
cally deny, seeing a stimulus, but
other behavior in some way indicated
that the stimulus had been perceived.
When this happened, unconscious, or
what was called subliminal, percep-
tion was defined. That is, there was a
difference between the spoken indi-
cator response and some other, typ-
ically nonverbal, indicator response.
in the role of emotion, state of mind,
or motivation in determining percep-
tion. Was an internal perceptual
world changed that then determined
how one responded to the external
world? Many studies seemed to
indicate that this may be the case. A
range of variables, such as drives,
needs, or even training, could influ-
ence this internal world. A hungry
person might be able to smell food-
related odors at lower thresholds
than another who had just eaten; a
sex offender might be able to detect
sexually suggestive words more rap-
idly than typical individuals; a person
who was trained on nonsense sylla-
bles might see them at lower thresh-
olds than words that had not been so
well learned. Research into hypnosis
was suggesting that somehow the
instructions of the hypnotist could
radically alter the perceptual world of
the observer. Instructed that red
would always now be yellow, observ-
ers would say yellow when presented
with red objects. Apparently, their
color perception had changed. Psy-
chophysical methods began to be
applied to a range of behaviors,
including the private world of the
observer. For example, anxiety in-
dexes based on psychophysical scal-
ing methods were constructed; these
methods showed promise and rapidly
expanded into a separate field of
mental and emotional testing.
realized from his reading of Keller
and Schoenfeld (1950/1995) was that
the responses used to indicate per-
behavior (i.e., behavior whose rate
and form were functions of its
consequences). As such, these indica-
tor responses were subject to conse-
quential control whether or not the
investigator explicitly manipulated
the consequences. Goldiamond rea-
soned that perhaps the difference in
outcomes obtained when different
indicator responses were used was a
function of differences in personal
consequential histories, both inside
and outside the experimental context.
In a series of innovative experiments,
he and his colleagues were able to
show that many of the differences in
outcome occurred because the conse-
quences of responding were simply
being overlooked.
mid-1950s to the early 1960s, Gol-
diamond and his colleagues experi-
mentally investigated many classes of
perceptual behavior. They demon-
strated that training did not alter
the ability to perceive stimuli, but
simply increased the frequency of
those responses in comparison to
other responses, thus resulting in
more matches to the experimenter’s
score sheet (Goldiamond & Hawkins,
1958). For example, in the study that
opened this article, greater training
on certain nonsense words resulted in
a greater tendency for the experimen-
tal subjects to say those words, thus
making score-sheet matches more
likely (the analysis applies equally
well to the effects of food deprivation
on smelling food-related odors, or the
effects of sexual arousal on detecting
sexually suggestive words; see Gol-
diamond, 1964b). They showed that
hypnosis did not alter perception, but
simply brought the indicator behav-
ior under the control of the hypno-
tist’s instructions (Goldiamond &
Malpass, 1961). This was convincing-
ly shown when experimental observ-
ers responded to the true afterimage
of the real color presented and not to
the afterimage of the instructed color.
It was also demonstrated that implic-
ports of internal states: College stu-
dents who had never been in the
military scored nearly identically to
Korean War fighter pilots on surveys
of emotional responses to combat
when told to respond as a command-
ing officer might expect one to
respond (Azrin, Holz, & Goldia-
mond, 1961). They also pointed out
procedural difficulties that may occur
in attempts to reinforce or punish
conversational content (Azrin, Holz,
Ulrich, & Goldiamond, 1961).
responses) of explicitly presented
external stimuli could be shown to
be a function of its consequences and
related variables and not entirely of
what was reported to be perceived,
what about responses to one’s own
behavior? In a series of clever exper-
iments, subjects attributed newly
acquired stuttering to anxiety pro-
duced in a test situation, when in fact
it was a function of a shock-avoid-
ance schedule of which the subjects
were entirely unaware (Flanagan,
Goldiamond, & Azrin, 1959). What
they were aware of were explanations
of stuttering as caused by anxiety.
Unaware of the consequences of their
behavior, the reasons given by the
subjects corresponded to the reasons
that tended to be accepted by the
audience, just as had the college
students’ responses to the survey,
and who knows, perhaps even the
pilots’ (for a more comprehensive
discussion of how these early studies
may contribute to an understanding
of causation and behavioral complex-
ity, see Layng, 1995).
was gaining popularity at about the
same time. This approach, which
Goldiamond helped to pioneer, be-
came known as signal-detection the-
ory (SDT). SDT provided methods
for disentangling those variables that
influence responding not related to
the stimulus (response bias) from
those that were a direct function of
the stimulus (discriminability). In
rate the effects of the consequences of
behavior from the ability of an
observer to see (hear, smell, etc.) a
stimulus. Here was an approach to
perception that explicitly considered
the effects of consequences on behav-
ior and shared many of its procedures
with those of operant psychology (see
Goldiamond, 1964b; Goldiamond &
Thompson, 1967/2004).
this area, Goldiamond (1964b) was
able to show that unconscious per-
ception, that is, perception without
awareness, was a function of differ-
ential consequences attached to two
different indicator responses. Observ-
ers were seated in front of two lighted
plastic panels; a faint triangle was
presented on one of the two panels.
After the triangle had been presented,
the observers were instructed to press
the panel with the triangle and say,
‘‘yes’’ if the triangle was there or
‘‘no’’ if it was not. The observers
touched the panel on which the
triangle was projected more often
than they said ‘‘yes.’’ Lower thresh-
olds were obtained for panel presses
than for ‘‘yes.’’ The difference in
thresholds obtained for the two
different responses indicated the de-
gree of unconscious perception that
existed. Because the observers were
more accurate when pressing than
they were when saying ‘‘yes,’’ their
data indicated a subconscious per-
ception of the triangle. That is, their
spoken responses indicated that they
did not see it, but their pressing res-
ponses indicated that they did. Gol-
diamond demonstrated that pressing
a panel when a triangle was not there
and saying ‘‘yes’’ when a triangle was
not there may have different conse-
quential histories, and that when
procedures were put in place that
reduced the effect of past conse-
quences obtained outside the experi-
ment for saying rather than doing,
the thresholds converged. There was
no subliminal perception (see also
Goldiamond, 1958, 1959).
understanding the differences ob-
tained using different psychophysical
methods. It became evident that the
probability of saying ‘‘yes’’ in the
presence of the stimulus (a hit) was a
function of the probability of saying
‘‘yes’’ in its absence (a false alarm).
From the analysis of a 2 3 2 matrix,
which has a minimum of two re-
sponses (yes and no) and a minimum
of two states of the world (stimulus
either absent or present), the effects
of consequences and stimuli could be
analyzed. By explicitly arranging
consequences or payoffs, the likeli-
hood of saying ‘‘yes’’ when the target
stimulus was present and ‘‘no’’ when
it was absent could be systematically
controlled. When the payoff for
saying ‘‘yes’’ with the target stimulus
absent was manipulated, the frequen-
cy of saying ‘‘yes’’ with the target
stimulus present would also change.
This was observed even though the
consequences for saying ‘‘yes’’ with
the target stimulus present remained
unchanged. Even as the false-alarm
rate varies and the hit rate corre-
spondingly covaries, the underlying
discriminability of the stimulus re-
mains unchanged. When one sees a
low false-alarm rate, one also sees a
low hit rate; a high false-alarm rate
results in a high hit rate. That is, the
ratio of false alarms to hits remains
mostly unchanged as the consequenc-
es are changed for a given range of
stimulus presentations.
tion of two key aspects of perception,
discriminability and response bias.
Discriminability was defined by how
discrepant the target stimulus was
from other stimuli. Response bias was
defined as a preference for saying
‘‘yes’’ or ‘‘no.’’ Discriminability com-
bined with response bias to determine
the overall likelihood of saying ‘‘yes.’’
Here was the answer to why there
were differences in results given the
different psychophysical procedures
used for nearly a century. Each
procedure engendered a slightly dif-
lowed the separate evaluation of the
contribution of each to an observer’s
overall score. False positives and
false negatives were not errors, but
instead were the logical and sensible
outcome of their consequences (Gol-
diamond, 1964b; Goldiamond &
Thompson, 1967/2004).
ambiguous the situation, the more an
observer’s behavior was a function of
its consequences (reflected as re-
sponse bias) and less a function of
the presence or absence of the stim-
ulus. The important discovery that
the probability of saying ‘‘yes’’ in the
presence of a target stimulus was a
function not only of its consequences
but also of the consequences for
saying ‘‘yes’’ in its absence was not
overlooked by Goldiamond. He
clearly saw that to fully understand
complex behavior, one had to con-
sider entire sets, or matrices, of
contingencies, rather than focus on
just one.
governed, then reports of private or
inner events had to be similarly
governed. And because, by their
nature, private events were necessar-
ily ambiguous, publicly speaking
about those events was even more
likely to be governed by their conse-
quences. Goldiamond found that
what people said about themselves,
and the world around them, was not
merely a function of past conse-
quences for similar responses in
those situations but was also a
function of past consequences for
saying something different on similar
occasions.
behavior, particularly in ambiguous
situations, was largely a function of
its consequences and other related
variables, and that the pure discrim-
ination was indeed rare. Further, it
was not enough to look at or arrange
consequences for a target response;
attention had to be paid to alterna-
tive responses as well. Speech content
likely to be guided by these alterna-
tive relations than not (Goldiamond,
1958, 1962, 1964b). This early work
helped to provide the foundation for
the search for a comprehensive be-
havior analysis that would continue
the rest of Goldiamond’s life.
cago, Goldiamond had taken a
course from the famous clinical
psychologist Carl Rogers. Although
he was not inspired by Rogers’
approach, he became interested in
how a consequential analysis could
inform therapeutic practice. After
graduation, Goldiamond began a
two-pronged career, one that contin-
ued his pursuit of an experimental
analysis of behavior, both human
and animal, and also one that fo-
cused on behavior of clinical impor-
tance. The two interests often inter-
sected and were treated with equal
rigor.
late 1950s to the late 1960s, while
Goldiamond was at Southern Illinois
University, Arizona State University,
the Institute for Behavioral Research,
and Johns Hopkins University, pro-
cedures were developed to analyze,
understand, and intervene in behav-
ior, often verbal, of clinical interest.
Speech was reinstated in mute psy-
chotics (Issacs, Thomas, & Goldia-
mond, 1960), stuttering was analyzed
and treatment procedures were de-
signed (Flanagan, Goldiamond, &
Azrin, 1958, 1959; Goldiamond,
1965b; Goldiamond, Atkinson, &
Bilger, 1962; Goldiamond & Flana-
gan, 1959; continuous research and
development would yield a systematic
program that eventually tought over
200 stutterers to speak fluently),
methods of self-control were devel-
oped (Goldiamond, 1965a), psychotic
hallucinations were analyzed in the
context of psychophysical research
(Goldiamond, 1964b), a behavioral
described (Goldiamond, 1968), and
a functional analysis of the content of
speech in therapeutic sessions was
undertaken, as well as how behavior-
al interactions within a therapeutic
session could result in changes out-
side the session (Goldiamond &
Dyrud, 1968; Goldiamond, Dyrud,
& Miller, 1965).
Nate Azrin, behavioral psychoana-
lyst Jarl Dyrud, and many others,
Goldiamond began to develop in-
sights as to what constitutes an
effective functional analytic approach
to psychotherapy. Goldiamond and
Azrin had a profound influence on
one another. In giving his eulogy at
Goldiamond’s memorial service, Az-
rin described Goldiamond’s influence
on everything from the token econo-
my to his own approach to marital
therapy. Goldiamond would likely
have had similar things to say about
Azrin. Other work in the operant
laboratory helped to elucidate vari-
ables that would be of considerable
importance for clinical analysis and
treatment.
insights for his work with patients.
Two in particular drew his attention.
In 1960, Murray Sidman had pub-
lished some of his observations about
some possible normal sources of
pathological behavior in an article
published in Science (see also Sid-
man, 1958). Given certain arrange-
ments, monkeys would apparently
work to receive shocks. In a series
of brilliantly designed experiments,
Sidman demonstrated the important
role of behavioral history and the
interaction of concurrent consequen-
tial contingencies in understanding
and making sense of seemingly par-
adoxical behavior. Estes and Skinner
(1941) had shown that the presenta-
tion of a clicker paired with shock
could suppress lever pressing on some
interval schedules, but if a monkey
had a history of pressing a lever to
avoid shocks, the opposite happened;
Further, shock could be made con-
tingent on lever pressing after the
avoidance schedule had been termi-
nated, and lever pressing would
actually increase, producing more
shocks. All the animal had to do
was stop pressing and no shocks
would be delivered. It was, in essence,
trapped by its history of available
alternatives. This was not psychopa-
thology, but a sensible outcome of
actions taken in the past to reduce
shock frequency.
patterns maintained by two different
consequences, in this case pressing a
lever to avoid shock and pulling a
chain to produce food, could become
intertwined. He reasoned that if the
two operants were indeed a function
of their separate histories, discontinu-
ing the shock-avoidance schedule and
introducing unavoidable shocks
should result in an increase in lever
pressing and a decrease in chain
pulling, in accord with his and Estes
and Skinner’s (1941) results. It did
not turn out that way. Both respons-
es’ frequencies increased. One con-
ventional interpretation was that the
increases were a function of the
underlying emotional response to
the shock, a common pathological
perspective. Sidman instead showed
that the result was a function of an
adventitious arrangement of the con-
sequential contingencies and a sensi-
ble outcome of that arrangement.
When schedules were changed such
that the effects of lever pressing were
clearly separated from the effects of
chain pulling, the results were as
predicted earlier. The important les-
son inherent in these studies was that
the consequential history of the
behavior under investigation was
critical to understanding current pat-
terns, and that seemingly pathologi-
cal behavior could occur as a func-
tion of quite sensible responding to
quite prosaic behavioral processes.
Further, simply considering the ap-
parently pathological pattern, with-
their consequential histories, would
yield an incomplete picture at best,
and result in a completely wrong
analysis at worst.
ther supported Goldiamond’s emerg-
ing approach was a series of studies
performed by Holz and Azrin
(1961) showing that punishment
could be a discriminative stimulus
for reinforcement. From time to
time, pecks to a disk mounted on a
wall provided food to a hungry
pigeon, but did so only if an electric
shock followed each peck. Un-
shocked pecks to the disk did not
result in food. The pigeons quickly
learned that no shock meant no
food, and that shock meant food.
If they pecked and there was no
shock, they would stop pecking, but
if a shock were provided they would
peck. The presence of electric shock
occasioned the very behavior that
produced it. If one were to only
observe those pecks that produced
shock and overlooked those that
resulted in food, one might consider
the pecking to be an indicator of
psychopathology.
from the pigeons’ point of view was
unambiguous: peck, get shocked,
eventually get fed; do something else,
don’t get shocked, starve. When one
considered the alternatives available
to the pigeon, the pecking for shock
made absolute sense. Further, Gol-
diamond reasoned, one could arrange
conditions in which pigeons would
work to turn on the shock if it were
absent. The pain of one’s actions may
be necessary to achieve an ultimate
payoff. And, when available alterna-
tives are considered, that pain, and the
pursuit of those conditions or life
contexts that result in such pain, may
not be maladaptive at all. In fact, it
may be considered quite adaptive and
sensible. The therapeutic approach
suggested here was to find or construct
an alternative that could provide the
same payoff, but without the pain.
Behavior Analysis to
Clinical Treatment
operant literature, together with his
own previous work, made Goldia-
mond’s collaboration with the physi-
cian and psychoanalyst Jarl Dyrud an
exciting opportunity to test the power
of a functional analysis of behavior in
the clinic. They began their collabora-
tion in the mid-1960s while Goldia-
mond was executive director of the
Institute for Behavioral Research.
Goldiamond would sit in on Dyrud’s
therapy sessions taking notes, provid-
ing a contingency analysis of what
transpired, and making suggestions.
The two would remain lifelong friends.
power of the analysis Goldiamond
provided. Some years later, Dyrud
(1971) suggested that psychoanalysts
should embrace behavioral function-
al analysis as the tool that they had
been seeking all of these years in their
effort to understand the unconscious.
He wrote, ‘‘Our assumption is that
seemingly erratic behavior is in fact
consequential, often at a level below
awareness, and that the elucidation
of its consequences is our major
vehicle for treatment (making the
unconscious conscious)’’ (p. 302). In
1968, their collaboration resulted in a
paper titled, ‘‘Some Applications and
Implications of Behavioral Analysis
for Psychotherapy.’’ It, along with an
earlier article (Goldiamond et al.,
1965), were perhaps the first papers
on the use of a consequential func-
tional analysis for adult psychother-
apy. This was not systematic desen-
sitization, or token economies, or the
direct reinforcement of verbal con-
tent, or the use of rewards and
punishment to get someone to behave
in ways the patient or therapist
thought was good for them. Instead,
it was the direct use of an explicit
functional analysis to help individu-
als change their context for living,
that is, their contingencies.
laboration also produced some very
interesting clinical experiments; one
in particular deserves elaboration.
They placed a psychiatrist in one
room and a patient in another. A
type of one-way mirror separated the
rooms such that the patient could see
the psychiatrist as long as a light was
directly shining on the therapist.
They then linked the brightness of
the light to speech rate. If the patient
maintained a specified rate of speak-
ing, the therapist remained visible; if
the rate dropped off, the room would
darken, making the therapist difficult
to see. This relation was never
described to the patient. By manipu-
lating speech rate, they could change
both affect and conversation content.
High rate requirements produced
statements of anger, frustration, and
anxiety that the patient would attri-
bute to his life situation; even higher
rates could produce psychotic-like
responding, with near delusional be-
havior, ‘‘word salad’’-like responses,
and often agitated roaming around
the room. Access to the psychother-
apist was a powerful reinforcer. It is
doubtful that this experiment could
be conducted today.
that clinically relevant behavior, in-
cluding verbal content and affect,
were all adaptively a function of
consequential selection. It was also
clear that consequences came in
packages that contained both costs
and benefits. Keeping the psychiatrist
visible was a potent explicit reinforc-
er; however, it came at a cost of
finding things of clinical relevance to
say, an implicit requirement of con-
for all but one of the subjects run by Goldia-
mond and Dyrud, so the results of these
experiments would never be published. Still,
they had had their effect on Goldiamond,
which is why the description is included here.
Goldiamond was fond of describing the
precise details of these experiments, and there
were some attempts to replicate them in
nonpsychatric settings, but they were never
completed.
his experience with SDT and work
performed in the operant laboratory,
Goldiamond surmised that these
consequence packages had to be
considered not only for the ‘‘symp-
tom’’ but also for available alterna-
tive patterns. Goldiamond saw that
once one examined both the relative
costs and benefits for what he would
later call the disturbing pattern and
those for alternative patterns avail-
able to the patient, the function of the
behavior was revealed; more than
that, why the individual behaved as
he or she did became clear.
Instructional, and Dimensional
Control in the Clinic
on perception and how various stim-
uli interacted with behavior as a
function of certain consequences. In
1962, he described how both stimulus
and response classes could be formed
and how these classes may be extend-
ed to include other stimuli or re-
sponses, and how, ‘‘once a class is
established, contingencies applied to
one member of a class tend to affect
other members of the class’’ (p. 303).
the important distinction between
dimensional and abstractional or
instructional control, and how each
could be transferred separately or
together. To somewhat over simplify,
dimensional control was what one
responded to and abstractional con-
trol was how one responded to it. For
instance, one may respond to an
airplane by stating its color, its
weight, the number of passengers
carried, or a variety of other features.
Responding to the plane (vs. some-
thing else) indicates dimensional con-
trol, and responding along any of a
multitude of features represents ab-
stractional control. One can transfer
abstractional or relational respond-
ing across different stimuli that vary
greatly in appearance. For example,
naming the color of an airplane to
naming the color of a house. One can
establish abstractional control by
comparison (e.g., larger than); it can
also be established through a com-
mon response (e.g., stopping at a
railroad crossing, a stoplight, etc.) or
by various forms of stimulus pairing.
Both dimensional control and ab-
stractional control can be transferred
independently or together, as Goldia-
mond (1964a, 1966) demonstrated
with a program that precisely se-
quenced a series of letters and words.
As a result of the sequencing, observ-
ers who begin the sequence classify-
ing letter groups or words by the
presence of the letter B are led instead
to classify by the presence of words
that reflect male gender (and reject
those words containing B if they do
not reflect male gender), without
hearing a verbal description of either
relation. (During this period, Goldia-
mond & Thompson, 1967/2004, pro-
duced one half of a planned wide-
ranging book on behavior analysis
that included the most systematic
treatment of stimulus control ever
written.)
went on to postulate that some forms
of the psychoanalytic concept of
transference might have a basis in
such relations. Talking about how
interacting with one’s wife is similar
to how one interacted with one’s
mother may be an example of such
control. But there was a twist. Such
comparisons did not necessarily re-
veal that the relationship with the
mother, or what happened in that
relationship, was necessarily causally
linked, but that, of all the thousands
of interactions that had occurred, the
patient had chosen this one to
describe. A similar analysis could be
made of remembered dreams. Both
past interactions and recent dreams
may speak to current contingencies.
Each may help to elucidate current
abstractional control and the conse-
quences that maintain it.
abstractional control in a therapeutic
session, that is, establishing a differ-
ent way of responding to an event,
could be transferred to events outside
the session. They noted that the
effectiveness of such transfer fre-
quently depended on how patients
responded to therapist-supplied stim-
uli and, in turn, how the therapist
responds to the apparent abstraction-
al control as it occurs. The therapist
responds to the theme and not
necessarily the precise words chosen
by the patient. Accordingly, the role
of metaphor in facilitating not only
analysis but also transfer was de-
scribed in the 1968 article and ex-
panded on in later work in the 1970s.
(See, e.g., Goldiamond, 1974a, 1975a.
Two of Goldiamond’s students,
Layng & Andronis, 1984, later pub-
lished an article that extensively
discussed the use of metaphor inter-
pretation in the treatment of delu-
sions and hallucinations.)
considered potentiating variables, or
what are now often called motivative
or establishing operations, as critical
to successful outcomes. They argued
that understanding the sources of
consequence potentiation is critical
to successful therapy, and further,
that yet other elements of the psy-
choanalytic concept of transference
may be analyzed, in part, through a
consideration of potentiation. Equal-
ly important was the potentiation of
reinforcers that could maintain pa-
tient behavior within a session:
‘‘What may be a critical reinforcer
in psychotherapy is change in refer-
ent behaviors outside. Events in the
session that are related to such
change may thereby become linked
to them as reinforcers themselves’’
(p. 74).
show (Goldiamond, 1969), the key to
extension, and to meaningful change
outside the therapeutic session, is
how events in the session affect the
consequential relations that maintain
session. Although it may be the case
that ‘‘once a class is established,
contingencies applied to one member
of a class tend to affect other
members of the class,’’ as noted
earlier such change is maintained
only if it is supported by a change
in the referent consequential contin-
gencies.
Constructional Approach and
Nonlinear Versus Linear Analysis
position as professor in the Depart-
ments of Behavioral Sciences (Bio-
psychology), Psychiatry, Medicine
and in the College (the undergradu-
ate school) at the University of
Chicago; Dyrud accepted an appoint-
ment in the Department of Psychia-
try and ultimately became chair for a
time while at Chicago. Years of
clinical research, including a rigorous
research program conducted at the
Behavior Analysis Research Labora-
tory of the Department of Psychiatry
ultimately led to the publication of
what Goldiamond (1974b) called a
‘‘constructional approach.’’ This was
groundbreaking work, a functional
analysis that considered the conse-
quences and related variables not
only of disturbing patterns but of
their alternatives as well. Rather than
simply considering a linear occasion-
behavior-consequence sequence, this
was a nonlinear approach in which
the behavior being investigated was
understood to be a function of
multiple intersecting contingencies.
applications of this emerging nonlinear ap-
proach; see for example, Goldiamond (1970,
1974a), Layng, Merley, Cohen, Andronis, and
Layng (1976), and Merley and Layng (1976).
Goldiamond encouraged his students to in-
vestigate other related behavior-analytic work
from the period that could be considered to
fall into a subcategory of his nonlinear
formulation such as research into the match-
ing law (Herrnstein, 1961) and its derivations
(Baum, 1974). Goldiamond also encouraged
his students to read work from other disci-
ly the consequences for the disturbing
behavior, it often seemed as though
the disturbing pattern made no sense
and must be a function of some type
of internal emotional or cognitive
state. However, an examination of
the available alternative consequen-
tial contingencies, reminiscent of the
payoff matrix of SDT, quickly dis-
pelled this notion.
Further, Goldia-
changes in reported emotions and
cognitions tracked changes in the
contingency matrix. Emotions and
once the entire matrix was described.
They did, however, remain an impor-
tant source of information in helping
to identify those relations of which
the emotions themselves were also a
function.
derstand that the goal of therapy was
not to directly control, change, or
suppress emotions or cognition, but
instead to sensitize the patient to
them, use them as indicators of the
relevant consequential contingencies,
and to build on their current reper-
toires so as to arrange new contin-
gencies. Patients were taught that
their disturbing patterns were quite
sensible and often nearly heroic
responses to the contingency matrix
in which they found themselves, and
that their behavior was neither mal-
adaptive nor pathological. The ap-
proach is illustrated by an example
provided by Goldiamond (1975b)
about a woman with a debilitating
phobia that often left her confined to
her bed:
swept and cleaned the house every morning (to
clear it of vermin), brought her breakfast in
bed, and washed the dishes (to deter vermin)
before leaving for work. Whenever she recov-
ered somewhat, his attentiveness waned. The
phobia was costly: she could not resume the
professional work she had enjoyed, nor could
they go out together at night; further her in-
laws were suggesting divorce. The benefits to
recovery are obvious, as is the matrix. There is
a metaphor involved. Labeling the disturbing
behavior as a psychiatric problem is essential
to the matrix. The patient would not get the
accruing benefits if she simply told her
husband: ‘‘Look, you’ve been putting work
ahead of me and everything else since we’ve
been married. I’ve worked to keep this
marriage together. How about you?’’ Indeed,
earlier efforts in this direction had been
extinguished. Numerous psychiatric problems
have this legitimate labeling function. Labeling
theorists who denounce such terms might
reflect further on this metaphorical use for
the patient, rather than upon the psychiatrist’s
benefits and the crippling effects of the label
upon the patient. It is the contingency matrix
that produces the disturbing effects and
governs the behavior and the experienced
emotions or thought patterns. (p. 43)
seem difficult to understand in the laboratory
without postulating escape from increasing
anxiety or fear, there is a similar appeal to
employing escape from some internal feeling
or thought as an explanation for some
behaviors observed in the clinic. Both are
predictable outcomes of a linear contingency
analysis. But if one takes a nonlinear or
alternative sets approach and asks, ‘‘What
happens to the rat if the bar is not pressed?,’’
one soon realizes that all behaviors other than
bar pressing are candidates for shock, a form
of differential punishment of other behavior
(DPO), the converse of differential reinforce-
ment of other behavior (DRO). In DRO, all
behaviors other than the target behavior are
candidates for reinforcement, and the target
behavior decreases. A two-factor account of
DRO might suggest that elation may build as
the timer times down to consequence delivery,
the occurrence of the target behavior inter-
rupts the elation, thereby punishing the target
behavior. To bring it into correspondence with
more recent approaches, perhaps the target
behavior comes to signal a period of no
reinforcement, and that signal becomes the
punisher. None of these explanations may be
required when the pattern is considered to be a
function of the joint effect of the consequential
arrangement on all classes of behavior. A
nonlinear contingency analysis leaves us with
sensible rats: bar pressing yields no shock;
doing something else receives shock (DPO);
bar pressing yields no food, doing something
else receives food (DRO). (For a more
technical description of these relations and
their relation to other laboratory observations
see Goldiamond, 1975a.)
tions; these included sociology’s exchange
theory (Homans, 1958), anthropology’s trans-
actionalism (Barth, 1969), economics’ game
theory (von Neuman & Morgenstern, 1944),
and psychology’s decision theory (Lee, 1973).
Behavior Analysis
time argued about the role of emo-
tions. Some argued that emotions
could cause behavior. One is afraid,
therefore, one flees; the fleeing may
reduce the fear and thus reward
running. Others argued that, no,
one runs away from something and
feels fear as a result of running, the
behavior of running away causes the
feeling of fear. Goldiamond saw from
what was now years of work in the
clinic and laboratory that neither
explanation was adequate. Instead,
he found that both fleeing and feeling
fear were a function of the conse-
quential contingencies; one did not
cause the other. This was an impor-
tant discovery. One does not run
from the bear because one is afraid,
and one is not afraid because one is
running from the bear—one is both
running and afraid because there is a
bear close on one’s heels. Fear
describes a specific functional rela-
tion between behavior and its conse-
quences. It describes the situation in
which one’s behavior is reinforced by
putting distance between oneself and
some other thing or event. Anger,
which so often goes hand in hand
with fear, describes those conditions
in which one’s behavior is reinforced
by creating distance between oneself
and an event by removing or driving
off the event. Emotions, therefore,
may be considered as describing or
amplifying specific contingency rela-
tions, and specific contingencies can
be described by specific emotions
(Goldiamond, 1974b, 1975b, 1979b;
Layng, 2006).
was becoming evident that our emo-
complex contingencies that are a part
of a complex social world. We are
oblivious to most of the contingencies
that govern our day-to-day behavior.
Nonetheless, it is important that we
come in contact with them and act
accordingly; we do this through our
emotions. Clinically, emotions could
be used to uncover those contingen-
cies, to make the unconscious con-
scious, by making the implicit conse-
quential contingencies explicit.
Analyzing Nonlinear Relations and
Planning Topical and
Systemic Treatment
part of the research protocol, patients
were asked to keep records. These
records, some of which were pub-
lished in the appendix of Goldia-
mond (1974b), were filled out by the
patient on a daily basis between
visits. Understanding that record
keeping and what was recorded are
operant behaviors, it was important
to make sure these records formed
the basis of patient–therapist interac-
tions. A great deal of time was
devoted to examining and analyzing
the daily logs in each session (see
Goldiamond & Schwartz, 1975). If a
log was brought to a session not filled
out, session time was used to retro-
actively fill in the missing times. This
joint evaluation led to many discov-
eries that might not otherwise have
been made. For example, it was
noticed that events on one day could
potentiate reinforcers for different
behaviors on another day. For in-
stance, on some days phobic behav-
ior may have no discernible conse-
quence; however, at other times, the
consequences, which ranged from
control over the behavior of a spouse
to avoiding an unpleasant task, were
easily identified. It became apparent
that if the phobic response occurred
only on the occasions in which it
obviously paid off, it would cease to
scribed by Skinner (1953), which considers
emotions as by-products of behaving under
certain circumstances, but it differs in its
specificity in regard to how changes in
emotions precisely describe changes in contin-
gencies, and in the distinction between emo-
tion and emotional behavior.
tiate the social consequences for the
phobic response on one occasion, the
behavior had to occur on other
occasions in which there were no
discernible social consequences or
even when a cost might be observed.
Just as shock had become discrimi-
native for food in the Holz and Azrin
(1961) experiments, the cost of the
phobia may have to be evident if
others are to provide the consequenc-
es that maintain phobic or other
disturbing behavior. Chance (1994)
fittingly called this Goldiamond’s
paradox (see also Layng & Andronis,
1984).
indicators of disturbing patterns, but
were used to find when things went
right and why. Emphasis was placed
on what was going on when the
patient felt good, and how this was
achieved. Each week there were goals
to be achieved based on the previous
week’s successes. Setbacks were treat-
ed as expected outcomes of any
worthwhile effort, and were occa-
sions for further contingency analy-
sis.
no longer potent or when the best
interests of the patient were served by
giving up the symptom, it was easily
understood why the patient was now
seeking therapy. Patients’ logs fre-
quently showed that the disturbing
pattern involved costs for others as
well as for the patient. Those close to
the patient might not easily accept an
immediate dropping of the symptom.
Also, it might be necessary to build
certain skills for situations avoided in
the past. When a phobia was in-
volved, a simple intervention might
involve understanding that the pho-
bic feelings were likely to have
occurred in situations in which there
was no direct payoff, and to use those
feelings as indicators to stop and
examine the situation and see what
one could do that, step by step,
would lead to coming into contact
with new experiences and new conse-
be treated as a natural outcome of
the individual’s personal history. For
many, this was all that was required.
the critical consequence, and avail-
able alternative patterns in the pa-
tient’s repertoire had not been
successful in obtaining such involve-
ment, ‘‘topical’’ interventions, direct-
ed exclusively at the presenting com-
plaint (e.g., fear of cockroaches) are
likely to be only minimally successful.
These include working on the fear
responses directly or on the avoid-
ance of fearful emotions. Interven-
tion has to be directed elsewhere. The
relationship with the spouse must be
the focus. As the relationship chang-
es, and the consequences that main-
tain the phobia (spousal involvement)
are either obtained elsewhere or are
no longer potent, the phobic symp-
toms may simply drop out of the
repertoire, or the change may allow a
topical intervention to replace the
phobia with other less troublesome
patterns.
developed, including social interac-
tion logs, emotional responding logs,
and others as required for a particu-
lar life situation. One’s thoughts and
personal observations were regularly
included. Often, the records indicated
incidents of application, or self-con-
trol, of what had been learned from
the logs. From Goldiamond (1976a):
his return from vacation. He had had a history
of hospitalization for schizophrenia and his
brother was recently hospitalized for the same
problem. During his vacation his wife walked
out on him, leaving him alone in the motel. ‘‘I
found myself sitting in bed the whole morning,
and staring at my rigid finger,’’ he said. ‘‘So I
asked myself: ‘Now what would Dr. Gol-
diamond say was the reason I was doing this?’
He’d ask what consequences would ensue.
And I’d say: ‘Hospitalization.’ And he’d say:
‘That’s right! Just keep it up and they’ll take
you away.’ And then he’d say: ‘But what
would you be getting there that you’re not
getting now?’ And I’d say: ‘I’ll be taken care
of.’ And he’d say: ‘You’re on target. But is
there some way you can get this consequence
another hospitalization on your record?’ And
then I’d think a while and say: ‘Hey! My sister.
She’s a motherly type, and she lives a hundred
miles away.’’’ He reported that he dragged
himself together, packed, and hitch-hiked to
his sister who took him in with open arms.
The education occurred in the process of the
analysis of several months of written records.
(p. 33)
quired that for many symptoms,
patterns other than the presenting
complaint (the original symptoms)
needed to be considered. Once these
other patterns and their consequences
were addressed, the symptom often
dropped out with no need to attend
directly to the disturbing pattern.
This type of intervention would come
to be called systemic, as distinguished
from topical. Topical interventions
directly address the presenting com-
plaint. Both types of intervention
may employ a nonlinear functional
analysis and are not necessarily
mutually exclusive (Goldiamond,
1979b, 1984; Layng & Andronis,
1984). For example, patients who
engage in certain forms of obsessive
compulsive behavior benefited from
combining certain topical interven-
tions similar to those found in habit
reversal procedures (Azrin & Nunn,
1973) with a systemic intervention
targeted toward building repertoires,
the absence of which was the obses-
sive compulsive disorder.
derstanding of, verbal behavior was
also important to the success of the
approach. An interview strategy was
developed that, with amazing regu-
larity, often indicated the important
nonlinear consequence relations that
were maintaining the disturbing pat-
tern. By focusing on outcomes to be
achieved, rather than on deficits to be
eliminated, contingencies were un-
covered and new ones built that
resulted in patients coming to control
their own lives and plans for the
ue well after the initial interview. A
poignant example was provided by
Goldiamond (1974b):
such as hallucinations that are almost univer-
sally regarded as pathological? Indeed, they
enter into the diagnosis of schizophrenia. The
parents of a woman of 22, so classified,
reported that she was hallucinating a husband
and children at the dinner table and engaging
them in extended conversation. If they ignored
her (extinction), they knew she would escalate
(e.g., hallucinate pregnancy, etc.) until they
were forced to reply. If they were punitive, she
might start screaming or might stay away
from the table and undo their intense efforts
to get her there. If they agreed or inquired
after the ‘‘family’’ (reinforcement) this, too,
might escalate the pattern. The tactics recom-
mended were based on the following rationale.
A child’s report card has A’s, C’s and F’s. The
parents can complain about the failing grades,
cite the A’s to indicate she can do better, or
simply praise heavily for the A’s. The hallu-
cinatory patterns were to be regarded in the
same way: what is there about them that can
be reinforced? Most 22-year-old women are
married, and neighboring daughters were no
exception. Her mother said, next time: ‘‘Sally,
you don’t know how delighted I am to hear
you considering marriage just like — and —.
Believe me, nothing would make father and
me happier than,’’ etc., ‘‘and that’s why we’re
doing — and —, to make that day come
sooner.’’ The parents had to be as ingenious as
their daughter in changing the words as they
retained the theme to keep up with her
changing presentations of the same theme
(she had had considerably more experience).
By the third week, hallucinations were re-
placed by conversations with the existent
family. What the parents said was true, and
she was treated with responses that respected
her dignity and also moved the program
along. (pp. 51–52; see also Layng & Andronis,
1984, for additional examples)
instructional and abstractional con-
trol, Goldiamond wrote extensively
on the topic of rules and their role in
understanding behavior. He was
quick to point out that any conse-
quentially governed behavior could
be described as meeting contingency
rules for reinforcement. That is, once
criteria required for reinforcement
were identified, one could describe
the rule for reinforcement availabili-
ty. This rule could then be provided
ensued would be maintained as long
as the behavior continued to provide
potent consequences within its con-
tingency context (Goldiamond, 1966;
Goldiamond & Thompson, 1967/
2004). Skinner (1966) alluded to this
when he wrote of the ‘‘inspection of
reinforcement contingencies.’’ Goldia-
mond, however, cautioned that pat-
terns, which may be overlooked by
either patients or therapists, other
than the ones established by the rule
might provide more benefits with
fewer costs. Regardless, Goldiamond
(1978/1983) maintained that rule
statement was irrelevant to contin-
gency control, and that the statement
of a rule by the patient or therapist
was no guarantee that the contingen-
cies were accurately being described.
Rules do not cause behavior, nor does
behavior cause rules or insight into
them:
often follow rules of conduct relatable to
histories of Oc-(BRS) relations; they may
then (or may not) explicitly state the induced
rules to others and to themselves. … Thus, as
used here, awareness, insight, and explicit
induction of rules are not the epiphenomena
to which operationism often assigns them.
They do not linearly cause behavior (OcRA-
wareness [etc.] R Behavior), nor do behaviors
cause awareness, etc. (OcRBehaviorRAware-
ness). Both awareness (insight, explicit induc-
tion) and behavior are governed by the
contingencies and their histories. The fact that
one can occasionally precede the other indi-
cates causality no more than it does in
emotion and behavior. And, as in different
classes of behavior with different histories,
they should not be expected to have identical
contingency relations. … If presence of
insight, or awareness of contingencies, is
irrelevant to control by contingencies, instruc-
tions on the nature of the present contingen-
cies or of those to be instituted may facilitate
occurrence of the required patterns, or may
not, depending on the conditions. Among the
critical conditions is whether or not conse-
quences follow upon behavior in accord with
instructions about the rule. (p. 14)
rules for their patterns, or therapists
might describe patient patterns in
terms of rules or ‘‘misrules.’’ It
rule stating and the patterns observed
are both governed by alternative sets
of consequential arrangements. That
is, each may have its own conse-
quences and alternatives. He noted a
further caution: Rules may be ab-
stracted from adventitious relations,
where from time to time consequenc-
es may occur but may not be func-
tionally related to the behavior. He
admonished both patients and thera-
pists to be cautious when stating
rules that describe apparent conse-
quential relations (Goldiamond, 1978/
1983):
may be used to induce rules which may then
function instructionally. In any case of in-
struction-governed behavior, if the contingen-
cy rule applied is incongruent with the actual
Oc-(BRS) arrangements, instructional control
may be transient. However, precaution is
necessary here. Adventitiously reinforced be-
havior is likely to be reinforced only intermit-
tently. Related abstractions and instructions
induced from these are, because of the
adventitious reinforcement attached to behav-
ior under their control, likely to be spurious.
Because of the intermittency of the reinforce-
ment, the spurious instructions are likely to be
long-lived (cf. Skinner, 1977), despite the
simultaneous availability of less spurious
instructional and abstractional systems.
(p. 15)
putative controlling consequences
observed may not be maintaining
the disturbing patterns or may be
maintaining them only adventitious-
ly. As a result, alternatives may be
available that either had been over-
looked by the patient, or in the past
have been unavailable, or might
become available with a relatively
small change in repertoire. A thera-
pist might be tempted to suggest a
patient may be following a defective
rule or is insensitive to his or her
consequential contingencies. As not-
ed earlier, another approach is to
consider the behavior to be the
sensible outcome of a consequential
history not unlike that described by
Sidman (1960). It is a combination of
es within the contingency matrix that
accounts for the pattern. Often, the
alternative contingencies as experi-
enced by the patient, and what Gol-
diamond called ‘‘developmental
costs’’ (i.e., the effort involved in
learning or transferring repertoires),
may keep patients boxed in to their
particular contingency matrix.
Disturbing patterns that apparently
produced no consequences other than
aversive ones were often found to be
the lesser of two or more evils when
available alternative relations were
considered. The patterns appeared
irrational or maladaptive only in a
linear ‘‘lone contingency’’ frame-
work. Overlooking the fact that a
pattern can produce more than one
consequence and thereby considering
only the costs and ignoring the
benefits, especially in terms of the
available alternatives, was another
outcome of a linear analysis. In
addition, there was the recognition
of ‘‘vestigial’’ patterns. These are
patterns that at one time paid off
but do so no longer, or are now
maintained by sporadic adventitious
consequences. These patterns are
largely maintained by the cost of
giving them up, as noted above.
dure, or diagnostically based inter-
vention is possible. Matching treat-
ment to diagnostic topography may
have limited success, except perhaps
when the presenting complaint is a
vestigial pattern, or when there has
been a change in the contingency
matrix prior to seeking therapy. Each
individual’s multiple contingency
context, and the histories of those
contingency relations, need to be
examined. This is why Goldiamond
(1974b) required his students to begin
their case presentations like this:
1. Identifying information
Brief description of patient and a few qualifying
statements which are relevant to what follows.
Use A3 as the resolution toward which this
presentation is directed. Weave in various
items from questionnaire and other sources to
present a coherent picture of a person
functioning highly competently, given his
circumstances and implicit or explicit goals.
Present the history of the person as an
example of such competence, giving evidence
wherever available.
3. Symptom as costly operant
Infer how, as a result of A2, the patterns
shaped and reinforced up to now are now too
costly or otherwise jeopardizing the patient.
Infer what reinforcers are presently maintain-
ing patterns, sources, and type of jeopardy
and its source. This should be brief and simply
stated as what led up to this. (p. 80; for the
rest of the case presentation guide, see Goldia-
mond, 1974b)
by asking patients what it would be
like for them 6 months after libera-
tion day from their problems. Within
the first few sessions, observable
goals were described that both ther-
apist and patient agreed to work to
achieve. Sometimes these goals would
change, but if so, they would be
clearly stated in terms of observable
outcomes. If a person came into
therapy because of panic attacks, it
would be ascertained what the indi-
vidual would be doing if the attacks
were gone. The goal would not be to
eliminate the attacks, but to produce
the outcomes achievable only if the
attacks were gone. This was contrast-
ed with the individual’s current situ-
ation. Patient strengths and past
successes were also investigated. This
was the starting point for the pro-
gram. An initial contingency analysis
of the disturbing pattern and its
alternatives was made from data
obtained from the original interview
and patient logs (and, at times,
speaking with others). This analysis
was presented to the patient; no
records, notes, or other write-ups
were kept from the individual seeking
help. Every week subgoals based on
the past week’s successes and related
to the program goals were identified
and methods suggested, derived from
the ongoing contingency analysis, for
reaching them. As described above,
documented the application of the
procedures, provided occasions for
analysis, and showed what was suc-
cessful and what was not. Success
was defined by whether or not the
patient achieved the stated observ-
able outcomes (for a more detailed
discussion of the processes, see Gol-
diamond, 1974b, 1975b, 1979b, 1984;
Goldiamond & Schwartz, 1975; Layng,
2006; Merley & Layng, 1976).
and Systemic Interventions
a close, research efforts were increas-
ingly directed toward understanding
the topical versus systemic interven-
tion differences. Travis (1982) inves-
tigated what would happen if patients
whose initial analysis indicated a
topical intervention was sufficient
were placed in a systemic interven-
tion, and those whose initial analysis
indicated a systemic intervention was
necessary were placed in a topical-
only intervention. The data were
informative: As predicted, progress
in therapy appeared to be contingent
on the proper intervention.
key distinction. This time it was the
difference between emotions as con-
tingency descriptors and emotional
behavior. For instance, acting angrily
or depressively might not always
anger or feeling depressed. If a
contingency that produced an emo-
tion also produced related behavior,
it could be selected by its consequenc-
es just like any other operant. If
feeling angry and having the physio-
logical indicators often associated
with reports of such feeling were
required to meet the consequential
requirements, then they would occur.
It became clear that physiological or
organic responses could enter into the
definition of the operant. This was
highlighted when a case of stigmata
(bleeding from the palms) was shown
to be an operant and was successfully
treated systemically by addressing
marital relations, and when intense
and uncontrollable blushing was suc-
cessfully treated with a topical func-
tional analysis (Goldiamond, 1974b).
In the systemic case, marital issues
needed attention; the stigmata them-
selves were not directly addressed. In
the topical case, the patient was
taught not to try to fight or control
her blushing, but instead to heed it
and use the early sensations as an
indicator that she needed to intervene
in a social situation that might lead to
intense blushing. Special procedures
were developed that helped to distin-
guish between emotions as contin-
gency descriptors or amplifiers and
emotional behavior as operants or, as
in the case of blushing just cited,
some of each (for a more recent and
extensive discussion, see Layng,
2006).
paper that formally described his
nonlinear or alternative sets ap-
proach and its implications for be-
havioral formulations in general.
Later (1976b) he gave an inside look
at his personal use of this approach by
describing its application to his own
injury that left him in a wheelchair (see
also Goldiamond, 1974a). He extend-
ed his nonlinear analysis to problems
of social significance (1974b), and
continued to do so through a series
of publications that directly addressed
mental tests were used. Years of psychophys-
ical research have shown these indicators to be
highly unreliable. The reader will recall the
correspondence in the survey responses of
college students to the survey responses of
what pilots felt in combat. Patient verbal
behavior can change such that words indicat-
ing satisfaction may increase in frequency and
come to more closely correspond to survey
entries indicating improvement (the score
sheet). One form of therapy may be judged
more successful than another if it produces
more matches to a specified ‘‘measurement
instrument’’ than another therapy. Change the
score sheet, and the result might reverse. As
Goldiamond was fond of saying, ‘‘insight is
achieved when the patient describes his or her
behavior as the therapist would.’’
1976b, 1977). In 1978, Goldiamond’s
Midwestern Association of Behavior
Analysis (which later became the
Association for Behavior Analysis)
presidential address formally provid-
ed a ‘‘Programming Contingency
Analysis of Mental Health’’ (Gol-
diamond, 1978/1983). It was brilliant,
and detailed a comprehensive behav-
ior-analytic approach to understand-
ing clinically relevant behavior, in-
cluding the relations among behavior,
genetics, and other physiological var-
iables. He later submitted a revised
and expanded version as a book
chapter that was to be a part of a
larger compilation, only later to with-
draw it when the editors asked that it
be shortened. Copies do exist of this
work, and may yet be published.
Goldiamond (1979a) first publicly
described in print his discovery of the
distinction between topical and sys-
temic interventions.
diamond and his students would
continue to refine and extend the
nonlinear analysis, both in the clinic
and in the laboratory. Schedules of
reinforcement were shown to influ-
ence gastrointestinal behavior when
schedule-induced defecation was dis-
covered (Gimenez, Andronis, & Gol-
diamond, 1987; Rayfield, Segal, &
Goldiamond, 1982). The implications
for the treatment of irritable bowel
syndrome and similar conditions
were investigated in conjunction with
physicians from the department of
medicine. Changes in reinforcement
schedules for key pecking were
shown to result in the recurrence of
extinguished head banging in pi-
geons, which replicated similar ob-
servations made in the clinic and
suggested that relapse was a normal
rather than pathological behavioral
process (Layng, Andronis, & Gol-
diamond, 1999). Pigeon research
showed how component repertoires
that were a function of one set of
consequences could combine and be
selected by other consequences to
function. Further, concepts such as
empathy, projection, symbolic ag-
gression, and taking another’s per-
spective could all be traced to the
combination and selection of reper-
toires by social contingencies that
could be demonstrated in the pigeon
(Andronis, 1987; Andronis, Layng, &
Goldiamond, 1997). This brought
new insights to understanding issues
of symptom choice and the origina-
tion of disturbing patterns from
nondisturbing components, including
diathesis stress models (see, Zubin &
Spring, 1977). Clinical practice in-
formed laboratory investigation, and
laboratory research, in turn, helped
to improve clinical practice.
last clinical paper that, in greater
detail and with more refinement,
described his nonlinear analysis and
systemic approach. Other papers
were published, including one by his
students that described their work
combining Goldiamond’s nonlinear
analysis with Skinner’s (1957) ap-
proach to verbal behavior in the
treatment of delusions and hallucina-
tions (Layng & Andronis, 1984).
Goldiamond retired in the late
1980s, but did not stop working and
refining his approach.
marathon lab meetings in which both
experimental and clinical work were
excitedly described, dissected, and
analyzed, Goldiamond continued to
collaborate with his students until his
death in 1996. Unfortunately, after
his death, countless files, case analy-
ses, intervention details, and data
sheets from carefully controlled re-
search were destroyed, in accord with
the privacy policy of the University
of Chicago. Nevertheless, the results
of Goldiamond’s journey can provide
the clinical behavior analyst with
extraordinary research and treatment
opportunities that may greatly
broaden our knowledge of how
selection by consequences can explain
complex behavior, emotions, and
have continued to refine and extend
both his nonlinear analysis and his
analysis of emotions and emotional
behavior. This work is the subject of
a larger work in preparation.
tive commentary on Goldiamond’s
constructional approach eloquently
observed,
ward a Constructional Approach to Social
Problems,’’ I am reminded anew of the scope
and power of the work of this great behavior
analyst. … But most interesting, certainly to
the clinician, is the reader’s sense of being in
the ‘‘presence’’ of a truly great clinician. The
subtlety and sensitivity, the humor and the
understanding, are omnipresent in the details
of treatment that Goldiamond describes. It is
interesting that we are able to detect that he
fully understood and cared about the clients
with whom he worked, while he consistently
described his observations and tactics in
scientific terms (with a few apologies for
everyday language use). (p. 202)
his students helped hundreds of
patients. A wide range of conditions
were treated including stuttering,
disorders, eating disorders, phobias,
schizophrenia and related diagno-
ses, borderline syndrome, depression,
anxiety, catatonia, drug addiction,
posttraumatic stress disorder, brain
injury, marital and family problems,
and many others. In each case, the
disturbing patterns were shown to be
sensible outcomes of their nonlinear
consequential contingencies, as was
the rich and very productive thinking
of Israel Goldiamond.
ation between pigeons: An experimental
analysis of some determinants of a complex
social pattern. Proceedings of the American
Association for the Advancement of Science,
153 (Abstract 607).
mond, I. (1997). Contingency adduction of
‘‘symbolic aggression’’ by pigeons. The
Analysis of Verbal Behavior, 14, 5–17.
(1961). Response bias in questionnaire
reports. Journal of Consulting Psychology,
25, 324–326.
mond, I. (1961). The control of content of
conversation through reinforcement. Jour-
nal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior,
4, 25–30.
reversal: A method of eliminating nervous
habits and tics. Behavior Research & Ther-
apy, 11, 619–628.
ies: The social organization of cultural
difference. London: Allen & Unwin.
deviation from the matching law: Bias and
undermatching. Journal of the Experimental
Analysis of Behavior, 22, 231–242.
ed.). Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Archives of General Psychiatry, 25, 298–305.
quantitative properties of anxiety. Journal of
Experimental Psychology, 29, 390–400.
(1958). Operant stuttering: The control of
stuttering behavior through response con-
tingent consequences. Journal of the Exper-
imental Analysis of Behavior, 1, 173–177.
(1959). Instatement of stuttering in normally
fluent individuals through operant proce-
dures. Science, 130(3381), 979–981.
mond, I. (1987). Estudo de algumas va-
riaveis de procedimento na defecacao in-
duzida por esquemas de reforcamento [Study
of some procedural variables on schedule-
induced defecation]. Psicologia: Teoria e
Pesquisa, 3(2), 104–116.
P. T. (2003). Contribuições de Israel Goldia-
mond para o desenvolvimento da análise do
comportamento. [Contributions of Israel
Goldiamond to the development of the
analysis of behavior.] In M. Brando et al.
(Eds.), Sobre comportamento e cognicao
(Vol. 11, pp. 34–46). Santo Andre, Brazil:
ESETec Editores Associados.
mond’s ‘‘Toward a Constructional Ap-
proach to Social Problems.’’ Behavior and
Social Issues, 11(2), 202–203.
tion: I. Subliminal perception, subception,
unconscious perception: An analysis in
terms of psychophysical indicator method-
ology. Psychological Bulletin, 55, 373–411.
subliminal advertising as a misunderstand-
ing of science. American Psychologist, 14,
598–599.
Bachrach (Ed.), The experimental founda-
tions of clinical psychology (pp. 280–340).
New York: Basic Books.
demonstration procedure in stimulus con-
trol, abstraction, and environmental pro-
gramming. Journal of the Experimental
Analysis of Behavior, 7, 216.
perceptual communication. In Disorders of
communication. Research Publications of the
Association for Research in Nervous and
Mental Diseases, 42, chapter 23.
dures in personal behavior problems. Psy-
chological Reports, 17, 851–868. Mono-
graph Supplement 3-V 17. (Reprinted in
R. W. Ulrich, T. J. Stachnik, & J. H. Mabry
(Eds.). The control of human behavior (pp.
115–122). Chicago: Scott Foresman.)
cy as manipulatable operant response clas-
ses. In L. Krasner & L. P. Ullman (Eds.),
Research in behavior modification (pp. 106–
156). New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Win-
ston.
and conceptualization rules. In B. Klein-
muntz (Ed.), Problem solving (pp. 183–224).
New York: Wiley.
functional analysis. Psychology Today, 2(9),
31–34, 69–70.
ant conditioning. In C. A. Thomas (Ed.),
Current trends in army medical service
psychology (pp. 198–231). Aurora, CO:
Department of the Army, Fitzsimmons
General Hospital.
human behavior. In M. Wertheimer (Ed.),
Confrontation: Psychology and the problems
of today (pp. 254–406). Glenview, IL: Scott
Foresman.
modification. Psychology Today, 11, 95–
102.
tional approach to social problems: Ethi-
cal and constitutional issues raised by
applied behavior analysis. Behaviorism, 2,
1–84.
framework for behavioral formulations and
research. Behaviorism, 3, 49–85.
approach to self control. In A. Schwartz &
I. Goldiamond (Eds.), Social casework: A
behavioral approach (pp. 67–130). New
York: Columbia University.
modification for legal regulation: Some
effects on patient care, psychotherapy, and
research in general. Arizona Law Review, 17,
105–126.
subjects and patients: A social contingency
analysis of distinctions between research
and practice, and its implications. Behavior-
ism, 4(1), 1–41.
administered behavior therapies for profes-
sional overview. American Psychologist, 31,
142–147.
lems: A constructional approach. Rehabili-
tation Psychology, 22, 103–116.
tingency analysis of mental health (MABA
Presidential Speech, revised and expanded
1983). Israel Goldiamond Papers, Accession
No. 2005-59, University of Chicago Library
Special Collections Research Center Ar-
chives and Manuscripts.
es and liaison psychiatry. Psychiatric Clinics
of North America, 2, 379–401.
tional behavior: A consequential analysis and
treatment. Audiotape, Association for the
Advancement of Behavior Therapy. New
York: BMA Audio Cassettes Publisher.
ethicists in nonlinear behavior analysis. In
R. F. Dangel & R. A. Polster (Eds.), Parent
training: Foundations of research and prac-
tice (pp. 504–546). New York: Guilford.
C. (1962). Stabilization of behavior under
prolonged exposure to delayed auditory
feedback. Science, 135, 437–438.
applications and implications of behavioral
analysis for psychotherapy. In J. M. Shlien
(Ed.), Research in psychotherapy (Vol. 3,
pp. 54–89). Washington, DC: American
Psychological Association.
(1965). Practice as research in professional
psychology. Canadian Psychologist, 6, 110–
128.
Operant stuttering: The use of delayed
feedback as aversive stimulus in the operant
control of stuttering. Journal of the Amer-
ican Speech and Hearing Association, 1, 93.
Vexierversuch: The log relationship between
word-frequency and recognition obtained in
the absence of stimulus words. Journal of
Experimental Psychology, 56, 457–463.
Locus of hypnotically induced changes in
color vision responses. Journal of the Optical
Society of America, 1117–1121.
Smith case. In A. Schwartz & I. Goldia-
mond (Eds.), Social casework: A behavioral
approach (pp. 131–192). New York: Colum-
bia University.
blue books: Goldiamond & Thompson’s the
functional analysis of behavior, P. T. Andro-
nis (Ed.). Cambridge, MA: Cambridge Cen-
ter for Behavioral Studies. (original work
published 1967)
strength of response as a function of
frequency of reinforcement. Journal of the
267–272.
properties of punishment. Journal of the
Experimental Analysis of Behavior, 4,
225–232.
exchange. The American Journal of Sociol-
ogy, 63, 597–606.
(1960). Application of operant conditioning
procedures to reinstate verbal behavior in
psychotics. Journal of Speech and Hearing
Disorders, 25, 8–12.
Principles of psychology: A systematic text in
the science of behavior. Cambridge, MA: B.
F. Skinner Foundation. (Original work
published 1950)
complexity: Old lessons new crusades. Jour-
nal of Behavior Therapy and Experimental
Psychiatry, 26, 249–258.
tional behavior: A constructional approach
to understanding some social benefits of
aggression. Brazilian Journal of Behavior
Analysis, 2(2), 155–170.
Toward a functional analysis of delusional
speech and hallucinatory behavior. The
Behavior Analyst, 7, 139–156.
mond, I. (1999). Animal models of psy-
chopathology: The establishment, mainte-
nance, attenuation, and persistence of head-
banging by pigeons. Journal of Behavior
Therapy and Experimental Psychiatry, 30,
45–61.
P. T., & Layng, M. (1976). Programmed
instruction, self-control, and in-patient psychi-
atry. Educational Resource Clearinghouse
(ERIC), Document Listing No. 142 886.
behavior. New York: Wiley.
psychiatry and programed instruction: Ap-
plication and research in constructional
theory. Improving Human Performance
Quarterly, 5, 35–46.
(1982). Schedule-induced defecation. Jour-
nal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior,
38, 19–34.
control. Journal of the Experimental Analy-
sis of Behavior, 1, 265–280.
ological behavior. Science, 132, 61–68.
behavior. New York: Free Press.
wood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
problem solving. In B. Kleinmuntz (Ed.),
theory (pp. 225–257). New York: Wiley.
(Reprinted in Contingencies of reinforce-
ment: A theoretical analysis. New York:
Appleton Century-Crofts, 1969)
dence. Humanist, 31(3), 10–11.
repertoires and professional programming
lished doctoral dissertation, University of
Chicago.
Theory of games and economic behavior.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
A new view of schizophrenia. Journal of
Abnormal Psychology, 86, 103–126.
Order an Essay Now & Get These Features For Free:
